THE  PADRAIO  UA  CAS AIDE 
MEMORIAL  COLLECT!® 


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oWtBEDt-tr  emmetf. 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 

OF 

ROBERT  EMMET. 


R.  R.  MADDEN  M.D.,  M.R.I.A. 

WITH  NUMEROUS  NOTES  AND  ADDITIONS. 

AND  A PORTRAIT  ON  STEKL. 

ALSO  A 

MEMOIR  OF 

THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 

WITH  A PORTRAIT  OH  STEEL. 


NEW  YORK : 

P.  M.  HAVERTY. 

P.  J.  KENEDY, 
EXCELSIOR  CATHOLIC  PUBLISHING  HOUSE, 

5 Barclay  Street. 


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Sstkrid  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  18M 
BY  P.  M.  HAVKRTT, 

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the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


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PREFACE. 


The  publisher  deems  it  necessary  to  state  that  some  liberties  have 
been  taken  with  the  original  text  of  Madden’s  Life  of  Robert  Em 
met,  by  leaving  out  some  letters  and  other  matter  relating  more 
propeny  to  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  most  of  which,  however,  has 
been  introduced  in  the  memoir  of  the  latter.  Other  slight  alterations 
have  been  found  necessary  in  order  to  render  the  history  more  clear 
and  connected. 

Valuable  additions  have  been  made  to  the  work,  in  the  shape  of 
notes  and  extracts,  from  all  recent  authorities  which  could  throw 
light  on  either  the  subject  of  the  memoir,  his  times,  or  contempo- 
raries. 

The  memoir  of  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  has  been  taken  almost 
verbatim  from  Madden  and  Haines,  with  additions  from  other 
lources  where  they  could  be  introduced  with  advantage  to  the  work 


CONTENTS 


PfLEFAClL  - PAGft 


CHAPTER  L 

Robert  Emmet,  his  early  history. — His  career  at  College — Display 
at  the  Historical  Society,  (Note). — Judge  Lefroy,  (Note). — 
Moore’s  opinion  of  Robert  Emmet. — The  late  Judge  Johnston, 
(Note). — Refusal  to  obey  the  Chancellor’s  summons,  aitd  its  re- 
sults.— Visit  to  the  Continent  in  1800.  - - - - 8 

CHAPTER  II. 

Robert  Emmet  connected  with  the  proceedings  of  the  United  Irish- 
men in  Paris. — His  study  of  works  on  Military  Science. — Dow- 
dall,  Despard’s  agent,  connected  with  Emmet. — Mr.  Lewis  Gold- 
smith’s account  of  Despard. — Of  his  own  career. — Of  his  con- 
nection with  Talleyrand. — Of  Messrs.  Badini,  Beauvoisin,  <fcc. — 
Despard’s  trial  and  conviction. — His  wife,  (Note) — His  execu- 
tion.— The  Secret  Committee  of  England. — Benjamin  Pemberton 
Binns,  (Note).  - - - - - - -10 

CHAPTER  III. 

Treaty  of  Amiens. — Views  of  the  high  contracting  parties. — 
Warlike  preparations  in  1803. — Emmet’s  unfavourable  opinion 
of  Buonaparte. — Rupture,  invasion,  panic. — Intercepted  cor- 
respondence. - - - - - - - 22 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Renewed  efforts  of  the  United  Irishmen  in  Paris,  in  1803. — Thomas 
Addis  Emmet’s  interview  with  the  First  Consul. — Account  of 
communication  with  Buonaparte. — Reply  of  the  latter  to  T.  A. 
Emmet. — Letters  from  T.  A.  Emmet  to  Dr.  Macneven.  - 36 

CHAPTER  V. 

Robert  Emmet’s  return  to  Ireland,  October  1802. — Intercourse 
with  John  Keogh,  <fcc. — Keogh’s  papers  seized. — Fitzgerald’s 
account  of  Long’s  connection  with  Emmet. — Lord  Kilwarden, 
(Note). — Amount  of  money  advanced  by  Long. — William  Put- 
nam McCabe,  (Note).  - - - - 60 


ir 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VI.  paok. 

Government  acquainted  with  the  preparations  for  insurrection. — 
Parties  of  respectability  engaged  in  the  conspiracy. — Thomas 
Russell,  (Note). — James  Hope,  (Note). — Robert  Emmet’s  plans 
at  Milltown  to  elude  pursuit. — Residence  at  Harold’s  Cross. — 
Hope’s  statement  of  the  preparations. — Depots  in  Patrick  street, 
in  Winetavern  street,  <fcc.,  (Note). — Workmen  in  the  Depots. — 
Cornet  Brown  killed  by  Howley. — Condon,  the  murderer  of 
Mr.  Darragh. — Duggan’s  account  of  the  preparations. — Clarke, 
of  Palmerstown,  wounded  the  23rd  of  July.  - - - 59 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Great  bonfires  in  Dublin,  the  14th  of  July. — Explosion  in  Patrick 
street. — Account  of  Military  stores. — Robert  Emmet’s  picture 
of  an  enthusiast. — His  conspiracy  and  that  of  Portugal  com- 
pared.— 23rd  of  July,  Divided  councils,  treachery,  disconcerted 
plans. — Scullabogue,  (Note). — Assemblages  at  Hevey’s,  and 
Rourke’s,  in  Thomas  street. — Emmet  at  the  head  of  80  men,  on 
the  23rd  of  July. — Murderous  attack  on  Mr.  Leech,  in  Thomas 
street. — Lord  Kilwarden’s  murder,  (Note). — Rout  of  the  insur- 
gents.— Colonel  Brown  killed. — Robert  Emmet’s  statement  of 
his  plans  and  objects.  - - - - - 78 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Account  of  the  principal  leaders  and  most  active  agents. — John 
Allen. — William  Dowdall. — Henry  Howley. — D.  L.  Redmond.  96 

CHAPTER  IX 

Account  of  Michael  Dwyer  and  his  men. — Of  Thomas  Brangan. 
—Of  John  Hevey.  - - - 107 

CHAPTER  X 

Suspension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  29th  of  July,  1803. — De- 
bate on. — Mr.  Sheridan’s  consistency. — Lord  Castlereagh’s  de- 
fence of  the  Irish  Government. — Sir  William  Elliott’s  charge 
against  it,  of  connivance. — Lord  Castlereagh’s  opinion  of  the 
clemency  of  Government  in  1798. — Lord  Temple’s  allusion  to 
impeachment  of  ministers. — Martial  Law  Bill,  5th  of  December, 
1803. — Seizure  and  imprisonment  of  members. — Irish  Parlia- 
ment House,  Exchange,  and  Corn  Market  converted  into  bar- 
racks.— Mr.  Houlton  of  the  Navy,  equipped  by  Government  as 
a rebel  officer. — Sent  to  the  North  to  inveigle  the  people  *nto 
sedition.  - - ....  llfl 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Anne  Devlin  arrested  at  Emmet’s  house  in  Butterfield  Lane, 
(Note). — Her  account  of  the  night  of  the  23rd  of  July. — The 


CONTENTS. 


▼ 


PAG*. 

retreat  to  Butterfield  Lane. — Flight  to  the  mountains  — Search 
of  the  house  by  the  military. — Barbarous  treatment  of  Anne 
Devlin,  tortured,  and  half  hanged. — Her  sufferings,  solitary 
confinements,  and  crulties  of  Dr.  Trevor. — Her  extraordinary 
fortitude  and  fidelity. — Accompanies  the  author  to  the  house  in 
Butterfield-lane. — Trevor  the  Kilmainham  Inquisitor,  the  Telles 
Jordao  of  Ireland.  - - - - -131 


CHAPTER  XIL 

Emmet’s  return  to  Dublin. — His  reason  for  it. — His  intended  com- 
munication to  Government  in  order  to  stop  executions. — His 
arrest. — Major  Sirr,  (Note). — Persons  suspected  of  betraying 
him. — Mr.  Malachy  Delany. — Mr.  McCarthy. — Mr.  Leonard 
M‘Nally. — Receivers  of  Secret  Service  money  in  1803.  • 147 

CHAPTER  XIIL 

Attempt  to  effect  the  escape  of  Robert  Emmet. — Statement  of  Mr. 
Mason. — Lord  Lieutenant’s  Dispatch. — Acknowledgement  of 
Emmet’s  “ magnanimity.”  - - ...  - Igfl 

CHAPTER  XIY. 

Trial  of  Robert  Emmet. — Examination  of  witnesses. — Speech  of 
the  Right  Hon.  W.  C.  Plunket. — Extracts  from  a speech  of  his 
in  1800. — Robert  Emmet’s  Speech. — Moore’s  letter  to  McKenzie, 
(Note). — Lord  Norbury’s  interruptions. — Emmet’s  sentence  to 
• death. — Plunket’s  affidavit  in  1811. — Question  of  his  acquaint- 
ance with  Emmet’s  family.  .....  174 

CHAPTER  XY. 

Emmet’s  attachment  to  Sarah  Curran. — Curran’s  papers  examin- 
ed.— His  personal  examination  before  the  Privy  Council. — Em- 
met’s letters  to  Miss  Curran  in  the  hands  of  Major  Sirr. — His 
letter  to  J.  P.  Curran. — To  Richard  Curran. — Sarah  Curran,  the 
story  of  the  broken  heart. — Her  mournful  fate. — Lines  on  her 
visit  to  the  grave  of  her  lover. — Leaves  her  father’s  house.— 

Her  residence  in  Cork. — Her  marriage. — Her  death  in  Sicily.— 
Account  of  Major  Sturgeon.  .....  204 

CHAPTER  XYL 

Horning  of  the  day  of  Emmet’s  execution. — Is  visited  by  M'Nally, 
(Note).— His  mother’s  death  communicated  to  him. — His  reli- 
gious sentiments. — Is  attended  by  Dr.  Gamble. — Led  to  execu- 
tion, (Note). — Particulars  of  execution,  (Note). — The  dogs  lap- 
ping up  his  blood  under  the  scaffold. — The  burial  of  the  remains 
in  the  Hospital  Fields. — The  removal  of  his  remains.— The  tomb 
“uninscribed”  in  Michan’s  Church-yard,  (Note).  - • 390 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XYIL  page. 

The  character  of  Robert  Emmet. — His  personal  appearance. — 
Pieces  of  Poetry  of  his  heretofore,  unpublished.  - - 282 

APPENDIX. 

Manifesto  of  the  Provisional  Government,  written  by  Emmet,  - 247 
Proclamation,  written  by  Long,  -----  259 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  his  father  and  brothers, 

His  personal  appearance, 

Intended  for  the  medical  profession, 

Travels,  and  decides  on  going  to  the  bar, 

— — Takes  the  United  Irish  Oath  in  public  Court, 

Enters  actively  into  Politics, 

Tone’s  interview  with  Russell  and  Emmet, 

The  United  Irish  System,  - 
Emmet  becomes  one  of  the  Directory, 

Emmet’s  opinion  on  foreign  aid,  - - - 

opinion  of  Napoleon,  - 

Arrest  on  the  12th  of  March,  1798,  • 

Emmet’s  wife,  ------ 

Negotiations  entered  into  by  the  State  prisoners  with  the  Irish 
Government,  ------ 

Emmet’s  statement  of  the  transaction,  - 
Emmet’s  examination  before  the  Secret  Committee  of  the  House 
of  Lords,  ...  - 

before  the  Secret  Committee  of  the  House 


of  Commons,  - 

He  receives  orders  to  prepare  for  embarkation, 

His  sister  obtains  an  interview  with  Lord  Cornwallis,  - 

Arrival  at  Fort  George,  - 

Kindness  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Stuart,  - 

Mrs.  Emmet  refused  permission  to  accompany  her  husband, 

Ultimately  obtains  leave  to  share  his  prison, 

Birth  of  Jane  Erin  Emmet  in  prison,  - 

Arrival  of  the  list  of  pardoned  persons  at  Fort  George,  T.  A. 

Emmet’s  name  not  included,  - - - 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Stuart  takes  the  responsibility,  and  sets  him 
at  liberty,  - - - 

Proceeds  to  the  Continent,  where  he  meets  his  brother  Robert, 


263 

264 


« 

265 

266 
a 

268 

M 

269 

u 

270 

271 
« 


274 

281 

289 

<« 

<« 

M 

29C 

291 

298 


u 


M 


«« 


CONTENTS. 


vii 


Embarks  for  America,  and  arrives  at  New  York,  - - 294 

Charles  Glidden  Haines’s  Memoir  of  Emmet, 

Emmet  purposes  to  go  West,  - - - - 4 

Is  dissuaded  from  so  doing,  ....  295 

George  and  De  Witt  Clinton  advise  him  to  remain  in  New  York,  “ 
Fruitless  opposition  to  his  being  allowed  to  practice  at  the  bar 

of  New  York,  .....  296 

Commences  his  career  in  America,  - - - “ 

His  democratic  principles,  ....  297 

League  of  the  federalist  lawyers  against  him,  - - “ 

His  great  success  at  the  bar,  ....  298 

Controversy  with  Mr.  Rufus  King,  - • “ 

Emmet  is  appointed  Attorney-general  of  the  State  of  New  York,  299 
Haines’s  opinion  of  T.  A.  Emmet’s  abilities  and  eloquence,  “ 

His  readiness  at  retort,  - - - - - 301 

Answer  to  Mr.  Pinckney’s  attack,  - - - 302 

His  kindness  of  disposition,  - - - - “ 

Letter  from  Rufus  King  to  the  Irish  State  prisoners  in  1799,  803 

Emmett’s  first  letter  to  Rufus  King,  ...  305 

second  do.  “ “ - - 806 

Extracts  of  other  Letters,  - - • 814 

Irish  Exiles  in  America,  - • • - 815 

Robert  Holmes,  (Note),  - - - • -316 

Emmet’s  widow,  - - - - - 318 

His  family,  - - - 819 

Death  of  Emmet,  - - - - - 820 

Tablet  to  his  memory  in  the  Court-room,  • • - “ 

Judge  Duer’s  opinion  of  Emmet,  - * * 821 

Observations  of  Dr.  Macneven,  ....  822 
Extract  from  Magoon’s  American  Orators,  - - 823 

Monument  to  Emmet’s  memory  in  St.  Paul’s  Church-yard,  New 
York,  - - - - *824 

Inscription  on  monument  in  English,  Latin  and  Irish.  826 


MEMOIR 


OP 

ROBERT  EMMET. 


“His  memory  be  green.” 

Shakspeare. 

CHAPTER  I. 

It  is  now  * forty  years  since  Robert  Emmet  pronounced  that 
memorable  speech,  wherein  he  said — “ I have  but  few  words 
more  to  say — I am  going  to  my  cold  and  silent  grave — my 
lamp  of  life  is  nearly  extinguished — I have  parted  with  every 
thing  that  was  dear  to  me  in  this  life,  for  my  country’s  cause  ; 
with  the  idol  of  my  soul,  the  object  of  my  affections  : my  race 
is  run,  the  grave  opens  to  receive  me,  and  I sink  into  its 
bosom  1 

“ I have  but  one  request  to  make,  at  my  departure  from 
this  world — it  is  the  charity  of  its  silence.  Let  no  man  write 
my  epitaph  ; for  as  no  man,  who  knows  my  motives,  dare  now 
vindicate  them,  let  not  prejudice  nor  ignorance  asperse  them. 
Let  them  rest  in  obscurity  and  peace ! Let  my  memory  be 
left  in  oblivion,  and  my  tomb  remain  uninscribed,  until  other 
times,  and  other  men,  can  do  justice  to  my  character  ; when 
my  country  takes  her  place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth, 
then,  and  not  till  then,  let  my  epitaph  be  written.  I have 
done.” 

With  this  solemn  appeal,  at  his  departure  from  this  world, 
for  “ the  charity  of  its  silence,” — till  other  times,  and  other 
men,  could  vindicate  his  motives,  and  do  justice  to  his  charao 


• 1844 


4 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


ter, — a man  must  be  truly  insensible,  and  unfeeling,  and  incon- 
siderate in  his  conduct,  who  could  think  of  approaching  this 
subject  without  the  fullest  sense  of  the  solemnity  of  the  injuno 
tion. 

Robert  Emmet,  the  youngest  son  of  Dr.  Robert  Emmet, 
ras  born  in  Dublin,  in  the  year  1778.*  He  was  sent,  at  an 
early  age,  to  Osw.tld  school,  in  Dopping’s  Court,  off  Golden- 
lane,  near  Bride-street,  a rather  celebrated  school,  at  that  day, 
for  mathematics.  Subsequently  he  was  placed  at  the  well 
known  school  of  Samuel  White,  of  Grafton-street,  and  was 
afterwards  under  the  care  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lewis,  of  Camden- 
street.  He  entered  Trinity  College,  the  7th  of  October,  1798, 
at  the  age  of  fifteen  years,  according  to  the  entry  in  the  col- 
lege book  of  admission.  His  tutor  was  the  Rev.  Mr.  Graves ; 
his  college  course,  like  that  of  his  brothers,  was  brilliant.  He 
obtained  several  prizes,  and  went  through  his  studies  with 
great  eclat.  He  showed,  in  early  life,  great  aptitude  for  the 
exact  sciences,  and  his  predilection  for  mathematics  and  chem- 
istry, continued  during  his  life.  He  was  in  the  habit  of  making 
chemical  experiments  in  his  father’s  house,  and,  on  one  occa- 
sion,  nearly  fell  a victim  to  his  ardour  in  his  favourite  pursuit. 
Mr.  Patten,  the  brother-in-law  of  T.  A.  Emmet,  had  been  stay- 
ing at  his  father’s,  and,  on  the  occasion  referred  to,  had  assisted 
Robert  in  his  experiments.  After  Mr.  Patten  had  retired, 
the  former  applied  himself  to  the  solution  of  a very  difficult 
problem  in  Friend’s  Algebra.  A habit  which  he  never  relin- 
quished, when  deeply  engaged  in  thought,  that  of  biting  his 
nails,  was  the  cause  of  an  accident  which  proved  nearly  fatal 
to  him,  on  the  occasion  in  question.  He  was  seized  with  most 
violent  inward  pains,  these  pains  were  the  effects  of  poison  ; he 
had  been  manipulating  corrosive  sublimate,  and  had,  uncon- 
sciously, on  putting  his  fingers  to  his  mouth,  taken,  internally, 
some  portion  of  the  poison.  Though  fully  aware  of  the  cause 
of  his  sufferings,  and  of  the  danger  he  was  in,  he  abstained 
from  disturbing  his  father,  but  proceeded  to  his  library,  and 
took  down  a volume  of  an  Encyclopaedia,  which  was  in  the 
room.  Having  referred  to  the  article  “ poisons,”  he  found  that 
chalk  was  recommended  as  a prophylactic  in  cases  of  poisoning 

* In  1771  Dr.  Emmet  commenced  practice  in  Moles  worth-street, 
Dublin.  In  1779  he  removed  to  110,  Stephen’s-green,  the  site  of  the 
house  now  numbered  120. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


5 


from  corrosive  sublimate.  He  then  called  to  mind  that  Mr 
Patten  had  been  using  chalk  with  a turning  lathe  in  the  coach- 
house ; he  went  out,  broke  open  the  coach-house  door,  and 
succeeded  in  finding  the  chalk  which  he  made  use  of,  and  then 
set  to  work  again  at  the  puzzling  question,  which  had  before 
baffled  his  endeavours  to  solve.  In  the  morning,  when  he  pre- 
sented himself  at  the  breakfast  table,  his  countenance,  to  use 
the  language  of  my  informant,  (who  was  present,)  “looked  as 
small  and  as  yellow  as  an  orange.”  He  acknowledged  to  this 
gentleman  that  he  had  suffered  all  night  excruciating  tortures, 
and  yet  he  employed  his  mind  in  the  solution  of  that  question, 
which  the  author  of  the  work  acknowledged  was  one  of  extra- 
ordinary difficulty,  and  he  succeeded  in  his  efforts. 

Robert  Emmet’s  connection  with  the  Historical  and  Deba- 
ting Societies  of  Trinity  College  is  well  known.*  I have  con- 
versed with  many  persons  who  had  heard  him  speak  in  those 
societies,  some  of  them  of  very  decided  Tory  politics,  and  I 

* The  first  Historical  Society  was  formed  in  1770,  by  some  mem- 
bers of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  who,  observing  the  deficiencies  of  the 
academic  system,  and  the  total  neglect  of  every  useful  branch  of  belle a 
lettres  in  the  under-graduate  course,  devised  this  means  of  encouraging 
a taste  for  History  and  Elocution ; every  allusion  to  contemporary 
events  or  persons  being  prohibited.  The  Society  flourished  for  about 
twenty-two  years.  The  names  of  some  of  the  greatest  men  that  Ire- 
land can  boast  of,  are  to  be  found  on  the  roll  of  its  members.  Tem- 
ple Emmet,  Bushe,  Plunket,  T.  W.  Tone,  who  filled  the  situation  of 
Auditor;  and  so  early  as  1786,  had  already  “ obtained  three  medals 
from  the  Historical  Society.”  The  old  Society  having  lost  several  of 
its  ablest  members,  and  amongst  others,  its  pride  and  ornament,  Tem- 
ple Emmet,  gradually  declined.  In  1792,  it  was  revived  under  a 
new  name,  “The  Junior  Historical  Society,”  The  Society  in  1794,  en- 
countered the  hostility  of  the  Board  of  Fellows  of  Trinity  College. 
Several  of  its  members,  amongst  whom  were  Tone,  Corbet,  Robert 
Emmet,  James  M’Cabe,  &c.,  were  suspected  by  the  Board  of  enter- 
taining republican  principles,  and  of  making  the  Historical  Society  a 
theatre  for  the  discussion  of  modern  politics.  An  order  for  the  exclu- 
sion of  Extern  Members  was  the  beginning  of  the  war,  which  was 
carried  on  with  much  vehemence  for  a length  of  time  between  the 
College  Board  and  the  Society,  and  enlisted  in  the  quarrel  the  wit, 
eloquence,  learning,  and  satirical  propensities  of  both  parties.  The 
issue  of  a contest  with  the  heads  of  an  institution  in  which  Lord  Clare 
exerted  authority  might  have  been  easily  foreseen.  The  Historical 
Society  got  the  character  of  a Jacobin  club,  its  members  were  placed 
under  the  ban  of  the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  it  finally  broke  down.— 
Madden's  United  Irishmen. 


6 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


never  heard  but  one  opinion  expressed,  of  the  transcendent 
oratorical  powers  he  displayed  there. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Macartney,  Vicar  of  Belfast,  informed  me  that 
he  had  known  Robert  Emmet ; he  was  present  in  the  early 
part  of  1798,  at  a debate  of  the  Historical  Society,  got  up  ex- 
pressly for  the  debut  of  Robert  Emmet.  The  question  was — 
“ Is  a complete  freedom  of  discussion  essential  to  the  well  be- 
ing of  a good  and  virtuous  government.”  By  the  rules  of  the 
Society,  Dr.  Macartney  states,  all  allusion  to  modern  politics 
was  forbidden.  Robert  Emmet,  in  this  his  maiden  speech, 
adroitly  kept  within  the  terms  of  the  rule  ; he  showed  the 
necessity  and  advantage  of  this  liberty  of  discussion  to  all  com- 
munities : and  the  encouragement  it  deserved  from  a good 
government.  He  then  proceeded  to  pourtray  the  evil  effects 
of  the  despotism  and  tyranny  of  the  governments  of  antiquity, 
and  most  eloquently  depicted  those  of  the  governments  of 
Greece  and  Rome.  He  was  replied  to  by  the  present  Judge 
Lefroy,*  and  his  argument  was  rebutted  at  considerable  length. 
Robert  Emmet  delivered  a speech  in  reply,  evidently  unpre- 
meditated, and  showed  extraordinary  ability  in  his  answer  to 
the  objections  started  by  his  opponent.  He  said,  in  conclu- 
sion, “ If  a government  were  vicious  enough  to  put  down  the 
freedom  of  discussion,  it  would  be  the  duty  of  the  people  to 
deliberate  on  the  errors  of  their  rulers,  to  consider  well  the 
wrongs  they  inflicted,  and  what  the  right  course  would  be  for 
their  subjects  to  take,  and  having  done  so,  it  then  would  bt 
their  duty  to  draw  practical  conclusions” 

The  substance  of  the  passage  referred  to,  by  Dr.  Macartney, 
he  said  was  conveyed  in  the  above  words,  but  to  attempt  to 
give  an  idea  of  the  eloquence,  or  animation  of  the  speaker,  was 
impossible. 

Mr.  Moore,  in  his  Life  and  Death  of  Lord  Edward  Fitzger- 
ald, speaks  of  his  young  friend,  and  fellow  student,  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms: — 

“ Were  I to  number,  indeed,  the  men  among  all  I have  ever 
known,  who  appeared  to  me  to  combine  in  the  greatest  degree 
pure  moral  worth,  with  intellectual  power,  I should,  among  the 
highest  of  the  few,  place  Robert  Emmet.  Wholly  free  from 
the  follies  and  frailties  of  youth, — though  how  capable  he  was 

* The  same  who  sentenced  John  Mitchel  to  transportation  in  1848. 


MEMOIIt  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


t 


of  the  most  devoted  passion,  events  afterwards  proved, — the 
pursuit  of  science,  in  which  he  eminently  distinguished  himself, 
seemed  at  this  time  the  only  object  that  at  all  divided  his 
thoughts,  with  that  enthusiasm  for  Irish  freedom,  which  in  him 
was  an  hereditary,  as  well  as  national  feeling  ; — himself  being 
the  second  martyr  his  father  had  given  to  the  cause.  Simple 
in  all  his  habits,  and  with  a repose  of  look  and  manner  indica- 
ting but  little  movement  within,  it  was  only  when  the  spring 
was  touched,  that  set  his  feelings,  and,  through  them,  his  in- 
tellect in  motion,  that  he  at  all  rose  above  the  level  of  ordinary 
men.  On  no  occasion  was  this  more  particularly  striking  than 
in  those  displays  of  oratory  with  which,  both  in  the  Debating 
and  Historical  Society,  he  so  often  enchained  the  attention 
and  sympathy  of  his  young  audience.  No  two  individuals,  in- 
deed, could  be  much  more  unlike  to  each  other,  than  was  the 
same  youth  to  himself,  before  rising  to  speak  and  after  ; — the 
brow  that  had  appeared  inanimate,  and  almost  drooping,  at 
once  elevating  itself  to  all  the  consciousness  of  power,  and  the 
whole  countenance  and  figure  of  the  speaker  assuming  a change 
as  of  one  suddenly  inspired.  Of  his  oratory,  it  must  be  recol- 
lected, I speak  from  youthful  impressions  ; but  I have  heard 
little,  since  that  appeared  to  me,  of  a loftier,  or  what  is  a far 
more  rare  quality  in  Irish  eloquence,  purer  character  ; and  the 
effects  it  produced,  as  well  from  its  own  exciting  power,  as 
from  the  susceptibility  with  which  his  audience  caught  up 
every  allusion  to  passing  events,  was  such  as  to  attract  at  last 
the  serious  attention  of  the  fellows  ; and,  by  their  desire,  one 
of  the  scholars,  a man  of  advanced  standing  and  reputation  for 
oratory,  came  to  attend  our  debates,  expressly  for  the  purpose 
of  answering  Emmet,  and  endeavouring  to  neutralize  the  im- 
pressions of  his  fervid  eloquence.  Such  in  heart  and  mind  was 
another  of  those  devoted  men,  who,  with  gifts  that  would  have 
made  the  ornaments  and  supports  of  a well  regulated  com- 
munity, were  driven  to  live  the  lives  of  conspirators,  and  die 
the  death  of  traitors,  by  a system  of  government  which  it 
would  be  difficult  even  to  think  of  with  patience,  did  we  not 
gather  a hope,  from  the  present  aspect  of  the  whole  civilized 
world  that  such  a system  of  bigotry  and  misrule  can  never 
exist  again.”* 

* Life  and  Death  of  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald,  p.  L52.  Haverty’i 
Edition. 


8 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


The  peculiar  character  of  Emmet’s  oratory,  is  well  described, 
in  a very  remarkable  article  in  the  London  and  Dublin  Maga- 
ziue  of  1825,  entitled  Robert  Emmet  and  his  Contemporaries. 
That  article,  from  the  striking  aualogy  in  many  passages  of  it 
to  those  on  the  same  topic,  namely,  the  capabilities  of  Ireland, 
in  a military  point  of  view,  I believe  to  have  been  written  by 
the  reputed  author  of  Roche  Fermoy’s  Commentaries  on  Theo 
bald  Wolf  Tone’s  Memoirs,  the  late  Judge  Johnston.* 

“ During  these  harangues,”  says  the  writer  of  the  article  re- 
ferred to,  “ Emmet’s  fine  manly  countenance  glowed  with  an 
enthusiastic  ardour,  and  he  delivered  himself  with  as  much  ani- 
mated fervour,  as  if  he  were  addressing  a numerous,  but  dis- 
tracted assembly,  which  he  wished  to  persuade.  His  words 
flowed  with  a graceful  fluency,  and  he  combined  his  arguments 
with  all  the  ease  of  a man  accustomed  to  abstract  discus 
sions.” 

Robert  Emmet,  in  the  spring  of  IT 98,  was  about  twenty 
years  of  age  ; his  brother,  in  the  month  of  March,  of  that 
year,  had  been  arrested ; many  of  his  fellow  students  were 
members  of  the  Society  of  United  Irishmen,  and  several  of 
his  brothers,  most  intimate  friends  and  associates,  were  then  his 
companions  in  misfortune.  Whether  Robert  was  a sworn  mem- 
ber of  the  Society  I have  not  been  able  to  ascertain,  but  that 
he  had  adopted  its  principles  early  in  that  year,  and  had  been 
freely  communicated  with  on  subjects  connected  with  its  affairs, 

* Ex-Judge  Johnston,  the  author  of  Colonel  Roche  Fermoy’s  Letters 
on  the  defence  of  Ireland,  and  the  subject  of  prosecution  for  a seditious 
libel,  under  the  strange  circumstances  of  his  holding,  at  the  time,  a 
seat  upon  the  bench,  and  of  there  being  absolutely  no  evidence  of  his 
authorship,  beyond  a sort  of  general  conviction  that  he  was  a likely 
person  to  do  an  act  of  the  kind.  The  article  alleged  to  be  libellous 
was  an  attack  upon  Lord  Mardwicke,  in  his  capacity  of  Lord  Lieuten- 
ant of  Ireland.  It  was  published  in  Cobbett’s  Register,  under  the 
signature  of  Juverna,  and  was,  in  fact,  composed  by  the  Judge.  Nev- 
ertheless, the  manuscript,  although  sworn  by  a crown  witness  to  be 
in  Mr.  Johnston’s  handwriting,  was  actually  written  by  his  daughter. 
This  circumstance  he  might  have  proved ; but  as  he  could  not  do  so 
without  compromising  his  amanuensis,  the  jury  were  obliged  to  return 
a verdict  of  guilty.  Between  the  termination  of  the  trial,  however, 
and  the  time  for  pronouncing  judgment,  there  was  a change  of  minis- 
try, as  a result  of  which  a nolle  prosequi  was  entered,  in  the  year 
1806,  and  Mr.  Johnston  was  allowed  to  retire  from  the  bench  with  a 
pension. — Personal  Recollections  of  Lord  Cloncurry. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


9 


by  persons  implicated  in  the  latter,  there  is  no  doubt.  In  the 
month  of  February,  the  Lord  Chancellor’s  visitation  at  the 
College,  which  terminated  in  the  expulsion  of  several  students 
charged  with  treasonable  practices  in  the  College,  took  place.* 

When  several  of  the  students  had  been  called  before  the 
Chancellor,  and  examined  upon  oath  ; Robert  Emmet,  on  be- 
ing summoned,  wrote  a letter  to  the  members  of  the  board  of 
fellows,  denouncing  the  act  of  demanding,  on  oath,  information 
from  the  students  ; tending  to  inculpate  their  fellow  students, 
and  requiring  of  them  to  disclose  the  names  of  such  of  their 
associates  as  were  members  of  the  Society  of  United  Irishmen, 
and  desiring  to  have  his  name  taken  off  the  books  of  College. 
Before  the  letter  was  forwarded  to  the  board,  he  showed  it  to 
his  father,  and  it  met  with  his  father’s  entire  approbation. 
This  circumstance  has  not  been  referred  to  in  any  account 
that  has  been  given  of  the  transaction  ; it  is  now  stated  on  the 

authority  of  Mr.  P , the  friend  of  Robert  Emmet,  and 

previously  an  inmate  of  his  father’s  house.  The  name  of 
Robert  Emmet,  however,  without  any  reference  to  this  pro 
ceeding,  appeared,  I believe,  in  the  list  of  expelled  students. 

Whatever  the  nature  of  the  plans  were  into  which  some  of 
the  imprisoned  leaders  had  been  entrapped,  who  were  confined 
in  Newgate,  when  the  faith  of  government  was  broken  with 
them,  Robert  Emmet  was  cognizant  of  them,  and  had  been 
employed  as  a messenger  on  some  occasions,  when  the  affairs  in 
hand  were  deemed  of  importance.  After  the  removal  of  the 
state  prisoners  to  Scotland,  he  visited  his  brother  at  Fort 
George,  in  1800,  and,  immediately  after  this  interview,  it  is 
stated  that  he  set  out  for  the  Continent.  It  is  by  no  means 

* In  the  month  of  February,  1798,  Lord  Chancellor  Clare  held  a 
Visitation  which  lasted  three  days,  and  terminated  in  the  expulsion 
of  19  students  and  the  reprimand  of  four;  amongst  the  former  were 
William  Corbet,  Messrs.  Power,  Ardagh,  Robinson,  Slattery,  Carroll, 
Russell,  Emmet,  <fcc.  The  Chancellor  was  assisted  by  the  ferocious 
bigot,  Dr.  Patrick  Duigenan,  Judge  of  the  Prerogative  Court.  The 
suspected  students  were  called  before  the  Chancellor,  and  such  as 
attended  were  examined  on  oath.  Many  declined  to  submit  to  any 
arrangement  or  examination,  amongst  which  number  was  William 
Corbet.  The  names  of  those  students,  however,  were  called  over, 
morning  after  morning,  but,  not  appearing,  they  ^vere  declared  con- 
tumacious, we  are  told  by  Mr.  Moore,  and  sentence  of  expulsion  wa« 
pronounced  against  them. — Life  of  Corbet. 


10 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


probable  that  amusement  was  the  main  object  of  his  visit , 
whatever  the  nature  of  it  was,  he  remained  on  the  Continent, 
made  a tour  in  Switzerland,  Holland,  and  several  parts  of 
France,  and,  subsequently,  I have  been  informed,  he  visited 
Cadiz,  under  the  name  of  Captain  Brown,  in  company  with 
Mr.  J ohn  Allen,  who  had  been  tried  at  Maidstone,  along  with 
Arthur  O’Connor  and  Coigly,  and  was  acquitted,  and  with 
Dowdall,  one  of  the  liberated  state  prisoners,  who  had  refused 
to  sign  the  compact  with  government,  and  was  not  precluded, 
like  the  other,  from  returning  to  Great  Britain,  or  his  own 
country. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Thomas  Addis  Emmet  passed  the  winter  of  1802  at  Brus- 
sels. He  was  visited  at  Amsterdam  by  his  brother  Robert, 
accompanied  by  Hugh  Wilson,  about  the  month  of  August, 
the  same  year,  and  did  not  go  to  Paris  until  the  spring  of 
1803.  A part  of  the  autumn  of  1802,  was  passed  in  Paris  by 
Robert  Emmet,  and  there  is  evidence,  in  letters  of  his  brother, 
that  his  proceedings  there,  and  his  intentions,  were  fully  known 
to  the  latter.  In  the  month  of  November,  1802,  when  Robert 
was  in  Ireland,  his  brother  directed  Robert’s  books  and  some 
part  of  his  baggage,  which  had  been  left  by  him,  in  charge  of 
Lawless,  at  Paris,  to  be  sent  to  Brussels,  from  which  place 
they  were  to  be  forwarded  to  him  by  his  brother.  One  of 
those  books  is  now  in  my  possession,  for  which  I am  indebted 
to  the  friend  of  his  in  Dublin,  to  whom  I have  already  referred, 
and  to  whom  I feel  under  many  obligations  for  valuable  in- 
formation on  the  subject  of  this  volume.  The  title  of  the  work 
is  “Extracts  from  Colonel  Templehoff’s  History  of  the  Seven 
Years’  War  his  remarks  on  General  Lloyd,  on  the  subsis- 
tence of  armies  ; and,  also,  a “Treatise  on  Winter  Posts,  by 
the  Hon.  Colonel  Lindsay,  in  two  vols.  London,  1*193.” 

The  margin,  throughout  a large  portion  of  this  volome,  is 
filled  with  pencil*notes,  in  the  hand-writing  of  Robert  Emmet, 
which  one  might  suppose  written  by  a person  whose  most  in 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


ii 


tense  application  had  been  given  to  the  subject"  of  the  work, 
and  whose  closest  attention  had  been  bestowed  on  every  line. 
The  marginal  notings,  under-scoring  of  passages,  interlining  of 
words,  bracketting  of  sentences,  are,  in  fact,  such  as  are  to  b& 
found  in  the  books  of  students  “ reading  up”  for  some  impor- 
tant examiuation.  The  notes  have  chiefly  reference  to  opera- 
tions in  mountainous  countries  ; placing  of  post ; defending 
of  approaches  ; sending  out  of  patroles  ; objects  to  be  accom- 
plished ; and  conduct  to  be  observed  by  patroles  ; disposition 
of  troops  ; rendering-quarters  defensible  ; and,  particularly, 
the  great  advantages  in  the  general  system  of  defensive  war, 
which,  in  a position  in  a mountainous  country,  may  be  de- 
rived from  an  experienced  eye,  a quick  perception  of  the  nature 
of  surrounding  obstacles,  and  favourable  local  circumstances,, 
in  the  placing  of  every  particular  post.  This  volume  has  evi- 
dently been  pored  over  by  one  who  had  bestowed  anxious  days 
and  sleepless  nights  on  its  perusal. 

The  Attorney-General,  on  Robert  Emmet’s  trial,  made  men- 
tion of  a volume  of  a work,  on  military  tactics,  that  had  been 
found  in  the  Depot,  in  Thomas-street.  That  volume  was, 
probably,  the  first  of  Colonel  Templehoff ’s  work  ; the  second 
of  which  is  in  my  possession. 

Dr.  Macneven  arrived  in  Paris,  from  his  tour  in  Germany 
and  Switzerland,  in  October,  1802.  In  the  latter  part  of  that 
month,  we  find,  by  Emmet’s  letter,  he  had  been  in  communi- 
cation with  Talleyrand,  and  had  sought  an  interview  with 
Buonaparte.  Thus,  while  France  was  at  peace  with  England, 
Talleyrand  was  in  communication  with  the  enemies  of  the  lat- 
ter. Of  the  object  of  that  communication  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  and  it  is  no  less  evident  that  a rupture  with  England 
was  then  in  contemplation.  Under  such  circumstances,  Em- 
met was  “ much  inclined  to  disapprove  of  the  communication.” 
His  own  views,  however,  in  the  event  of  war,  are  plainly  shown 
in  the  passage  in  his  letter  of  the  8th  November,  1802,  refer- 
ring to  certain  rumours,  being  of  a nature  that  might  decide 
his  movements.  In  his  former  letter  of  the  25th  of  October, 
he  speaks  of  “ making  his  preparations  for  America,  and  his 
expectations  of  being  joined  there  by  Macneven,  unless  some 
change  shall  take  place  that  would,  in  both  cases,  reverse  all 
their  calculations.”  In  that  letter,  alluding  to  their  intention 
of  quitting  France,  he  apprizes  Macneven  “ that  Lawless  will 


12 


MEMOIR  OF  ROftERT  EMMEf. 


endeavour  to  change  their  current."  It  is  then  evident  that 
Lawless  was  likewise  one  of  the  leaders  whose  views  were 
directed  to  a renewal  of  their  efforts  ; and  it  is  needless  to  say, 
that  unless  they  had  well-grounded  expectations  of  a rupture 
between  France  and  England,  they  could  have  no  co-operation 
on  the  part  of  the  former. 

There  is  an  inquiry  at  the  conclusion  of  T.  A.  Emmet’s 
letter  to  Macneven,  of  the  25th  of  October,  which,  I believe, 
has  a reference  to  the  movements  of  a very  important  actor 
in  the  affairs  of  1803 — "have  any  of  you  in  Paris  heard  any 
thing  of  Dowdall  lately  ; and  is  he  still  in  Ireland  ? Dowdall 
was  connected  with  Colonel  Despard’s  conspiracy,  and  had 
been  sent  to  Ireland,  in  the  capacity  of  his  agent,  to  ascertain 
the  feelings  of  the  people,  and  the  state  of  things  in  Dublin, 
with  a view  to  the  extension  of  his  plans  there.  Dowdall, 
while  in  Dublin,  acted  with  extreme  imprudence.  In  a mixed 
company,  at  table,  he  spoke  undisguisedly  of  Despard’s  plans. 
One  of  the  persons  present  was  known  to  be  a retainer  in  some 
subordinate  capacity  of  government,  and  by  that  person  the 
government,  it  was  said,  was  informed  of  Despard’s  and  Dow- 
dall’s  movements  ; but  they  were  already  in  possession  of  them 
through  another  channel.  The  day  after  Dowdall  had  thus 

spoken,  James  H , having  been  informed  of  what  had 

passed,  called  on  Dowdall,  and  warned  him  of  the  danger  he 
stood  in  from  his  extreme  imprudence.  Despard  was  written 
to,  anonymously,  informing  him  of  the  conduct  of  his  agent. 

In  the  course  of  two  or  three  weeks  the  news  of  Despard’s 
arrest  reached  Dublin,  when  Dowdall  fled,  and  was  next  heard 
of  in  France. 

The  well  known  English  resident  in  Paris,  Mr.  Lewis  Gold- 
smith, the  father-in-law  of  Lord  Lyndhurst,  was  then  editor  of 
the  " Argus”  an  Anti-English  paper,  published  in  Paris,  (an 
organ  of  the  French  government  in  1802,  set  up  immediately 
before  the  arrival  of  Lord  Whitworth  in  Paris).  This  versa- 
tile gentleman  had  previously  written  a Jacobin  book,  abusing 
kings  and  aristocrats,  called  " The  Crimes  of  Cabinets  and 
when  Talleyrand  had  him  dismissed  from  the  office  of  editor 
of  the  Buonapartist  paper,  he  returned,  after  a couple  of  years 
of  further  residence  in  France,  (the  object  of  which  is  not  very 
clearly  set  forth  in  his  work,)  to  his  own  country,  where  he 
published,  in  1810,  another  work,  called  " The  Secret  History 


MEMOIR  OP  ROBERT  EMMET. 


13 


of  the  Cabinet  of  Buonaparte,”  abusing  his  former  idol,  and, 
in  an  especial  manner,  his  old  patron  Talleyrand,  and  reveal- 
ing many  of  the  secrets  of  the  prison-house  of  Buonaparte’s 
press,  and  of  the  Canaille  connected  with  it  and  Fouche’s  de* 
partment,  of  whom  Mr.  Goldsmith’s  account  is  curious,  as  that 
of  a competent  witness,  having  an  intimate  acquaintance  with 
his  subject.  Mr.  Goldsmith,  in  his  preface  to  his  latter  work, 
says — “ he  does  not  retract  one  syllable  of  the  principles  he 
displayed  in  his  former  work  ; he  glories  in  them,  and  shall 
ever  maintain  them  in  the  abstract.  The  question  is,  as  to 
their  application  to  circumstances  as  they  arose.” 

The  new  editor  of  the  “ Argus, ” on  the  dismissal  of  Mr. 
Goldsmith,  published  the  following  notice  of  that  occurrence 
in  the  paper  : — “ Sometime  ago  an  English  paper  was  estab- 
lished here,  entitled  the  ‘ Argus.’  The  editor  was  a disaffected 
man  ; and,  not  having  ceased  to  insert  libels  against  his  king 
and  country,  the  French  government  have  thought  proper  to 
prevent  his  continuing  to  be  the  editor  of  that  paper.” 

Mr.  Goldsmith  states,  that  he  was  turned  out  of  his  French 
employment  as  editor  of  the  “ Argus’ ’ because  he  refused  to 
insert  articles  that  were  libels  on  the  King  of  England  and 
the  Princes.  He  admits,  however,  that,  as  editor  of  the  “ Ar- 
gus’’ after  resisting  for  some  time,  he  did  admit  articles  into 
that  paper,  two  in  particular,  which  he  observed  to  Mr.  Tab 
leyrand  were  sufficient  grounds  for  the  British  government  to 
declare  war  against  France  ; to  which  the  other  (Talleyrand) 
replied — “je  suis  de  votre  avis  c’est  une  chose  a desirer  meme 
en  ce  moment.” 

One  of  these,  •“  a most  virulent  article,  was  sent  from  Tal- 
leyrand’s office,  asserting  in  plain  terms  that  Irishmen  owed  no 
allegiance  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain,”  which  article,  he 
states,  was  written  by  Mr.  Russell. 

The  other  article  was  written  by  an  Italian  of  the  name  of 
Badini,  the  object  of  which  was  to  excite  a mutiny  in  our 
navy.*  Badini,  he  says,  had  been  more  than  forty  years  in 

* It  would  seem  that  the  efforts  of  Mons.  Badini,  or  of  some  other 
such  person,  were  not  unsuccessful  in  inveigling  unfortunate  men  into 
their  designs.  January  12, 1802,  thirteen  mutineers  of  Admiral  Camp- 
bell’s squadron  were  tried  and  sentenced  to  death.  On  the  15th  of 
the  same  month  six  were  executed  at  Portmouth.  On  the  16th  six  more 
were  sentenced  to  death,  and  five  executed.  On  the  19th,  five  more 
were  executed  at  Portsmouth. 


14 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


England  engaged  in  newspapers,  and  when  sent  out  of  Eng- 
land, under  the  Alien  Act,  was  in  the  pay  of  France  at  the 
time,  and  was  editor  of  Bell’s  Weekly  Messenger. 

Mr.  Lewis  Goldsmith,  at  page  270  of  his  work,  in  the  cor- 
respondence between  the  two  governments,  says,  “ it  appears 
that  France  proposed  to  the  ministers  of  England  that  if  they 
would  send  Georges,  and  the  other  French  emigrants,  who  are 
enemies  to  France,  out  of  this  country,  the  French  would  offer 
a reciprocity  1 1 ! Now,  what  does  the  reciprocity  mean  but 
to  deliver  up  all  the  United  Irishmen  in  the  same  manner  that 
he  did  the  Italians.”  The  fact  stated  by  Mr.  Goldsmith  is 
perfectly  true  ; Robert  Emmet’s  information  to  his  brother  on 
this  subject  was  not  erroneous. 

Mr.  Goldsmith  states,  that  numerous  spies  and  agents  of 
Buonaparte  were  sent  over  to  England,  but  that  “ the  mission 
of  Colonel  Beauvoisin  was  the  most  important  of  all.  He  was 
sent  over  to  engage  persons  to  assassinate  his  Majesty,  and 
to  organize  a plan  for  the  destruction  of  our  naval  arsenals  at 
Portsmouth  and  Plymouth.  He  was  also  sent  to  ‘ surveilleP 
the  Count  d’ Artois,  who  then  resided  at  Edinburgh.  That 
Colonel  Beauvoisin  had  frequent  conferences  with  Despard.  1 
am  convinced  he  told  it  to  Tallrin  in  my  presence,  and  that 
Despard  was  urged  to  commit  the  crime  of  regicide,  by  Buon- 
aparte, in  times  of  profound  peace,  will  never  be  doubted,  after 
some  facts  which  I can  communicate  on  that  subject.  About 
three  months  before  Despard  was  apprehended,  I was  sitting 
in  a coffee-room  with  two  English  gentlemen,  one  of  whom 

is  now  in  London,  (a  Mr.  J.  F 1)  ready  to  confirm  this 

statement.  The  other  is  still  in  France,  and  therefore  I cannot 
refer  to  him  ; a Frenchman  came  up  and  told  me,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  those  two  gentlemen,  that  the  French  government  had 
laid  a plan  to  have  the  King  of  England  assassinated,  and 
that  he  was  to  be  shot  in  the  park.  When  this  man  quitted 
us,  I observed,  that  it  would  be  proper  to  inform  the  Brit- 
ish minister  in  Paris  of  what  we  had  heard  ; one  of  the  gen- 
tlemen said  he  would  communicate  it  to  Mr.  Fox,  or  to 
some  of  his  friends,  who  were  then  in  Paris,  with  whom  he 
was  intimate.  I do  not  know  that  he  did  make  such  com- 
munication, but,  if  he  did,  I am  certain  that  it  was  disregarded, 
as  those  gentlemen,  from  the  magnanimity  of  their  own  nature, 
could  not  suppose  that  a man  placed  in  the  high  situation  of 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


15 


Napoleon  Buonaparte  could  instigate  or  promote  assassina- 
tion.” 

When  the  news  arrived  in  Paris  of  Despard  having  been 
apprehended,  Mr.  Goldsmith  says  he  was  sent  for  by  Talley- 
rand late  in  the  evening,  (it  was  on  the  evening  when  the  paper 
was  to  be  published.)*  Mr.  Talleyrand  appeared  very  much 
agitated,  and  asked  him  if  he  had  heard  any  news.  He  replied 
he  had  not.  Talleyrand  then  went  into  an  inner  room,  and 
brought  out  a packet  of  English  newspapers  ; he  gave  the 
editor  one,  and  pointed  out  the  article  which  gave  the  particu- 
lars of  Despard’s  apprehension.  Talleyrand  was  visibly  agita- 
ted ; he  asked  the  editor  if  he  knew  Despard,  “ si  c’etoit  un 

homme  sur,  and  if  he  was  intimate  with .”  The  editor 

observed  that  he  knew  very  little  indeed  of  him,  and,  so  far 
from  being  “ un  homme  sur,”  he  was  in  general  regarded  as  a 
madman  by  those  who  knew  him. 

“ It  was  past  midnight  when  the  editor  left  him  ; at  five  in 
the  morning  Talleyrand  sent  his  carriage  for  him,  and  the  edi- 
tor learned  from  the  servants  that  the  minister  had  just  re- 
turned from  St.  Cloud.  When  the  editor  saw  le  citoyen  min- 
ister, he  gave  him  an  article,  tout  fait,  for  insertion,  which  ran 
thus  : — ‘ All  Paris,  and  the  First  Consul  in  particular,  learned 
with  horror  and  indignation,  the  atrocious  attempt  which  has 
been  made  upon  the  life  of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  by  a desper- 
ate Jacobin  of  the  name  of  Despard.  The  feelings  manifested 
on  this  occasion  by  the  First  Consul  were  very  different  to 
those  expressed  by  the  King  of  England,  when  he  heard  it 
rumoured  that  General  Buonaparte  had  been  assassinated  in 
Egypt.”  The  next  day  Colonel  Despard’s  character  was  vilified 
in  all  the  minor  French  papers. 

February  7,  1803,  Colonel  Despard  was  tried  at  the  Surrey 
Assizes,  before  Lord  Ellenborough,  on  a charge  of  high  trea- 
son, conspiring  to  assassinate  the  King,  &c.  When  the  names 
of  the  jury  were  called  over,  Colonel  Despard  rose,  and 
11  begged  that  the  court  would  grant  him  permission  to  say  a 
few  words,  in  order  to  do  away  from  the  minds  of  the  jurors 
with  any  unfavourable  impressions  which  might  have  been 
made  upon  them  by  those  vile  publications  which,  at  various 
times  since  his  arrest,  had  appeared  against  his  character.” 
The  Lord  Chief  Justice  interposed,  and  said  that  was  not  the 
* The  Cabinet  of  Buonaparte,  p.  253  to  265- 


16 


MEMOIR  . JF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


proper  time  to  urge  anything  material  to  his  defence.  Colonel 
Despard  replied,  “I  am  sorry  for  it,  my  Lord.” 

Mr.  Serjeant  Best  and  Mr.  Gurney  addressed  the  jury  on 
the  part  of  the  prisoner.  No  evidence  was  brought  forward 
to  contradict  the  crown  witnesses  ; but  to  the  character  of  the 
prisoner,  Lord  Nelson,  Sir  Alured  Clerk,  George  Long,  Esq., 
and  Sir  Evan  Nepeau,  appeared,  and  each  of  them  gave  the 
highest  character  it  was  possible  for  men  to  give,  relative  to 
the  conduct,  courage,  and  military  talents  of  the  prisoner,  at 
the  period  of  the  acquaintance  of  each  with  Colonel  Despard 
in  foreign  countries. 

The  prisoner,  on  being  asked  if  he  had  any  thing  to  add  to 
what  had  been  said  by  his  counsel,  said,  “ his  counsel  had  ac- 
quitted themselves  so  entirely  to  his  satisfaction,  he  had  no 
wish  to  say  any  thing.” 

After  the  Solicitor-General  had  replied  on  the  part  of  the 
crown,  the  Chief  Justice  charged  the  jury.  His  lordship  ob- 
served, that  it  was  admitted  that  a traitorous  conspiracy  did 
exist  ; but  it  was  denied  that  it  was  the  prisoner’s.  The  prin- 
cipal evidence,  was  that  of  accomplices  who  had  become  ap- 
provers. It  was  for  the  jury  to  consider  its  value,  and  the 
corroboration  of  it  by  other  witnesses. 

The  jury  withdrew  for  about  half  an  hour,  and  on  their  re- 
turn, the  foreman  pronounced  the  prisoner  “ Guilty,”  adding, 
“ but  we  most  earnestly  recommend  the  prisoner  to  mercy,  on 
account  of  his  former  good  character,  and  the  services  he  haa 
rendered  his  country.”  Colonel  Despard  heard  the  fatal  ver 
diet  pronounced  with  the  utmost  composure  and  firmness. 

On  the  9th  of  February,  twelve  of  the  persons  arrested  on 
the  16th  November,  1802,  were  tried,  and  nine  of  them  were 
found  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  death.  When  Colonel  Despard 
was  asked,  if  he  had  any  thing  to  say,  why  sentence  of  death 
should  not  be  passed  upon  him  ? he  said,  “ My  lord,  I have 
only  to  say,  that  after  the  charge  was  brought  against  me,  of 
which  I have  not  the  most  distant  idea  ; and  since  my  com- 
mittal, I have  had  no  time  to  consult  my  solicitor  on  the  meanf 
of  refuting  that  charge,  or  of  destroying  the  credit  of  the  wit- 
nesses produced.  I have,  therefore,  nothing  to  say  now,  but 
what  I said  when  first  brought  to  the  bar,  that  I am  not 
guilty.” 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  address  of  the  Chief  Justice, 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


n 


Colonel  Despard  said, — “ I beg  to  say  a few  words,  in  conse- 
quence  of  something  that  has  fallen  from  his  lordship.  The 
seduction  of  the  unhappy  men  involved  in  my  fate,  has  been 
imputed  to  me  ; but  I do  not  conceive,  that  any  thing  ap- 
peared in  the  course  of  the  trial,  or  evidence,  to  justify  such  an 
imputation.” 

The  warrant  for  the  execution  of  Colonel  Despard  and  six 
of  his  associates,  reached  the  governor  of  the  new  prison  in 
the  Borough,  on  the  19th  of  February.  Colonel  Despard  re- 
ceived the  dreadful  intelligence  with  his  wonted  firmness.  He 
had  entertained  some  expectation  of  mercy,  and  manifested  a 
momentary  disappointment.  He  said — The  time  was  short.” 

Mrs.  Despard*  had  been  constantly  with  her  husband  from 
the  time  of  his  conviction. 

The  following  morning,  at  eight  o’clock,  the  prisoners  were 
brought  from  their  cells,  and  one  after  the  other  drawn  in  a 
hurdle,  across  the  court-yard  of  the  prison.  They  were  then 
conducted  to  the  scaffold,  which  had  been  constructed,  as  to 
admit  of  having  the  seven  prisoners  placed  in  a line,  and  exe- 
cuted at  the  same  moment.  A few  minutes  before  the  execu- 
tion took  place,  Colonel  Despard  came  forward  in  front  of 
the  scaffold,  and  addressed  the  multitude  assembled,  in  these 
words : — 

“ Fellow  citizens,  I came  here,  as  you  see,  after  having  served 
my  country  ; faithfully,  honourably,  and  usefully  served  it,  for 
thirty  years  and  upwards,  to  suffer  death  upon  a scaffold,  for 
a crime,  of  which  I protest  I am  not  guilty.  I solemnly  de- 
clare, that  I am  no  more  guilty  of  it,  than  any  of  you  who 
may  be  now  hearing  me.  But,  though  his  Majesty’s  ministers 
know,  as  well  as  I do,  that  I am  not  guilty,  yet,  they  avail 
themselves  of  a legal  pretext  to  destroy  a man,  because  he  has 
been  a friend  to  truth,  to  liberty,  and  to  justice — (there  was 
loud  cheering  from  the  populace) — because  he  had  been  a 
friend  to  the  poor  and  the  oppressed.  But,  citizens,  I hope 
and  trust,  notwithstanding  my  fate,  and  the  fate  of  those  who, 
no  doubt,  will  soon  follow  me,  that  the  principles  of  freedom, 
of  humanity,  and  of  justice,  will  finally  triumph  over  falsehood, 

* She  was  a Spanish  creole,  a remarkably  fine  woman,  and  much 
younger  than  her  husband,  who  then  appeared  to  be  about  sixty  years 
of  age.  I was  afterwards  able  to  afford  her  an  asylum  from  destitution. 
She  lived  in  my  family  at  Lyons  for  some  years. — Lord  Cloncurry. 


18 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


tyranny,  and  delusion,  and  every  principle  hostile  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  human  race.”  And  now,  having  said  this,  I 
have  little  more  to  add,”  (he  paused  a moment,)  “ I have  little 
more  to  add,  except  to  wish  you  health,  happiness,  and  free- 
dom, which  I have  endeavoured,  as  far  as  was  in  my  power,  to 
procure  for  you  and  mankind  in  general  ” 

When  the  other  prisoners  were  brought  from  their  cells,  they 
conducted  themselves  with  propriety,  and  displayed  the  utmost 
composure.  The  seven  unfortunate  men  having  been  placed 
in  a line,  and  tied  up  one  after  the  other,  the  signal  was  given, 
and  they  were  all  launched  into  eternity  the  same  instant. 
Colonel  Despard’s  body  was  the  first  taken  down.  The  head 
was  severed  from  it ; and  the  executioner,  holding  it  up  by  the 
hair,  held  it  towards  the  populace,  and  cried  out  in  a loud 
voice7  “This  is  the  head  of  a traitor — Edward  Marcus  Des- 
pard.” 

The  remains  of  this  ill-fated  gentleman  were  then  removed 
by  his  friends,  and  interred  in  Paddington  by  his  own  desire, 
he  expressed  some  days  previously  to  his  execution,  to  a friend, 
to  whom  he  said,  “ he  believed  the  remains  of  many  of  his 
countrymen  were  buried  there.” 

There  is  great  reason  to  believe  that  no  plot  whatever  for 
the  murder  of  the  sovereign,  or  of  the  royal  family  (for  the 
witnesses  contradicted  one  another  on  this  point)  was  contem- 
plated. This  vas  a police  office  invention.  There  is  no  ques- 
tion, however,  but  that  the  objects  of  the  society  were  treason- 
able, and  that  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution  was  contem- 
plated ; but  so  far  from  Despard  having  inveigled  the  per- 
sons who  had  been  arrested  with  him  into  that  society  of  which 
they  w-ere  members,  he  was  entrapped  into  its  affairs  by  others, 
for  the  especial  purpose  of  prosecution.  That  society,  and  its 
different  ramifications,  were  composed  solely  of  soldiers,  dis- 
missed seamen,  and  working  men.  These  associations  were 
subordinate  to  a secret  society,  composed  of  men  of  a very 
different  class,  which  had  been  in  being  since  the  year  1795, 
and  was  called  “ The  Secret  Committee  of  England.”  It  was 
composed  of  delegates  from  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland, 
who  formed  an  executive  directory.  Despard  was  probably 
either  a member  of  that  Society,  or  in  connection  with  it,  with- 
out being  formally  a member.  One  of  its  members  was  Ben- 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


n 


jamin  Pemberton  Binns,  brother  of  John  Binns,  of  the  Cor 
responding  Society.* 

It  was  from  this  Society  the  Rev.  James  Coigley  had  carried 
communications  of  great  political  importance,  in  1796,  to  the 
French  government.  It  was  of  this  society  that  an  agent,  B. 
P.  Binns,  had  distributed  a number  of  addresses  among  the 
United  Irishmen,  in  1797,  which  are  spoken  of  in  the  evidence 
of  John  Hughes.  There  were  persons  said  to  be  members  of 
that  society  ; of  respectability,  and  subsequently  of  high  stand- 
ing in  society,  and  of  influence  in  reform  politics.  It  had  an 
executive  Committee — the  members  of  which  were  unknown, 
except  to  three  or  four  of  the  other  members — like  that  of  the 
United  Irishmen,  but  more  fortunate  than  the  latter  ; its  mem- 
bers, though  suspected,  never  were  discovered,  or  denounced 
on  such  evidence  as  could  lead  to  their  conviction.  It  has 
been  denied  by  some  of  the  state  prisoners,  that  there  was  any 
correspondence  or  connection  between  the  London  Correspond- 
ing Society,  or  any  other  similar  association  in  England,  and 
the  society  of  United  Irishmen  in  Ireland.  So  far  as  regards 
the  Corresponding  Society,  such  may  be  the  fact ; but  with 
respect  to  the  Secret  Committee  of  England,  though  there 
might  be  no  official  communication  between  its  executive  and 
that  of  the  United  Irishmen,  there  most  assuredly  was  a great 
deal  of  communication  between  the  leading  men  of  both  socie- 
ties, and  a great  deal  of  it  was  carried  on  through  the  agency 
of  Benjamin  Pemberton  Binns,  and  the  Rev.  James  Coigley. 

Arthur  O’Connor  states,  that  Despard’s  attempt  was  wholly 
foreign  to  the  affairs  in  Ireland.  Until  it  can  be  shown  that 

* Benjamin  Pemberton  Binns  was  born  in  Dublin  in  1771.  He 
served  his  time  to  a plumber  in  the  same  city,  and  went  to  England 
in  1794,  when  he  became  a member  of  the  Secret  Committee.  In  1797 
he  Was  sent  as  delegate  to  the  Irish  Directory  to  present  the  address 
of  “The  United  Britons  to  the  United  Irishmen,”  and  also,  he  says, 
“ other  very  important  verbal  communications,  which  never  have 
oozed  out,  and  never  shall.”  On  hearing  of  the  arrest  of  his  brother, 
John  Binns,  and  of  Coigley,  in  London,  he  returned  there,  and  ten  days 
after  his  arrival  was  arrested.  During  his  imprisonment  which  lasted 
for  three  years  he  was  treated  with  great  severity ; kept  in  solitary 
confinement,  and  deprived  of  the  use  of  books  or  writing  materials. 
Being  liberated  in  1802,  he  shortly  afterwards  returned  to  Dublin, 
where  he  remained  for  some  years.  In  1817  he  embarked  for  America, 
and  Anally  settled  in  Philadelphia. 


20 


MEMOIR  OF  RORERT  EMMET. 


the  objects  of  the  Secret  Committee  of  England,  composed  of 
delegates  from  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  were  wholly 
foreign  to  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  I,  for  one,  cannot  be  persuaded 
but  that  Colonel  Despard’s  supposed  connection  with  the  secret 
. society  in  England,  was  well  known  to  the  leaders  of  the  United 
Irishmen,  and  that  a popular  movement,  not  an  atrocious  act 
of  assassination,  was  expected,  and  looked  for  with  anxiety,  as 
affording  employment  for  the  troops  in  England,  which  would 
leave  a better  prospect  for  their  efforts  in  Ireland. 

The  following  particulars,  of  the  early  history  and  military 
career  of  Colonel  Despard,  are  taken  from  a “Memoir  of  the 
late  Colonel  Edward  Marcus  Despard.  By  James  Bannantine, 
his  Secretary,  when  Superintendent  of  his  Majesty’s  affairs  at 
Honduras.”  Published  in  “Walker’s  Hibernian  Magazine,” 
March,  1803,  page  129  : — 

“ He  was  born  in  1750  or  1751,  and  descended  from  a very 
ancient  and  respectable  family  in  the  Queen’s  county,  in  Ire- 
land. He  is  the  youngest  of  six  brothers,  all  of  whom,  except 
the  eldest,  have  served  either  in  the  army  or  navy.  In  1766, 
he  entered  the  army  as  an  ensign,  in  the  50th  regiment.  In 
the  same  regitnent  he  served  as  a lieutenant ; and  in  the  79  th, 
he  served  successively  as  lieutenant,  quarter  master,  captain, 
lieutenant,  and  captain.  From  his  superior  officers  he  received 
many  marks  of  approbation,  particularly  from  General  Calcraft, 
of  the  50th,  General  Meadows,  and  the  Duke  of  Northumber- 
land. He  has  been  for  the  last  twenty  years  detached  from 
any  particular  corps,  and  entrusted  with  important  offices.  In 
1799  he  was  appointed  chief  engineer  to  the  St.  Juan  expe- 
dition, and  conducted  himself  so  as  to  obtain  distinguished  at- 
tention and  praise  from  Captain  Poison,  who  commanded  on 
that  occasion.  He  also  received  the  thanks  of  the  council  and 
assembly  of  the  island  of  Jamaica,  for  the  construction  of  pub- 
lic works  there  ; and  was,  in  consequence  of  these  services,  ap- 
pointed by  the  governor  of  Jamaica,  to  be  commander-in-chief 
of  the  island  of  Ruatan  and  its  dependencies,  and  of  the  troops 
there,  and  to  rank  as  lieutenant-colonel  and  field  engineer,  and 
commanded  as  such  on  the  Spanish  main,  in  Ruatan,  and  on 
the  Musquito  Shore,  and  the  Bay  of  Honduras. 

“ After  this,  at  Cape  Gracias  de  Dios,  he  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  inhabitants,  who  voluntarily  solicited  him  to  take 
the  command,  and  re-took  from  the  Spaniards,  Black-river, 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


21 


the  principal  .settlement  of  the  coasts.  For  this  service,  ne  re- 
ceived the  thanks  of  the  governor,  council,  and  assembly  of 
Jamaica,  and  of  the  king  himself.  In  1183,  he  was  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  colonel  ; in  1784,  he  was  appointed  first  com- 
missioner for  settling  and  receiving  the  territory  ceded  to 
Britain,  by  the  sixth  article  of  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace 
with  Spain,  in  1783.  He,  as  a colonel,  so  well  discharged  his 
duty,  that  he  was  appointed  superintendent  of  his  Majesty’s 
affairs  on  the  coast  of  Honduras,  which  office  he  held,  much  to 
the  advantage  of  the  crown  of  England  ; for  he  obtained  from 
that  of  Spain,  some  very  important  privileges.  The  clashing 
interests,  however,  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  coast,  produced 
much  discontent,  and  the  colonel  was,  by  a party  of  them,  ac- 
cused of  various  misdemeanors  to  his  Majesty’s  ministers.  He 
now  came  home,  and  demanded  that  his  conduct  should  be 
investigated  ; but  was,  after  two  years’  constant  attendance 
on  all  the  departments  of  government,  at  last  told  by  minis- 
ters, that  there  was  no  charge  against  him  worthy  of  investi- 
gation ; that  his  Majesty  had  thought  proper  to  abolish  the 
office  of  superintendent  at  Honduras,  otherwise  he  should  have 
been  reinstated  in  it ; assured  that  his  services  should  not  be 
forgotten,  but  in  due  time  meet  their  reward. 

“It  appears,  however,  that  no  further  notice  was  ever  taken 
of  his  past  honourable  and  praiseworthy  conduct,  which,  no 
doubt,  highly  irritated  the  colonel’s  susceptible  and  feeling 
mind  ;*  and  it  is  highly  probable,  that  the  designing  and  dis- 
affected had  taken  advantage  of  his  state  of  mind,  to  detach 
him  from  loyalty,  and  engage  his  superior  understanding  and 
abilities  in  that  mistaken  cause,  for  which  his  life  has  now  paid 
the  forfeit. 

“ Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  French  revolution, 
Colonel  Despard  was  committed  to  prison  without  any  cause 
being  assigned  ; but  was  liberated  after  some  weeks  confine- 
ment. On  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  he  was 
again  confined  for  a considerable  time,  still  without  any  visible 
cause  ; but  was  at  length  set  at  liberty,  on  his  own  recogni- 
zance. From  this  time  he  continued  at  large,  till  the  16th  of 
Nov.  last,  when  he  was  again  taken  into  custody,  at  the  Oak 

* Lord  Cloncurry  is  of  opinion  that  he  was  insane,  rendered  so  bj 
official  persecution. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


ley  Arms,  Lambeth,  with  about  thirty  other  persons.  In  con 
sequence  of  the  last  apprehension,  the  colonel,  and  twelve  of 
his  associates,  were  brought  to  trial,  ten  of  whom  were  found 
guilty  of  high  treason. 

“ The  other  unfortunate  persons  who  were  tried,  and  suffered 
along  with  Mr.  Despard,  were  all  men  in  humble  situations  of 
life,  but  of  respectable  characters.  Broughton  and  Macnamara 
were  carpenters  ; Graham  was  a master  slater,  and  had  a small 
yearly  income  from  government ; Wratten  was  a shoemaker  ; 
Francis  and  Wood  were  soldiers.” 


CHAPTER  III 

The  treaty  of  peace  between  Great  Britain  on  the  one  hand, 
and  France,  and  Spain,  and  Holland  on  the  other,  was  signed 
at  Amiens,  the  27th  of  March,  1802.  It  was  very  evident 
from  the  beginning  of  the  negotiation  for  peace,  that  there  was 
no  confidence  on  the  part  of  either  government,  in  the  sincerity 
of  the  intention  of  the  other  to  maintain  it. 

The  ministry  in  England  was  pressed  by  public  opinion,  and 
its  expression  in  parliament  to  affect  to  make  overtures  for 
peace,  and  eventually  peace  itself.  Buonaparte  was  consoli- 
dating his  plans  for  his  own  aggrandizement,  and  required  a 
breathing  time  to  combine  and  to  accomplish  them.  The  de- 
struction of  the  French  fleet,  moreover,  rendered  it  necessary 
to  make  the  requisite  preparations  to  provide  aud  to  equip  an- 
other. This  required  time  ; and  none  was  certainly  lost  by 
Buonaparte  : for,  from  the  beginning  of  the  peace,  naval  pre- 
parations of  considerable  magnitude  were  actively  going  on  at 
Brest  and  other  ports. 

Similar  naval  preparations  and  military  movements  were  on 
foot  in  England,  in  the  winter  of  1802.  In  the  spring  of 
1803,  volunteering  in  England,  and  the  raising  of  yeomanry 
corps  in  Ireland,  were  matters  of  public  notoriety.  In  the 
il  London  Chronicle,”  of  March  12,  1803,  we  find  the  follow- 
ing announcement : “ Mr.  J.  C.  Beresford,  M.  P.  for  Dublin, 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


2a 


set  off  on  Tuesday,  for  Ireland.  His  sudden  return  is  attri- 
buted lo  business  of  a public  nature.”  That  business  was  offi 
dally  glanced  at,  in  a circular  of  the  Irish  secretary,  a few 
days  later. 

“ On  the  26th  of  March,  Mr.  E.  B.  Littlehales,  in  pursuance 
to  directions  from  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  addressed  a circular 
to  the  commanding  officers  of  the  respective  corps  of  yeomanry, 
stating  that  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs,  it  was  particularly 
desirable  the  yeomanry  of  Ireland  should  be  prepared  for  any 
emergency. 

Several  of  the  corps  of  yeomanry,  however,  were  already 
embodied. 

Mr  Otto,  the  French  minister  at  the  court  of  London,  in  a 
note  to  Lord  Hawkesbury,  dated  August  17,  1802,  states 
that  he  had  received  especial  orders,  to  solicit  that  the  most 
effectual  measures  should  be  taken, — 

“ 1st. — To  put  a stop  to  obnoxious,  seditious,  and  unbecom- 
ing publications. 

“ 2nd. — That  certain  French  emigrants  shall  he  sent  out  of 
the  island  of  Guernsey. 

“ 3d. — That  certain  bishops,  emigrants  in  England,  shall  be 
sent  away. 

“ 4th. — That  Georges  and  his  adherents  should  he  transited 
to  Canada. 

“ 5th. — That  the  Bourbon  princes  should  he  recommended  to 
repair  to  Warsaw. 

“ 6th. — That  French  emigrants,  wearing  orders  of  the  an- 
cient regime,  should  he  required  to  quit  the  British  territory. 

The  example  of  the  British  Government,  in  times  of  public 
commotions,  is  referred  to  in  justification  of  those  demands. 
“ Whatever,”  says  Mr.  Otto,  “ may  be  the  protection  which 
British  laws  afford  to  native  writers,  and  to  other  subjects  of 
his  Majesty,  the  French  Government  knows  that  foreigners 
here  do  not  enjoy  the  same  protection,  and  the  law,  known  by 
the  title  of  the  Alien  Act,  gives  the  ministry  of  His  Britannic 
Majesty,  an  authority  which  it  has  often  exercised  against 
those  whose  residence  was  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  Great 
Britain.  The  first  clause  of  the  act  states  expressly,  that  any 
order  in  council,  which  requires  a foreigner  to  quit  the  king- 
dom, shall  be  executed  under  pain  of  transportation.  There 
exists,  therefore,  in  the  ministry  a legal  and  sufficient  powef 


24 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


to  restrain  foreigners,  without  having  recourse  tj  the  cowls  oj 
law , and  the  French  Government,  which  offers  on  this 

POINT,  A PERFECT  RECIPROCITY,  THINKS  IT  GIVES  a lieW  proof  of 

its  pacific  intentions  by  demanding  that  those  persons  may  be 
sent  away  whose  machinations  uniformly  tend  to  sow  discord 
between  the  people.”* 

The  perfect  reciprocity  there  is  no  mistaking.  The  United 
Irishmen  in  Paris  stood  in  the  same  obnoxious  relation  to 
British  interests  which  the  emigrees  in  London  did  to  those  of 
France,  or  rather  of  its  ruler.  How  was  it  possible  for  the 
leaders  of  the  former,  after  the  publication  of  the  paper  from 
which  the  preceding  document  is  taken,  to  place  any  trust  in 
Buonaparte’s  faith  or  friendly  feelings  to  their  cause,  is  indeed, 
surprising. 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  Robert  Emmet’s  information 
was  well  founded,  and  that  his  opinion  of  Buonaparte  was  not 
a mistaken  one.  Lord  Hawkesbury’s  reply  to  this  communica- 
tion, dated  August  28,  1802,  was  a dignified  refusal  to  trans- 
port, turn  out  of  the  kingdom,  or  recommend  to  leave  it,  any 
persons  who  did  not  infringe  the  laws.  The  intention  of  the 
Alien  Act  was,  to  empower  the  British  government  to  remove 
foreigners  suspected  of  being  dangerous  to  it.  But  if  any  sub- 
stantial proof  was  given,  of  foreigners  in  England,  distributing 
proclamations  in  France,  or  enticing  the  people  to  resist  its 
government,  his  Majesty  would  take  all  the  measures  in  his 
power  to  cause  such  persons  to  leave  the  country.  With  re- 
spect to  interference  with  the  press,  “I  am  sure,”  says  Lord 
Hawkesbury,  “ you  must  be  aware,  that  his  Majesty  cannot, 
and  never  will,  in  consequence  of  any  representation,  or  any 
menace  from  a foreign  power,  make  any  concession,  which  can 
be  in  the  smallest  degree,  dangerous  to  the  liberty  of  the  press, 
as  secured  by  the  constitution  of  this  country.  This  liberty  is 
justly  dear  to  every  British  subject.  The  constitution  admits 
of  no  previous  restraints  upon  publications  of  any  description.” 
No  allusion  whatever  was  made  to  the  obliging  offer  of  the 
perfect  reciprocity.  Altogether,  the  correspondence  was  ad- 
vantageous (on  the  face  of  the  published  correspondence)  to 
the  character  of  the  British  minister,  and  damaging  to  that  of 
the  First  Consul.  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  Georges  aud 
his  associates  were  suffered,  unmolested,  to  pursue  their  machin 
* “London  Chronicle,”  May  I9th-21st,  1803,  page  483. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


25 

ations  in  Great  Britain,  and  were  supported  and  countenanced 
by  influential  people  in  England,  among  the  emigrants,  and 
that  the  pretence  was  futile,  that  there  was  no  power  under 
the  Alien  Act  to  prevent  assassins  from  plotting  against  the 
life  of  the  ruler  of  a foreign  country,  at  peace  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, on  the  part  of ‘the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  ; and  no 
less  hypocritical,  with  respect  to  the  anxiety  manifested  for  the 
maintenance  of  constitutional  privileges,  than  the  feelings  of 
veneration  expressed  for  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  the  fears 
professedly  entertained  of  an  interference  with  it. 

It  cannot  fail  to  strike  any  reader  of  the  official  papers  pre- 
sented to  parliament,  connected  with  the  mission  of  Lord  Whit- 
worth, that  the  great  cause  of  Buonaparte’s  irritation,  greater 
even  than  the  retention  of  Malta,  was  the  abuse  lavished  on 
him  in  the  English  newspapers,  and  by  several  of  the  leading 
members  of  the  opposition,  in  parliament.  The  British  gov- 
ernment in  affecting  to  remedy  the  grievance  complained  of, 
took  the  course  of  all  others  the  most  displeasing  to  Buon- 
aparte, the  most  calculated  to  bring  him  into  disfavour  with 
the  Liberals  and  Radicals  in  England,  namely,  the  prosecu- 
tion of  one  of  those  editors,  Peltier,  which  afforded  an  occa- 
sion to  Sir  James  Macintosh  for  raking  the  character  and 
career  of  Buonaparte  fore  and  aft : thus  accomplishing  the 
purpose  of  the  government,  while  apparently  bent  on  protect- 
ing the  reputation  of  their  new  ally. 

W as  it  by  mere  accident  that  this  trial  came  on  the  same 
day  that  Colonel  Despard  was  executed  ? The  Moniteur  in 
commenting  on  the  views  of  Peltier’s  conviction,  expressed  the 
greatest  indignation  at  the  duplicity  of  the  British  minister, 
in  taking  a course  so  much  opposed  to  the  wishes  of  the  French 
government,  instead  of  that  which  had  been  demanded  by  their 
ambassador. 

Buonaparte,  in  a conference  with  Lord  Whitworth,  com- 
municated to  the  British  government,  February  21,  1803,  re- 
iterated his  complaints  against  the  British  government,  in 
reference  to  the  retention  of  Malta,  in  direct  violation  of  the 
terms  of  the  treaty.  He  said  : “ Of  the  two,  he  would  rather 
see  us  in  possession  of  the  Faubourg  St.  Antoine,  than 
Malta.” He  complained  of  the  protection  given  in  Eng- 

land to  the  assassin  Georges,  handsomely  pensioned,  and  of  hia 
plans  being  permitted  to  be  carried  into  effect  in  France,  and 


26 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


of  two  of  hi  i fellow-agents,  being  sent  into  France,  by  the  Erm 
grees,  to  assassinate  him,  (Bounaparte),  and  being  then  in 
custody.  This  latter  part  of  the  statement  was  perfectly  cor^ 
rect.  The  two  men  he  referred  to,  were  tried  and  convicted 
on  their  own  confessions. 

In  regard  to  the  abuse  launched  on  him  in  the  English  pa- 
pers, and  French  emigrant  journals,  published  in  London,  he 
said  to  Lord  Whitworth,  “ The  irritation  he  felt  against  Eng- 
land increased  daily,  because  every  wind  which  blew  from 
England,  brought  nothing  but  enmity  and  hatred  against 
him.”*  Lord  Hawkesbury  in  reply  to  Lord  Whitworth’s  com- 
munication, February  18,  1803,  made  the  following  admission, 
for  the  first  time  explicitly  and  plainly  expressed  : — “ With  re- 
gard to  that  article  of  the  treaty  which  relates  to  Malta , the 
stipulations  contained  in  it,  owing  to  circumstances  which  it  was 
not  in  the  power  of  his  Majesty  to  control,  had  not  been  found 
capable  of  execution .” 

Iu  Lord  Whitworth’s  communication  (marked  No.  38,  dated 
February  21,  1803)  to  Lord  Hawkesbury,  an  account  is  given 
of  an  interview  with  Buonaparte,  when  the  latter  in  reference 
to  the  proofs  he  had  given  to  maintain  peace  said — “ he  wished 
to  know  what  he  had  to  gain  by  going  to  war  with  England. 
A.  descent  was  the  only  means  of  offence  he  had,  and  that  he 
was  determined  to  attempt,  by  putting  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  expedition.  But  how  could  it  be  supposed  that  after  hav- 
ing gained  the  height  on  which  he  stood,  he  would  risk  his 
life  and  reputation  in  such  a hazardous  attempt,  unless  forced 
to  it  by  necessity,  when  the  chances  were  that  he  and  the 
greatest  part  of  the  expedition  would  go  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea. 
He  talked  much  on  the  subject,  but  never  affected  to  diminish 
the  danger.  He  acknowledged  there  were  a hundred  chances 
to  one  against  him  ; but  still  he  was  determined  to  attempt  it, 
if  war  should  be  the  consequence  of  the  present  discussion  ; 
and,  that  such  was  the  disposition  of  the  troops,  that  army 
after  army  would  be  found  for  the  enterprise.”f  He  conclu- 
ded by  stating — “ that  France  with  an  army  of  480,000  men, 
to  be  immediately  completed,  was  ready  for  the  most  desperate 
enterprize  ; that  England  with  her  fleet  was  mistress  of  the 
seas,  which  he  did  not  think  he  should  be  able  to  equal  in  ten 

* “London  Chronicle,”  Feb.  1803. 
f “London  Chronicle,”  p.  476,  May  17-19,  1803. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


27 


years.  Two  such  countries  by  a proper  understanding,  might 
govern  the  world  ; but,  by  their  strifes,  might  overturn  it..” 

In  the  report  on  the  situation  of  the  French  Republic,  bear- 
ing the  signature  of  the  First  Consul,  Buonaparte,  presented 
to  the  legislative  body  by  a decree  of  the  government,  of  the 
21st  February,  1803,  the  following  passages  occur  : — “ The 
British  forces  are  still  in  Alexandria  and  Malta.  The  govern- 
ment had  a fair  right  of  complaint ; but  it  has  received  intelli- 
gence that  the  vessels  which  are  to  convey  them  to  Europe  are 

already  in  the  Mediterranean 

“ But  in  England  two  parties  maintain  a contest  for  power  ; 
one  of  those  parties  has  concluded  peace,  and  appears  desirous 
of  maintaining  it.  The  other  has  taken  an  oath  of  eternal 

hatred  to  France While  this  contest  of  parties 

continues,  measures  of  precaution  are  what  the  government 
are  called  upon  to  adopt.  Five  hundred  thousand  men  ought 
to  be,  and  shall  be,  ready  to  undertake  its  defence,  and  avenge 
its  injuries.  Strange  necessity  which  miserable  passions  impose 
on  two  nations,  whom  interest  and  inclination  mutually  prompt 
to  the  cultivation  of  peace.  Whatever  success  intrigues  may 
experience  in  London,  no  other  people  will  be  involved  in  new 
combinations.  The  government  says,  with  conscious  pride,  that 
England  alone  cannot  maintain  a struggle  against  France.”* 
Mr.  Pitt,  at  this  time  out  of  office,  was  playing  the  invalid 
in  the  public  prints,  “in  so  precarious  a state,  (says  the  Lonr 
don  Chronicle , p.  207,)  as  not  to  admit  of  his  undergoing  the 
fatigue  of  a regular  parliamentary  attendance.”  His  organs, 
however,  were  not  idle  ; the  papers  which  heretofore  advocated 
his  opinions,  were  busily  employed  in  reviling  the  First  Consul, 
and  deprecating  peace  with  him.  At  the  very  period  that  Mr. 
Pitt  s health  was  stated  in  the  London  Chronicle,  in  February 
and  March,  1803,  to  be  in  so  precarious  a state,  he  was  more 
deeply  engaged  in  public  business,  I was  informed  by  his  niece, 
Lady  Hester  Stanhope,  who  then  acted  as  his  private  secretary, 
than  he  had  been  at  any  period  while  he  was  in  the  ministry. 
It  is  impossible  to  read  the  debates  in  parliament  of  this  period, 
and  not  to  believe  that  the  Prime  Minister,  Adington,  was 
more  desirous  of  maintaining  peace  with  Frauce,  than  the 
party  that  had  hitherto  clamoured  against  the  war.  Some  of 

* “ The  London  Chronicle,”  p.  205,  Feb.  26. 


28 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


the  great  Whigs  of  that  day,  Lord  Moira,  and  Mr.  Sheridan, 
in  particular,  seemed  wholly  bent  on  driving  the  ministry  to 
hostile  measures  against  France,  after  having  for  years  made 
war  on  the  Tory  ministry  for  its  belligerent  policy.  There  never 
was  greater  inconsistency  exhibited  by  public  men  than  was  at 
this  period  displayed  by  Lord  Moira  and  Mr.  Sheridan.  The 
whole  of  their  patriotism,  at  this  time,  was  devoted  to  efforts 
to  influence  the  passions  of  the  people  of  England  against 
France,  to  supply  means  for  paying  the  debts,  and  providing 
for  the  debaucheries  of  the  Prince  Regent.  Mr.  Fox,  Mr. 
Grey,  and  Mr.  Whitbread,  were  no  parties  to  the  war-whoop 
of  Lord  Moira  and  Mr.  Sheridan. 

The  appearance  of  a desire  for  peace  had  now  been  mani- 
fested by  both  governments,  for  a sufficient  length  of  time,  to 
answer  all  the  purposes  required  ; the  popular  will  had  been 
deferred  to,  and  no  more  was  then  necessary. 

On  the  9th  of  March,  1803,  a message  from  the  King  was 
delivered  to  the  parliament,  wherein  his  Majesty  “thinks  it 
necessary  to  acquaint  the  House  of  Commons,  that,  as  very 
considerable  military  preparations  were  carrying  on  in  the 
ports  of  France  and  Holland,  he  had  judged  it  expedient  to 
adopt  additional  measures  of  precaution  for  the  security  of  his 
dominions.” 

In  a debate  in  the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  10th  of 
March,  1803,  Lord  Hobart  said,  there  was  reason  to  hope  the 
disputes  with  France  would  be  amicably  adjusted.  In  the 
Commons,  Mr.  Windham  attempted  to  throw  any  obloquy  that 
might  arise  from  unsuccessful  war,  in  the  event  of  a rupture, 
on  the  opposition.  Mr.  Sheridan  reprobated  the  idea,  that 
the  country,  by  the  peace,  had  been  deprived  of  the  means  of 
going  to  war.  Lord  Moira  repelled,  with  indignation,  the 
assertion  of  Buonaparte,  that  “ England  was  unable  to  con- 
tend single-handed,  with  France.” 

Lord  Whitworth,  in  March,  by  the  instructions  of  his  gov- 
ernment, demanded  an  explanation  of  the  motives  and  objects 
of  the  warlike  preparations  in  the  French  ports  ; and  the  reply 
^not  official)  of  Mons.  Talleyrand,  was  said  to  have  been  short, 
and  not  satisfactory — “ it  was  the  will  of  the  First  Consul.* 
Buonaparte,  on  the  other  hand,  on  the  11th  of  March,  at  a 
levee  at  the  Tuilleries,  attended  by  the  different  ambassadors, 
and  a great  number  of  distinguished  persons,  on  entering  the 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


29 


grand  saloon,  seemed  violently  agitated,  and  appeared  to  bo 
conversing  with  his  attendants,  or,  rather,  thinking  aloud,  for 
the  following  words,  pronounced  in  a very  audible  voice,  were 
heard  by  all  the  persons  in  the  audience  chamber  : — •“  Venge 
ance  will  fall  on  that  power  which  will  be  the  cause  of  the 
war.”  He  approached  the  British  ambassador,  Lord  Wnit- 
worth,  and  said — “ you  know,  my  lord,  that  a terrible  storm 
has  arisen  between  England  and  France.” 

Lord  Whitworth  said — “ it  was  to  be  hoped,  that  this  storm 
would  be  dissipated  without  any  serious  consequences.”  Buona- 
parte replied — 44  it  will  be  dissipated  when  England  should 
have  evacuated  Malta  ; if  not,  the  cloud  would  burst,  and  the 
bolt  must  fall.  The  King  of  England  had  promised,  by  treaty, 
to  evacuate  that  place,  and  who  was  to  violate  the  faith  of 
treaties  ? ” 

The  above  accouut  is  taken  from  a communication,  publish- 
ed in  the  Hibernian  Magazine,  of  April,  1803,  furnished  by 
a person  who  professes  to  speak  from  a personal  knowledge  of 
the  circumstances  related. 

Of  the  interview  referred  to,  Lord  Whitworth,  in  commu- 
nication to  the  British  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  dated  the 
14th  of  March,  1803,  says — “ At  court  which  was  held  at 
the  Tuilleries,  on  that  day,  Sunday,  he  (the  First  Consul)  ac- 
costed me,  evidently  under  very  considerable  agitation.  He 
began  by  asking  me  if  I had  any  news  from  England.  I told 
him  I had  received  letters  from  your  lordship  two  days  ago. 
He  immediately  said,  * And  so  you  are  determined  to  go  to 
war?’  ‘No,’  I replied,  ‘we  are  too  sensible  of  the  advant- 
ages of  peace.’  He  said,  ‘ we  have  now  been  at  war  for  fifteen 
years.’  As  he  seemed  to  wait  for  an  answer,  I observed  only, 
‘ That  certainly,  is  having  too  much  of  it.’  ‘ But,’  said  he, 
4 you  wish  to  carry  it  on  for  fifteen  years  more  and  you  are 
forcing  me  into  it.’  I told  him  that  was  very  far  from  his 
Majesty’s  intentions.  He  then  proceeded  to  Count  Marcow, 
and  Chevalier  Azara,  who  were  standing  together  at  a little 
distance  from  me,  and  said  to  them,  4 The  English  will  have 
war,  but  if  they  be  the  first  to  draw  the  sword,  I shall  be  the 
last  to  sheath  it  again.’  They  respect  no  treaties  Hence- 
forth they  must  be  covered  with  black  crape.  He  then  went 
his  round.  In  a few  minutes  he  came  back  to  me,  and  resum- 
ed the  conversation,  if  such  it  may  be  called,  by  something 


80 


iiEMUlK  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


personally  civil  to  me  ; and  after  some  observations  about  the 
armaments  in  England,  he  said,  in  reply  to  Lord  Whitworth’s 
remark,  that  England  desired  to  live,  ‘ En  bonne  intelligence 
avec  elle  (la  France).  II  faut  done  respecter  les  Traites, 
malheur  a ceux  qui  ne  respectent  pas  les  Traites,  ils  en  seront 
responsable  a tout  PEurope.’  ” * 

The  manifesto  of  the  French  republic,  at  the  appearance  of 
hostilities,  bearing  the  signature  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  M.  Talleyrand,  was  issued  on  the  15th  of  May.  In 
this  document  it  is  stated,  that  the  British  Minister,  on  the 
7 th  of  April,  manifested  an  intention  to  violate  the  treaty, 
and  to  refuse  to  evacuate  Malta.  The  intimation  was  not 
listened  to.  Two  new  projects  of  convention  followed  ; one 
that  Malta  should  continue  under  the  sovereignty  of  Eng- 
land, and  England  would  consent  to  recognize  every  thing  that 
had  taken  place  in  Europe,  since  the  treaty  of  Amiens.  To 
which  proposal  M.  Talleyrand  replied  that  no  change  had  taken 
place  in  Europe  since  the  treaty  was  made,  except  the  organi- 
zation of  the  German  empire , in  which  the  King  of  England 
had  concurred,  as  Elector  of  Hanover,  by  his  vote — a neces- 
sary consequence  of  the  treaty  of  Luneville,  which  existed  long 
before  the  treaty  of  Amiens  ; that  the  events  in  Piedmont, 
Etruria,  and  the  Italian  and  Ligurean  republics,  had  their 
date  previous  to  the  treaty  of  Amiens  ; that  with  respect  to 
the  Batavian  republic,  it  had  been  recognized  by  the  King  of 
England,  and  that  by  treaty  between  that  republic  and  France, 
the  last  division  of  the  French  troops  would  evacuate  Holland, 
on  the  complete  execution  of  the  treaty  of  Amiens.  With 
respect  to  Malta,  the  independence  of  the  order  of  its  knights, 
and  of  the  island,  was  provided  for  by  an  especial  article  of 
the  treaty  of  Amiens.  The  independence  of  the  island  had 
been  guaranteed  by  the  Emperor  of  Germany  ; the  independ- 
ence of  the  knights  had  been  guaranteed  by  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  and  the  King  of  Prussia,  in  consequence  of  the  con- 
joint solicitation  of  England  and  France.  When  Lord  Whit- 
worth demanded  his  passports,  France,  anxious  still  for  peace, 
had  consented  that  Malta  should  be  guaranteed  by  one  of  the 
guaranteeing  powers,  Austria,  Russia,  or  Prussia.  Lord 
Whitworth  suspended  his  departure,  and  referred  the  proposal 
to  his  government.  On  the  11th  of  May,  Lord  Whitworth 
* Woodfall’s  London  Chronicle,  p.  4/78.  May  17th,  18tU,  1803. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


31 


returned  the  answer  of  his  government,  stating  that  Russia 
had  refused  the  request  made  to  her  on  that  subject.  Talley- 
rand affirms  there  was  not  time  for  the  application  to  have 
been  made  to  Russia  and  replied  to.  A courier,  however,  had 
arrived  at  Paris  from  Russia,  with  despatches  from  the  Em 
peror,  manifesting  the  greatest  concern  at  the  intelligence  of 
the  intention  of  England  to  retain  possession  of  Malta,  renew* 
ing  the  assurances  of  his  guarantee,  and  announcing  his  com- 
pliance with  the  request  of  the  First  Consul,  to  become  the 
mediator  between  the  two  powers,  with  their  consent.  This 
communication  was  made  known  to  Lord  Whitworth,  on  the 
12th  of  May.  On  the  same  day  his  lordship  informed  Mons. 
Talleyrand  that  he  had  orders  to  depart  in  36  hours  after  the 
delivery  of  his  last  note.  The  manifesto  terminates  with  “ a 
repetition  of  the  proposition  to  place  Malta  in  the  hands  of 
one  of  the  three  guaranteeing  powers  ; and  for  all  other  ob- 
jects foreign  to  the  treaty  of  Amiens,  renews  its  declaratioi 
to  open  a negotiation  with  respect  to  them.” 

On  the  15th  of  May,  1803,  his  Britannic  Majesty  sent  a 
message  to  parliament  announcing  the  recall  of  the  British 
ambassador  from  Paris,  and  the  departure  of  the  French  am- 
bassador from  London.  The  declaration  of  hostilities  with 
France  was  published  in  the  Gazette  of  May  18,  1803. 

Mr.  Pitt  made  his  appearance  in  the  House  of  Commons 
on  the  23d  of  May,  when  an  amendment  of  Mr.  Grey’s,  in 
the  address  to  his  Majesty,  pledging  the  house  to  support  his 
Majesty  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  came  to  be  discussed, 
in  that  house.  During  the  continuance  of  peace  Mr.  Pitt  was 
ill — ill  at  ease,  and  ill  pleased  at  the  unsuccessful  result  of  all 
his  efforts  to  maintain  his  war  policy.  His  indisposition  suf- 
fered him  only  to  indulge  in  rural  and  military  recreations — • 
in  learning  the  musket  and  broad  sword  exercise,  by  way  of 
bracing  his  nerves,  and  seeing  his  regiment  of  volunteers  put 
through  their  facings,  with  the  view  of  enlivening  the  dulness 
of  his  retirement.  But  like  the  worthy  cardinal  who  had 
waxed  sickly  and  infirm  before  the  Pope’s  election.  Mr.  Pitt 
before  the  question  came  to  be  discussed,  of  peace  or  war,  was 
a political  invalid,  rumoured  to  be  unable  to  attend  to  his  par- 
liamentary duties,  and  so  broken  down  with  the  labours  of  his 
past  career  as  to  excite  general  apprehensions  for  his  safety. 
But  the  night  of  the  23d  Mr.  Pitt  was  found  in  his  place  in 


32 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


parliament,  and  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  add,  that  his  “ voice 
was  still  for  war.”  Perhaps  greater  vigour  of  mind  or  body 
was  never  exhibited  by  him  than  on  that  occasion.  The  ex- 
minister  was  himself  again — war  was  about  to  be  let  loose  on 
the  world,  and  all  the  principles  of  evil  seemed  concentrated 
in  the  unholy  exultation  with  which  the  prospect  of  war  was 
hailed  on  this  occasion.  In  the  madness  of  hate,  and  the  in- 
ebrity  of  eloquence  itself,  he  spoke  of  the  First  Consul  as  “ a 
sea  of  liquid  lire  which  destroyed  everything  which  was  unfor- 
tunate enough  to  come  in  contact  with  it.”  It  now  only  re- 
mained for  hon.  members  to  express  a hope  that  “ the  onty 
man  in  the  empire  qualified  to  conduct  the  war  to  a successful 
issue,”  should  be  recalled  to  the  councils  of  his  sovereign.  Mr. 
Pitt  played  his  part  to  perfection,  and  there  is  nothing  more 
wonderful  than  the  impunity  which  his  duplicity  and  mischiev- 
ous artifice  on  that  occasion  met  with  at  the  hands  of  the 
Whig  party. 

The  result  of  these  negotiations  was  war,  a new  devastation 
of  the  fairest  portion  of  Europe  for  the  space  of  eleven  years 
— a further  carnage  of  some  millions  of  the  human  race — an 
increased  burden  of  public  debt,  to  the  extent  of  some  hun- 
dreds of  millions  of  pounds  sterling  in  Great  Britain.* 

Divesting  these  negotiations  of  all  their  concomitant  feints 
and  fencings,  wiles  and  ambushes,  mysticisms  of  meaning  and 
hiding  of  purposes,  these  skilful  skirmishes,  criminations  and 
recriminations,  avowals  of  fair  intentions,  and  imputations  of 
bad  faith,  we  come  to  the  bare  bone  of  contention — an  island 
in  the  Mediterranean,  and  a colony  in  Africa,  which  belonged 
to  neither  of  the  parties  in  dispute. 

France  wanted  a navy,  which  it  would  require  ten  years  to 
equip.  England  wanted  Malta  and  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
which  she  was  then  in  a condition  to  retain,  but  was  not  in  so 
good  a condition  to  maintain  when  the  treaty  of  Amiens  was 
entered  into.  Buonaparte  was  well  aware  of  these  facts,  and 
his  political  morality  did  not  stand  in  the  way  of  his  state  in- 
terests. He  regarded  the  treaty  of  Amiens  as  a truce,  believ 

* The  National  Debt  in  1803,  was  £601,411,080  sterling.  In  1814 
at  the  end  of  the  war,  it  was  £943,195,951,  having  been  increased  by 
these  eleven  years  of  war,  upwards  of  £341,000,000. — Colquhoun't 
Wealth  and  Jiesvurces  of  the  British  Empire. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


33 


ing  it  was  so  regarded  by  his  new  ally,  yet  willing  to  maintain 
it  as  long  as  possible,  for  the  sake  of  its  bearings-  on  his  inter 
ests,  not  on  account  of  its  obligations  on  his  honour,  and  de- 
sirous, whenever  it  was  broken,  that  the  ostensible  cause  of 
the  rupture  should  be  a violation  of  an  important  article  of 
that  treaty  on  the  part  of  the  wary  ally,  he  never  ceased  tc 
account,  and,  perhaps,  with  reason,  a watchful  enemy. 

The  consideration  of  this  subject  is  not  foreign  to  the  sub- 
ject of  the  unfortunate  enterprise  of  Robert  Emmet.  Its  ori- 
gin and  failure  were  unquestionably  connected  with  the  expec- 
ted result  of  those  negotiations,  and  the  preparations  for  that 
result  which  had  been  already  begun  in  the  northern  sea  porta^ 
of  France  when  he  set  out  on  his  fatal  mission.  Previous  to 
his  departure  he  had  an  interview  with  Buonaparte,  the  nature 
of  it  was  such  as  to  leave  no  doubt  on  his  mind  that  peace 
was  destined  to  be  of  short  continuance,  that  hostilities  would 
commence  before  the  month  of  August,  1803,  aud  that  the 
invasion  of  England  would  take  place  in  the  course  of  that 
month. 

He  told  one  of  his  most  intimate  friends  in  Ireland,  a gen- 
tleman whose  veracity  can  be  relied  on,  that  his  interview  had 
left  an  unfavourable  impression  on  his  mind  of  the  character 
of  the  First  Consul ; that  he  had  been  referred  by  Buonaparte 
to  Talleyrand,  and  had  several  interviews  with  the  latter,  of 
whose  intentions  towards  Ireland  he  thought  not  more  favour- 
ably than  of  those  of  his  master,  and  of  whose  knowledge  of 
the  state  of  things  there  he  could  say  but  little  to  its  advan- 
tage. He  thought,  howeverf  that  Talleyrand  rather  desired 
the  establishment  of  an  independent  republic  in  Ireland,  and 
that  Buonaparte  did  not.  His  only  object  was  to  aggrandize 
France,  and  to  damage  England,  and  so  far  as  that  object 
went,  to  wish  well  to  any  effort  in  Ireland  that  might  be  an- 
cillary to  his  purpose.  He  thought,  however,  that  Buonaparte, 
seeing  that  war  was  inevitable,  was  sincere  in  the  purpose  he 
expressed  of  making  a descent  on  England  the  earliest  possi- 
ble moment  after  war  had  been  declared,  and  that  event  he 
was  led  to  believe  was  likely  to  take  place  within  eight  or  nine 
months. 

Both  countries,  from  the  middle  of  March,  1803,  were  busily 
engaged  in  preparations  for  war.  It  was  not,  however,  till 
the  10th  of  May  that  acts  of  hostility  were  committed  on  the 


34 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


merchant  vessels  of  both  countries  on  the  coast  of  France  and 
England.  A number  of  intercepted  English  letters  found  on 
board  the  East  Indiaman,  “ Admiral  Aplin,”  captured  by  the 
French,  and  published  in  the  Moniteur  by  the  government, 
afford  abundant  proof  of  the  panic  which  prevailed  in  Eng- 
land from  the  month  of  March,  and  of  the  expectation  of  in- 
vasion that  was  general  in  the  months  of  June,  July,  and  Au- 
gust. The  London  Chronicle  of  March,  April,  and  May  is 
full  of  the  preparations  in  progress  to  repel  aggression.  The 
militia  was  embodied  in  several  counties  in  England  in  March. 
Lord  Castlereagh  was  playing  at  soldiers  in  a yeomanry  corps 
in  Westminster.  Mr.  Pitt  was  down  at  the  Cinque  Ports 
■’aising  his  own  regiment  at  Walmsey.  The  whole  nation  was 
filled  with  apprehensions  of  invasion,  and  ideas  of  a military 
character.  A few  people,  not  amongst  the  ministers  however, 
or  the  opposition,  who  understood  the  character  of  Buon- 
aparte, and  reflected  on  his  obvious  policy,  gave  him  credit  for 
too  much  wisdom  to  believe  that  he  would  stake  all  his  power, 
his  resources,  and  his  fame,  on  an  achievement  of  very  doubtful 
success,  and  believed  that  he  kept  up  the  idea  of  invasion — by 
the  preparation  of  his  flotilla  of  gunboats  at  Boulogne,  Calais, 
and  Dunkerque,  his  naval  armament  at  Brest,  his  armee 
d’Angleterre  encamped  on  the  French  coast,  his  gnnpowder 
articles  in  the  Moniteur — with  the  sole  view  of  obliging  the 
people  of  England  to  keep  up  an  enormous  military  force,  and 
thus  to  make  an  effective  war  on  its  finances.  But  a very  dif- 
ferent opinion  ijas  entertained  by  the  majority,  and  very  seri- 
ous apprehensions  were  expressed  in  high  quarters  of  the  re- 
sults of  an  invasion  in  Ireland.  It  was  stated  in  the  month 
of  August,  in  a letter  of  Lord  Charles  Bentick  to  his  brother, 
Lord  William  Bentick,  Governor  of  Madras,  “ if  Ireland  be 
not  attended  to  it  will  be  lost ; these  rascals”  (an  endearing, 
familiar,  gentleman-like  way  of  calling  the  people  of  Ireland) 
“ are  as  ripe  as  ever  for  rebellion.” 

In  an  extract  of  a letter  to  General  Clinton,  of  the  2d  of 
June,  we  find  the  following  passage  : — “ I have  learned  from 
them  (Irish  people  in  England)  with  regret,  that  the  lower 
classes  of  men  in  Ireland  were  more  disaffected  than  ever, 
oven  more  than  during  the  last  rebellion,  and  that  if  the  French 
could  escape  from  our  fleet,  and  land  their  troops  in  the  north 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET.  35 

of  Ireland,  they  would  be  received  with  satisfaction,  and  joined 
by  a great  number.* 

In  a letter  of  Lord  Grenville  to  the  Marquis  of  Wellesley, 
dated  the  12th  of  July  1803,  w find  the  following  passage  : — 
“ I am  not  certain  whether  the  event  of  the  war  which  our 
wise  ministers  have  at  last  declared,  may  not  have  induced 
them  to  beg  you  to  continue  your  stay  in  India  some  time 
longer.  I hope  nothing,  however,  will  prevent  me  from  having 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  next  year,  supposing  at  that  period 
that  you  have  still  a country  to  revisit.”' j* 

Letter  from  Mr.  Finers  to  General  Lake,  July  14th,  ‘ The 
invasion  which  has  been  so  long  the  favourite  project  of  the 
First  Consul  will  certainly  take  place.” 

Letter  from  one  of  the  directors  of  the  East  India  Company, 
Thomas  Faulder,  to  Mr.  J.  Ferguson  Smith.  Calcutta,  8d 
August : — “I  have  heard  from  the  first  authority  that  if  the 
French  can  land  in  Ireland  with  some  troops  they  will  be  im- 
mediately joined  by  100,000  Irish.”J 

Several  of  these  letters  have  in  their  style  and  tone  evident 
marks  of  authenticity,  and  an  appropriateness  and  similarity 
in  the  opinions  expressed  to  those  which  the  writers  were 
known  to  entertain,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  simulate. 

The  reader  is  requested  to  observe,  that  the  date  of  Lord 
Grenville’s  letter  was  July  12,  the  letter  to  General  Clinton 
is  dated  the  2nd  of  June,  the  letter  to  General  Lake  is  dated 
the  14th  of  July.  In  the  first,  the  apprehension  of  invasion, 
and  the  doubt  of  his  friend  having  a country  to  revisit  the 
next  year,  is  obvious  enough.  In  the  letter  to  General  Clin- 
ton, the  spirit  of  disaffection,  and  certainty  of  the  troops  join- 
ing the  invaders,  is  plainly  stated.  In  the  letter  to  General 
Lake  the  favourite  project  of  the  First  Consul,  it  is  said,  will 
certainly  take  place.  Now,  all  these  letters  were  previous  to 
the  attempt  of  Robert  Emmet,  which  was  made  on  the  23d  of 
July. 

These  letters  were  evidently  written  by  persons  connected 
with  government,  or  with  persons  holding  high  situations  un* 

* Intercepted  letters  found  in  the  captured  ship  “ Aplin,”  published 
in  the  Moniteur , p.  41.  Pam.  Dub.  1804. 

f Intercepted  letters  found  in  the  captured  ship  “Aplin,”  published 
in  the  Moniteur,  p.  13.  Pam.  Dub.  1804. 

X Ibid.  p.  48. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMEf. 


der  the  government,  and  we  see  that  they  entertained  th£ 
opinion  which  lias  been  hitherto  set  down  as  a chimerical  one, 
that  on  which  Robert  Emmet  acted,  namely,  that  there  would 
be  an  invasion  of  some  part  of  Great  Britain  or  Ireland,  and 
that  the  people  in  Ireland  would  take  advantage  of  they  oppor- 
tunity. Unquestionably  this  opinion  did  prevail  in  high  quar- 
ters, and  it  did  not  originate  with  the  individuals  to  whom  it 
has  been  ascribed,  and  who  are  consequently  looked  upon  as 
mere  dreamers  or  enthusiasts. 

Arthur  O’Connor,  in  speaking  of  some  of  the  United  Irish 
leaders  who  were  in  Paris  in  1802  and  3,  says,  “These  were 
persons  who  were  opposed  to  him,  (O’Connor)  who  had  com- 
munications with  France,  and  this  party  was  re-organized  at 
Paris  in  1803.  Their  plans  were  connected  with  Robert  Em- 
met’s plot,  but  were  not  communicated  to  him  ; they  were 
divulged  to  him  by  the  French  government.  The  person  in 
this  party  in  Paris  who  had  most  influence,  was  Russell.  Buon- 
aparte, in  conversing  with  General  O’Connor,  expressed  him- 
self unfavourably  of  the  attempt,  and  of  those  engaged  in  it.”* 
The  United  Irishmen,  it  must  be  added,  who  had  been  in  com- 
munication with  him,  expressed  themselves  no  less  unfavour- 
ably of  him. 


CHAPTER  IY. 

Robert  Emmet’s  design  was  then  based  on  the  expectation 
of  a speedy  rupture  of  the  amicable  relations  between  Great 
Britain  and  France,  on  the  knowledge  of  extensive  naval  pre- 
parations iii  the  northern  sea-ports  of  France,  and  the  im- 
pression left  on  his  mind  by  his  interview  with  Buonaparte, 
and  his  frequent  communications  with  Talleyrand,  that  those 
preparations  were  for  an  invasion  of  England,  which  was  likely 
to  be  attempted  in  August  1803  ; on  the  knowledge  comma* 
cated  to  him  by  Dowdall,  of  a popular  movement  being  de- 
termined on  by  the  Secret  Society  of  England,  with  which 

* “The  United  Irishmen,”  second  series,  Yol.  II.  p.  295. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


31 

Colonel  Dcspard  was  connected  ; on  the  assurance  of  support 
and  pecuniary  assistance  from  very  influential  persons  in  Ire- 
land ; and,  lastly,  on  the  concurrence  of  several  of  the  most 
devoted  of  the  Irish  leaders  in  Paris. 

A gentleman,  still  living,  well  known  to  his  countrymen, 
and  deservedly  respected  by  them,  dined  in  company  with 
Robert  Emmet  and  Surgeon  Lawless,  the  day  before  the  de- 
parture of  the  latter  for  Ireland.  “ Emmet  spoke  of  his  plans 
with  extreme  enthusiasm  ; his  features  glowed  with  excite- 
ment, the  perspiration  burst  through  the  pores,  and  ran  down 
his  forehead.’’  Lawless  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with  his 
intentions,  and  thought  favourably  of  them  ; but  the  gentle- 
man I refer  to,  considered  the  plans  impracticable,  and  was 
opposed  to  them.  Dr.  Macneven,  Hugh  Wilson,  Thomas 
Russell,  William  and  Thomas  Corbett,  Hamilton,  and  Swee- 
ney, were  intimate  and  confidential  friends  of  Robert  Emmet, 
as  well  as  of  his  brother  ; several  of  them,  there  is  positive 
proof,  concurred  in  the  attempt.  All  of  them  it  may  be  sup- 
posed were  cognizant  of  it.  All  their  surviving  friends  are 
agreed  on  one  point,  that  the  project  did  not  originate  with 
Robert  Emmet.  He  set  out  for  Ireland  by  the  way  of  Hol- 
land, in  the  beginning  of  October,  1802,  and  arrived  in  Dub- 
lin in  the  course  of  the  same  month.  His  brother  Thomas 
Addis,  was  then  in  Brussells.  One  of  his  letters  is  dated  from 
that  city,  in  November  of  that  year.  In  the  spring  of  1803, 
he  was  in  Paris  with  his  family,  and,  when  hostilities  had 
broken  out  in  the  month  of  May,  was  in  communication  with 
Talleyrand,  and  soon  after  with  Buonaparte. 

While  many  of  the  United  Irishmen  were  in  France  and  in 
other  parts  of  the  Continent,  after  their  release  from  Fort 
George,  it  would  seem  that  some  apprehensions  were  enter- 
tained by  T.  A.  Emmet  and  others,  as  to  the  nature  and  ex- 
tent of  the  assistance  to  be  received  and  accepted  from  the 
French  ; the  former  wishing  that  none  other  should  be  accep- 
ted than  such  as  was  extended  to  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica, and  that  Ireland  should  enjoy  her  freedom  as  a separate 
nation  ; while  others  of  the  United  Irishmen  seemed  desirous 
of  forming  a more  intimate  political  connection,  even  to  the 
extent  of  not  only  separating  Ireland  from  England,  but  of 
uniting  her  to  France.  The  First  Consul  seemed  also  to  fa 
your  this  plan  and  its  advocates.  That  this  difference  of  opt. 


88 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


ion  did,  in  a degree,  weaken  and  impair  that  confidence  and 
good  fellowship  which  had  before  mutually  existed  among  the 
United  Irishmen  in  France,  there  is  no  question.  It  certainly 
produced  a caution  and  reserve  in  the  conduct  of  some,  which 
resembled,  and  may  have  been  mistaken  for  a jealousy,  or  sus- 
picion, as  to  the  real  motives  which  actuated  the  conduct  of 
others  of  their  body  ; and  it  no  doubt  has  likewise  given  rise 
to  the  opinion,  sometimes  expressed,  that,  after  leaving  Fort 
George,  many  of  the  prisoners  quarrelled,  and  disagreed 
among  themselves.  Be  that  as  it  may,  there  is  certainly  no 
instance  in  history  where  a body  of  men  were  engaged  in  a 
similar  enterprise,  and  which,  resulting  in  defeat,  produced  so 
little  of  jealousy,  recrimination,  or  enmity,  among  themselves, 
as  existed  among  the  chiefs  of  the  United  Irishmen. 

The  events  connected  with  this  communication,  being  of  a 
later  date  than  the  period  of  the  departure  of  Robert  Emmet 
for  Ireland,  might  be  more  regularly  noticed  in  that  part  of 
the  memoir  which  treats  of  the  career  of  Robert  Emmet  at 
the  period  in  question.  Nevertheless,  it  seems  to  me,  the  cor- 
respondence of  T.  A.  Emmet,  detailing  the  nature  of  his  com- 
munications with  Buonaparte  and  Talleyrand ; his  own  views 
of  the  results  of  a connection  with  France,  though  the  date 
of  it  is  some  months  later  than  the  period  of  Robert  Emmet's 
departure,  can  be  introduced  in  this  place  with  most  advan- 
tage to  the  subject,  and  made  to  afford  an  unbroken  view  of 
the  subject  of  the  communication  of  the  United  Irishmen  in 
Paris  with  the  French  government,  in  1802  and  1803.  The 
following  valuable  papers  bring  the  history  of  those  commu- 
nications to  an  end. 

In  the  autumn  of  1803,  T.  A.  Emmet  had  an  interview 
with  the  First  Consul.  On  the  13A  of  November,  he  ad- 
dressed a memorial  to  him  ; and,  on  the  \3th  of  December, 
following,  Buonaparte  replied  to  this  communication,  declaring 
his  intention  to  set  on  foot  preparations  for  an  expedition  to 
secure  the  independence  of  Ireland. 

In  1803,  many  of  the  United  Irishmen,  who  had  gone  to 
France,  formed  themselves  into  an  Irish  battalion,  or  legion, 
under  the  command  of  General  M’Sheehy,  and,  there  is  no 
doubt,  most  of  them  wrould  have  returned  to  Ireland  with  an 
invading  expedition,  which  they  were  led  to  believe  was  then 
actually  fitting  out  at  Brest,  and  elsewhere.  Under  these  cir 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


39 


cumstances,  T.  A.  Emmet  drew  up,  and  presented  the  memo 
rial  referred  to,  on  behalf  of  the  United  Irishmen.  No  copy  of 
this  memorial  is  to  be  found  ^mong  Mr.  Emmet’s  papers,  and 
the  copy  of  the  First  Consul’s  answer  to  the  memorial,  sent 
with  Mr.  Emmet’s  letters  to  the  author,  was  found  among  Dr. 
Macneven’s  papers. 

Extract  of  a Letter  from  T.  A.  Emmet,  at  Paris,  direc- 
ted,— “A  Monsieur  Macneven,  Officier  du  Battalion  a 
Morlaise,”  and  dated, 

“ 1 st  Pluviose,  1804,  (Zlst  Jan.) 

“ My  dear  Macneven — I have  received  Gallagher’s,  Swee- 
ney’s, and  your  letters,  all  which,  I acknowledge  with  very 
sincere  love  to  the  respective  parties.  But  the  length  and 
nature  of  this  letter,  with  my  having  at  this  moment  a great 
press  of  business,  will,  I hope,  be  a sufficient  excuse  for  my  uot 
writing  to  them  at  present.  As  to  the  conjecture  you  make 
in  your  letter  about  the  time  before  which  matters  will  not  be 
ready,  I am  clear  you  are  well  founded  ; though  not,  perhaps, 
for  the  reasons  you  have  assigned,  as,  I perceive,  your  travel- 
ler did  not  give  you  an  exact  account  of  what  was  in  Brest, 
and  none  at  all  of  what  was  in  the  neighbouring  ports  ; but 
your  conclusion,  nevertheless,  is  true.  At  the  end  of  that  time, 
(if  any  faith  can  be  placed  in  assurance)  it  is  intended  to  at- 
tempt something.  I am  not  seaman  enough  to  calculate  the 
chances  of  success  ; but  this  I know,  that  similar  things  were 
done  in  August ; and  further,  none  of  us  know  what  combina- 
tions of  plans  may  be  used  to  facilitate  the  measure,  even  in 
an  unfavourable  tirhe.  So  much  for  that.  Now  for  what  will, 
perhaps,  surprise  and  please  you,  as  it  has  done  me.  I pre- 
sented the  memoir  I was  writing  at  your  departure,  on  the 
13th  Nivoze  : on  the  27th,  I received  the  annexed  answer. 

“ When  Dalton  delivered  me  this,  he  stated  the  readiness 
of  the  minister  to  confirm  it  by  word  of  mouth  whenever  I 
pleased.  As  the  latter  paragraph  afforded  ample  room  for 
reflection,  and  for  consulting  my  friends,  I would  willingly 
have  avoided  the  interview  for  some  time,  and  professed  my- 
self perfectly  satisfied  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the  answer  ; 
but  by  his  eagerness  in  pressing  the  matter,  I quickly  perceived, 
that  the  minister’s  1 readiness  to  confirm,’  was,  in  fact,  a dmri 


40 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


to  see  me  on  the  subject.  After  I had  read  the  answer 
through,  Dalton  subjoined,  ‘ I have  to  add,  that  it  is  the  First 
Consul’s  wish,  that  you  and  Mr.  O’Connor  should  be  of  that 
committee  ; and  I have  directions  to  present  him  a copy  of 
this  answer,  leaving  out  the  first  sentence.  When  that  com- 
mittee is  formed,  it  will  give  the  present  government  the  means 
of  communicating  at  once  with  all  parties  of  United  Irishmen, 
and  give  them  the  certainty,  that  whatever  may  be  offered  in 
their  behalf,  will  not  be  contradictory,  and  drawing  in  differ- 
ent directions.’ 

“ He  added  a great  deal  more,  &c.  We  took  leave,  he,  in 
a great  hurry  to  procure  me* an  interview  with  the  minister, 
and  I in  none.  One  reason  for  this  disposition,  besides  what 
I already  stated,  was,  that  I apprehended  very  strongly,  as 
the  American  mediation  is  not  yet  ended,  the  proclamations 
of  the  committee  might  be  an  engine  for  terrifying  England 
into  terms  ; and  I wished,  and  still  wish,  to  waste  time,  until 
I have  reason  to  hope,  that  the  best  exertions  of  the  commit- 
tee may  not  be  turned  into  a cause  of  mischief  to  our  country. 
I therefore  postponed,  but  was  yesterday  obliged  to  have  the 
interview,  of  which  I shall  speak  directly.  You  may  be  as- 
iured,  I lost  no  time  in  consulting  Sweetman,  M’D.,  and  my 
other  friends  here,  who  all  agreed,  that  as  the  Consul  made  a 
point  of  it,  it  could  not  be  avoided  ; and  they  even  saw  con- 
siderable advantage  from  it,  provided  it  acts  with  caution. 

“ Before  I saw  the  minister  yesterday,  I had  a long  conver- 
sation with  Dalton  ; the  greatest  part  of  which  turned  on  the 
best  mode  of  appointing  the  committee.  The  mode  he  con- 
templated, and  with  him,  the  government,  was,  that  O’C.  and 
I should  each  name  whom  we  thought  fit ; that  government 
should  add  to  us  some  person  or  persons,  if  we  should  omit 
any  it  thought  important.  I said,  ‘ If  I were  of  the  commit- 
tee, I certainly  should  not  object  to  any  persons  of  whom  1 
thought  sufficiently  well,  and  whose  presence  government 
thought  of  importance  ; but  that,  for  myself,  I wished  to  be 
sanctioned  by  the  approbation  of  my  countrymen  ; which 
could  be  easily  had,  as  they  are  collected  at  Morlaix.’  Against 
this  he  remonstrated  with  a good  deal  of  energy  ; and,  in  truth, 
it  made  the  principal  part  of  our  conversation.  I was  free  to 
make  whatever  proposal  I pleased  ; but  as  a friend,  and  in 
confidence,  he  advised  me  against  that.  He  added  some  ob- 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


41 


servations,  in  no  respect  disreputable  to  our  countrymen,  but 
which  I don’t  consider  myself  free  to  repeat ; and  said,  I,  at 
least,  had  no  occasion  for  any  such  scruples,  as  it  was  well 
known,  I had  already  the  approbation  of  my  countrymen  for 
acting  alone,  and  a fortiori,  for  acting  with  others. 

“ At  length  I saw  the  minister;  who  confirmed,  in  the  full- 
est manner,  Dalton’s  paper,  and  assured  me  it  was  what  the 
Consul  intended  to  abide  by  ; and  asked  me  if  I had  thought 
of  the  committee,  and  who  would  be  the  most  proper  members  ? 
On  my  part,  I expressed  the  utmost  gratitude  to  the  Consul 
for  his  assurances  and  intentions.  As  to  the  committee,  I said, 

‘ there  was  one  peculiarity  in  the  situation  of  most  of  us,  which 
was  probably  unknown  to  the  Consul,  but  which  made  the 
formation  of  that  committee  a matter  of  some  difficulty  ; — 
though  our  persons  were  free,  the  property,  aud  almost  every 
man  who  might  be  thought  eligible,  was  in  the  power  of  the 
English  government ; and  if  they  did  any  thing  that  could  be 
taken  hold  of,  that  property  would  certainly  be  confiscated. 
This  was  a great  consideration  for  fathers  of  families  ; and 
although,  under  certain  circumstances,  when  men  had  a full 
assurance  that  matters  were  come  to  a crisis,  they  might  run 
risks ; they  could  not  feel  warranted  in  doing  so  under  uncer- 
tainties.’ To  this  he  answered,  among  other  things,  that  we 
should  not  be  required  to  run  any  risks  we  did  not  think  fit. 

“ ‘ Form  your  committee,  give  government  the  body  with 
which  it  wants  to  communicate,  and  manage  your  own  affairs 
as  you  may  think  fit,  publish  your  proclamations  without  any 
names,  and  if  you  think  your  countrymen  will  give  sufficient 
credit  to  them,  keep  your  names  secret  but  from  the  commit- 
tee.’ 

“ A good  deal  more  was  said,  that,  perhaps,  ought  not  to 
be  repeated.  Thus,  however,  matters  stand.  I will  not  throw 
any  impediment  in  the  way  ; but  I do  not  intend  to  break  my 
neck,  in  trying  to  bring  about  what  I do  not  perfectly  under- 
stand the  drift  of.  I wish  you  were  here,  and  J think  it 
probable  you  may  be  called  for  ; but  you  need  not  fear  being 
left  behind,  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Irish  will  be 
here  also.  Sweeney  was  very  right  not  to  offer  to  go  to  Ire- 
land on  Augereau’s  invitation.  Let  him  consider  if  he  should 
be  asked  whether  he  would  go  on  any  other  condition  different 
from  what  he  has  already  offered.  As  I know  there  is  an 


42 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


anxiety  of  transmitting  the  substance  of  the  Consul’s  answer 
to  me,  you  will  see  how  much  discretion  is  necessary  with  re« 
spect  to  the  foregoing  parts  of  this  letter. 

“ You  will  no  doubt,  be  rejoiced  to  hear  that  the  First  Con- 
sul himself  has  taken  the  trouble  of  dictating  the  device  for 
your  colours.  They  are  to  be  green  in  the  centre  ; a tri- 
coloured circle,  with  R.  I.*  The  legend  on  the  colours  is  to 
be,  1 L’independence  de  l’lreland — Liberte  de  Conscience.’ 
You  are  also  aware  that  your  uniform  is  somewhat  changed, 
on  the  demand  of  M'Sheehy  ; the  amaranth  is  exploded,  and 
yellow,  the  second  national  colour,  substituted  in  its  place.” 

* “ Copy  of  the  First  Consul's  answer  to  my  Memoir e of  13  th 
Nivoze,  delivered  to  me  F\th  Nivoze  : — 

“ The  First  Consul  has  read  with  the  most  particular  atten- 
tion the  memorial  addressed  to  him  by  Mr.  Emmet  on  the 
13th  Nivoze. 

“ He  wishes  that  the  United  Irishmen  should  be  fully  con- 
vinced that  it  is  his  intention  to  ensure  the  independence  of 
Ireland,  and  to  give  full  and  effective  protection  to  all  of  them 
that  will  take  part  in  the  expedition,  or  that  will  unite  with 
the  French  forces. 

The  French  government  can  issue  no  proclamation  until  a 
landing  shall  have  been  made  on  the  Irish  territory.  But  the 
general  who  is  to  command  the  expedition,  will  be  furnished 
with  sealed  letters  by  which  the  First  Consul  will  declare  that 
he  will  make  no  peace  with  England,  without  stipulating  for 
the  independence  of  Ireland  upon  condition,  however,  that  the 
army  shall  have  been  joined  by  a considerable  body  of  United 
Irishmen.  . 

Ireland  shall  be  treated  in  every  thing  just  as  America  was 
treated  in  the  late  war. 

Every  person  who  will  embark  with  the  French  army  des- 
tined for  the  expedition,  will  be  commissioned  as  a Frenchman, 
and  if  he  be  arrested  and  not  treated  as  a prisoner  of  war,  re- 
prisals will  be  made  upon  the  English  prisoners. 

Every  corps  formed  in  the  name  of  the  United  Irishmen, 
shall  be  considered  as  forming  a part  of  the  French  army.  In 
fine,  should  the  expedition  be  unsuccessful  and  the  Irish  be 
* Itepublique  Irlandaiae. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


43 


obliged  to  return  to  France,  France  will  maintain  a certain 
number  of  Irish  brigades,  and  will  grant  pensions  to  every  per- 
son that  shall  have  formed  one  of  the  government  or  authority 
of  the  country. 

The  pensions  shall  be  assimilated  to  those  granted  in  France 
to  titular  officers  of  corresponding  ranks  or  employments,  who 
are  not  on  active  service. 

The  First  Consul  desires  that  a committee  be  formed  of  the 
United  Irishmen.  He  sees  nothing  improper  in  having  the 
members  of  this  committee  issue  proclamations  to  inform  their 
countrymen  of  the  state  of  affairs. 

These  proclamations  shall  be  inserted  in  the  Argus  and  in 
the  various  European  Journals,  in  order  that  the  Irish  may  be 
enlightened  upon  the  course  they  are  to  pursue,  and  the  hopes 
they  are  to  entertain. 

If  the  committee  will  make  a recapitulation  of  the  acts  of 
tyranny  perpetrated  upon  Ireland  by  the  English  government, 
the  same  shall  be  inserted  in  the  Moniteur 

It  was  in  consequence  of  this  answer  from  the  First  Consul, 
and  under  the  full  conviction  that  an  invasion  of  Ireland  was 
shortly  to  take  place,  that  Dr.  Macneven  wrote  a proclamation, 
which  was  found  among  his  papers,  from  which  the  following 
passages  are  extracted : — 

“ Friends  and  Countrymen — The  hour  of  your  emancipation 
is  at  length  arrived.  We  announce  to  you  allies  and  arms, 
which  will  enable  you  to  throw  off  the  English  yoke.  An 

auxiliary  force  of thousand  of  those  illustrious  warriors, 

who  have  repeatedly  triumphed  over  our  enemies,  with  arms 

to  equip  thousand  Irishmen,  as  valiant  as  even  those 

warriors.  These  are  the  ample  means  that  are  offered  to  you 
for  redressing  the  wrongs,  and  asserting  the  independence  of 
your  country.  United  brethren,  who  have  maintained,  even 
in  servitude,  the  dignity  of  freemen,  by  gallant,  though  unsuc- 
cessful, struggle,  against  the  tyranny  of  George  III.,  we  do 
not  at  this  day  presume  to  inflame  your  valour.  Could  courage 
alone  give  independence  to  your  country,  you  would  long  since 
have  made  it  free  ; but,  when  virtue  was  unavailing  to  break 
its  fetters,  it  was,  at  least,  preserved,  by  your  magnanimouj 
daring,  from  dishonour.  Placed  in  the  dreadful  alternative  of 


44 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


resigning  yourselves  to  despotism,  or  contending  with  its  power* 
you  proved  to  the  world  that  the  most  intolerable  evil  to  Irish- 
men is  slavery. 

“ A consolatory  task  awaits  you  now,  you  will  meet  the  foe 
with  advantage  equal  to  his  own.  On  the  ruins  of  what  he 
acquired  by  oppression,  rapine,  and  bloodshed,  you  will  estab- 
lish the  happiness  of  millions,  and  you  will  rescue  from  pro- 
vincial degradation  the  exalted  character  of  your  country. 

“ Cited  to  the  field  by  your  wrongs  and  by  your  sufferings, 
by  the  forlorn  exile  of  your  friends,  and  by  the  unexpiated 
murder  of  your  relations  ; with  the  sword  of  liberty  in  your 
hands,  and  the  spirit  of  independence  in  your  hearts,  what  can 
your  enemies  avail  against  your  sacred  cause  and  ardent  en- 
thusiasm. Another  effort  of  national  energy,  made  in  conjunc- 
tion with  our  victorious  allies,  will  annihilate  a calamitous 
domination,  and  establish  for  ever  the  glory  and  welfare  of 
Ireland. 

“ Countrymen  of  all  descriptions  ! where  has  England  tri- 
umphed that  ye  have  not  bled  for  her  victory  ; where  is  she 
famed  that  you  partake  not  of  her  renown  ? The  French  army 
comes  with  positive  orders  to  act  as  an  auxiliary  force  to  the 
Irish  nation,  its  government ; but  what  is  stronger  than  every 
other  pledge,  you  are  called  on,  countrymen  ! to  embody,  with- 
out delay,  an  Irish  army,  under  the  command  of  Irish  officers, 
who  shall  be  commissioned  by  the  Irish  government,  and  thus 
to  take  into  your  own  hands  your  fate,  your  honour,  and  your 
country.” 

The  sincerity  of  the  First  Consul  as  to  this  expedition  seems 
not  to  have  been  doubted  by  Mr.  Emmet  until  about  the 
month  of  April  following.  What  may  have  taken  place  I 
have  no  means  of  ascertaining,  but  from  that  period,  he  seems 
to  have  given  up  all  expectation  of  assistance. 

Under  date  of  April  19,  1804,  he  writes  as  follows  : — 

“ My  Dear  Macneven, — By  your’s  of  the  6th,  as  well  as 
by  one  of  Sweeney’s  which  came  to-day,  I find  that  my  post- 
script to  Mrs.  G.’s  letter  has  led  you  all  into  a very  great  mis- 
take. I certainly  never  said,  nor  did  I mean  to  insinuate, 
that  any  offer  had  been  made  to  me.  I had  reason  to  con- 
clude from  two  different  quarters  that  something  was  in  con- 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


4d 


templation,  and  therefore  I wished  to  anticipate  the  necessity 
of  deciding  by  asking  your  advice  beforehand,  but,  so  far  from 
any  offer,  if  I were  to  draw  any  conclusion  from  continued,  I 
must  say,  marked  and  obstinate  silence,  I should  say  none  was 
ever  intended. 

“You  may  remember,  I once  mentioned,  that  you  would 
probably  meet  a General  at  Morlaix  ; why  you  did  not,  will, 
perhaps,  one  day  become  in  our  own  country  matter  of  inves- 
tigation, but  the  person  to  whom  I alluded  has  since  requested 
me  to  make  some  applications,  which  I have  done,  but  without 
receiving  an  answer.  I enclosed  MacSheehey’s  memorial,  on 
the  subject  of  your  being  considered  as  French  citizens,  to  the 
minister  on  Saturday  last,  with  a very  civil  note,  requesting 
an  interview,  in  order  to  take  his  instructions,  but  no  answer 
as  yet. 

“Under  all  those  circumstances,  I am  not  so  foolish  as  to 
flatter  myself  with  any  very  sanguine  expectations.  I adhere 
to  my  original  plan  of  going  to  America,  and  do  not  think  it 
probable  that  anything  will  occur  to  prevent  me.  Suppose, 
however,  an  offer  should  be  made,  I do  not  entirely  agree  with 
you.  If  I do  not  exceedingly  alter  my  opinion,  I will  not  ac- 
cept either  of  the  situations  you  have  advised,  and  for  reasons, 
that,  with  your  knowledge  of  my  politics,  you  can  be  at  no 
loss  to  guess.  I am  an  Irishman,  and,  until  necessity  forces 
me  to  contract  ties  of  allegiance  elsewhere,  I will  hold  no  sit- 
uation that  is  not  Irish,  or  obviously  directed  to  the  emancipa- 
tion of  that  country. 

“ If  I am  to  contract  a new  allegiance,  and  to  undertake 
civil  duties  not  connected  with  my  native  land,  let  not  the  lat- 
ter part  of  my  political  life  be  at  variance  with  its  beginning. 
What,  then,  can  I accept?  Nothing  but  what  is  Irish  in  all 
its  objects,  and,  if  nothing  of  that  kind  can  be  found  or  created, 
I am  too  old,  too  poor,  and  too  heavily  laden,  to  await  the 
issue  of  reiterated  procrastinations.  You  will  judge,  then, 
what  chance  there  is  of  my  wintering  in  Europe. 

“ Since  I began  this  letter,  I have  learned  that  the  minister 
at  war  has  set  off  for  the  camp  at  St.  Omer,  and  will  not, 
probably,  be  back  for  some  time.  As  he  did  not  anwer  my 
note  that  accompanied  "General  MacSheehey’s  memorial,  I pre- 
sume I am  to  take  no  steps  in  that  affair  till  his  return,  in) 
'instructions  being,  that  I should  act  under  his  directions.” 


46 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Saturday,  May  12,  1804. 

‘ My  Dear  Macneven, — I yesterday  received  a letter  from 
Sweeney,  enclosing  a half  sheet  from  you  ; I mean  to  answer 
both,  but  I put  off  writing  to  Sweeney  till  I can  tell  him  all 
his  commissions  are  executed.  In  the  meantime,  your  half 
sheet  would  afford  matter  for  more  than  one  very  long  letter, 
if  I could  unbosom  myself,  and  express  all  I think  and  feel  on 
certain  subjects.  As  to  your  idea,  that  there  is  no  fear  but 
that  Sweeney’s  and  the  other  commissions  of  the  same  date, 
will  be  confirmed,  I hope  you  are  right,  and  my  hopes  are 
stronger  than  when  I wrote  to  him,  but  still  I am  very  far 
from  having  any  apprehensions. 

“ The  very  day  after  I sent  in  my  remonstrance  against  the 
famous  paragraph  in  the  Argus,  I received  an  invitation  to 
dinner  with  Augerau,  for  the  next  day  but  one  or  two.  As  it 
was  still  undecided  whether  I should  have  any  further  connec- 
tion with  the  government  or  not,  I thought  it  right  to  accept 
the  invitation,  and  went.  It  was  a parade  dinner,  O’C.,  Tru- 
guet,  Donzelot,  &c.  &c.,  and  I certainly  experienced  every  at- 
tention and  civility.  In  the  course  of  the  evening,  Donzelot, 
with  whom  I had  before  had  some  conversations  on  business, 
requested  me  to  call  on  him  again,  before  he  left  town,  to  con- 
tinue the  conversations.  I told  him  of  the  remonstrance  I had 
just  given  in,  and  of  the  intention  it  expressed  of  withdraw- 
ing from  all  connection  with  government  if  I were  not  satis- 
fied on  the  subject,  but  assured  him,  that,  if  I were  satisfied,  I 
would  not  fail  to  call  and  give  him  every  information  in  my 
power.  I was  never  satisfied,  and  I never  called.  The  same 
circumstance  prevented  me  from  consulting  General  Augerau, 
with  whose  reception  of  me  I had  every  reason  to  be  satisfied. 
Even  the  civilities  necessary  for  keeping  up  a personal  acquaint- 
ance might  be  considered  as  putting  in  for  a confidence  I affec- 
ted to  renounce,  and,  as  I knew  that  my  personal  acquaintance 
was  solicited  on  political  grounds,  I felt  that  the  former  was 
rendered  unnecessary  by  my  declining  to  act  on  the  latter,  if 
ever  the  opportunity  occurred.  I own  I should  be  sorry  Au- 
gerau knew  this,  that  he  might  not  attribute  to  ill  manners  a 
conduct  that  proceeded  from  very  different  motives.  Now, 
however,  my  determination  not  to  interfere  further  in  French 
and  Irish  politics  combined,  whatever  explanations,  offers,  oi 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


47 


assurances  may  be  given,  is  stronger  than  ever,  and  grows  on 
every  day’s  reflection. 

“ If  you  read  attentively  my  last  letter  to  Lawless,  you  will 
divine  all  my  reasons.  I am  afraid  my  interference,  if  it  were 
to  produce  any  effect,  would  be  injurious  to  my  country  ; I 
think  it  would  be  injurious  to  my  fame,  I am  sure  it  would  be 
repugnant  to  my  conscience,  but  all  this- is  talking  to  the  air. 
No  motives  will  be  held  out  to  me  to  stay,  and  I am  much 
mistaken  if  peace  will  not  be  made  without  any  attempt  at  in- 
vasion. Do  you  think  the  Emperor  will  hazard  his  new  title 
and  popularity  by  an  attempt  with  his  fleet  on  one  country,  or 
his  gun-boats  on  the  other,  which,  if  ’t  failed,  would  be,  either 
in  a naval  or  a military  point  of  view,  tremendous  and  irrepara- 
ble, particularly  as  he  has  no  opportunity  of  balancing  the 
miscarriage  by  brilliant  success  in  another  quarter.  I am  de- 
termined, however,  to  give  your  proclamation  as  strick  a scru- 
tiny as  if  I thought  it  would  be  used. 

“ But  now  that  I am  on  the  subject,  let  me  say  a little  more. 
I have  not  heard  from  the  minister  ; but  if  I thought  it  would 
be  useful  to  my  countrymen,  that  should  not  delay  me  for  an 
instant,  and  I would  at  once  address  the  Consul.  But  what 
should  I solicit  ? That  they  might  be  made  French  citizens, 
and  take  oaths  of  allegiance  to  the  government  of  this  coun- 
try ? 

“ Have  you  learned  what  will  be  the  rights  and  duties  of 
French  citizens  under  this  new  constitution  ? or  what  declara- 
tion you  will  be  called  on  to  make  ? When  you  went  down, 
you  intended  to  be  Irishmen , and  as  such,  to  fight  under  the 
French  banners  in  your  owq  country,  and  for  its  freedom. 
Have  you  all  determined  now  to  become  subjects  of  the  French 
empire,  and  to  follow  a military  life  ? If  you  only  intend  to 
procure  an  exemption  from  the  droit  d’aubaine,*  I think  you 
are  right ; and  I have  long  meditated  to  try  and  procure  it 
for  my  exiled  countrymen  ; and  if  my  connection  with  govern- 
ment had  continued,  I should  have  sought  for  it  long  since, 
and  independent  of  the  procuration  ; but,  as  to  being  a French 
citizen,  I should  neither  wish  myself  to  be  one,  nor  to  ask  it 
for  you  and  some  other  of  my  friends.  I only  need  the  pro* 
curation,  to  prevent  a bad  use  being  made  of  your  name,  and 


Escheatage. 


48 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


to  influence  and  to  prevent  your  being  committed  in  character 
by  an  act  not  sufficiently  well  considered  by  those  among  yors 
who  intend  leaving  France  in  the  event  of  peace. 

“ If,  however,  you  do,  on  due  reflection,  wish  the  claim  to 
be  pushed  in  its  full  extent,  indeed,  circumstanced  as  I am 
with  government,  and  decided  as  to  my  own  conduct,  if  you 
wish  any  steps  at  all  to  be  taken,  I shall  cheerfully  make  over 
the  procuration  to  any  person  of  respectability  that  may  b*- 
marked  out  to  me  ; and  on  your  desiring  me,  I will  write  a 
suitable  letter  to  M’Sheehy.  But  let  me  call  the  serious  at- 
tention of  you  and  some  other  friends,  to  what  you  are  doing 
in  the  bottom  of  Brittany,  and  by  no  means  ‘ au  fait’  of  what 
is  going  on  here  in  the  capital.  You  are  getting  a band,  and 
incurring  a thousand  expenses  very  fit  for  military  men  by  pro- 
fession, or  who  count  upon  following  it  for  a considerable  time. 
Will  you  follow  it  in  the  event  of  a peace  ? Mark,  I tell  you, 
there  will  be  peace,  and  that  soon , unless  England  be  actuated 
by  the  most  insolent  and  foolish  madness.  This  I say,  not  from 
my  own  reasoning  merely,  but  from  facts  that  have  been  told 
me  confidently  and  confidentially , even  since  I began  to  write 
this  letter. 

“A  change  of  ministry  in  England  now  appears  certain  ; 
and  this  government  is  only  waiting  that  change,  to  make  such 
proposals  as  no  English  ministers  ought  to  reject.  It  will 
make  commercial  arrangements  ; but  I mention  this  only  to 
our  particular  friends.  What,  then,  will  become  of  your  band, 
your  regimentals,  and  your  rights  of  French  citizenship, 
&c? Adieu.” 

In  the  summer  of  1804,  Mr.  Emmet  left  Paris,  and  went  to 
Bourdeaux,  for  the  purpose  of  embarking  for  America.  The 
following  are  extracts  from  a letter  written  while  at  Bourdeaux, 
to  Dr.  Macneven  : — 

“ My  dearest  Macneven — I expect  that  you  and  my  other 
friends  at  Lisneven,  will  be  extremely  angry  with  me,  for  hav- 
ing left  Paris  without  giving  you  previous  information  ; but  1 
did  so  expressly,  and  in  order  to  prevent  a struggle  between 
your  inclinations  and  your  duty. 

“ By  your’s  and  the  other’s  letters,  I perceived  the  intention 
of  eluding  military  regulations,  and  going  to  meet  me  at 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


49 


Nantes,  if  I had  gone  there,  As  my  destination  was  changed 
for  Bourdeaux,  I saw  you  could  not  attempt  coming  without 
the  utmost  danger  ; and  I determined  to  set  your  minds  at 
ease,  as  to  my  self  reproaches  for  not  having  done  so,  by 
making  the  matter  impossible. 

“ I wish  most  earnestly  and  anxiously  to  embrace  you  all 
again,  but  it  must  be  on  American  ground  ; and  if  you  wish 
to  see  me,  come  there. 

“I  do  not  blame  the  resolution  you  have  taken,  of  waiting 
a little  longer  for  the  victory  you  are  promised  ; but  I am 
much  mistaken  if  you  will  not  be  disappointed. 

“ I repeat  it,  do  not  let  yourselves  be  blinded  even  by  a tem- 
porary victory.  Win  it  if  you  can  ; but  come  to  America  as 
soon  as  you  can. 

“ The  reception  I have  met  with  has  surprised  and  gratified 
me  ; for  it  is  impossible  to  be  more  civilly  or  cordially  received, 
even  by  those  who  do  not  pretend  to  think  as  I do  on  politics. 

“ As  to  the  time  of  my  departure,  it  is  not  fixed,  nor  even 
the  vessel,  owing  to  the  non-arrival  of  my  baggage  by  the 
‘ Roulage  but  it  will  not  be  postponed  beyond  six  days,  nor, 
perhaps,  beyond  three. 

“ American  papers  are  not  to  be  had  ; but  I will  take  every 
precaution  I can  against  the  English  ; or,  rather,  that  if  they 
should  think  fit  to  seize  me,  they  shall  find  nothing  with  me 
that  could  injure  me. 

“ I do  not  bid  you  adieu,  because  I wish  to  bind  you  by 
every  obligation  to  see  me  again  ; but  I pray,  may  Heaven 
bless  and  prosper  you. 

“ Accept  the  sincere  love  of  Mrs.  Emmet,  myself,  and  all 
the  little  ones,  who,  trust  me,  never  will  forget  you. 

“ Ever  yours, 

“ T.  A.  EMMET.” 

Thomas  A.  Emmet  embarked  at  Bourdeaux  for  America, 
the  21th  of  September,  1804. 


50 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


CHAPTER.  Y. 

Robert  Emmet,  on  his  arrival  in  Dublin,  in  October,  1802, 
was  soon  in  communication  with  several  of  the  leaders  who 
had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  former  rebellion.  He  was 
likewise  in  communication  with  some  very  influential  persons, 
who  were  cognizant  of  all  the  proceedings  of  the  leaders,  and 
who  promoted  their  views,  and  directed  their  movements,  be- 
hind the  curtain. 

There  is  a delicacy  to  be  observed,  with  respect  to  those 
whose  names  have  not  transpired  hitherto,  in  connection  with 
this  subject ; I am  aware  of  it.  There  is,  moreover,  great 
deference  to  be  paid  to  the  wishes  of  those  who  were  cognizant 
of  these  matters,  to  whom  their  country,  on  other  grounds,  is 
under  deep  obligations  ; I feel  all  the  importance  of  those  ob- 
ligations. There  is  justice  due  to  the  character  of  Robert 
Emmet ; and,  I am  firmly  persuaded,  that  it  behoves  his 
biographer  to  give  any  information,  of  an  authentic  kind,  that 
may  be  in  his  possession,  and  legitimately  used,  tending  to 
show  that  his  enterprize  had  not  been  communicated  only  to  a 
few  desperadoes,  men  of  no  rank,  character,  or  station,  in  so- 
ciety ; but  had  been  made  known  to  men  of  distinction,  of 
cool  reflection  ; nay,  even  to  some  men  possessed  of  considera- 
ble wealth. 

Robert  Emmet  dined  at  Mr.  John  Keogh’s,  of  Mount- 
Jerome,*  shortly  after  his  arrival,  in  the  company  of  his 

brother’s  friend,  Mr.  C . The  conversation  turned  on  the 

political  state  of  the  country  ; on  the  disposition  of  the  people, 
with  respect  to  a renewal  of  the  struggle.  Robert  Emmet 
spoke,  with  great  vehemence  and  energy,  in  favour  of  the 
probability  of  success,  in  the  event  of  another  effort  being 
made.  John  Keogh  asked  how  many  counties  would  rise? 
the  question  was  one  of  facts  and  figures.  Robert  Emmet 
replied,  that  nineteen  counties  could  be  relied  on.  He  turned 

to  C , and  said,  “ would  you  say  an  attempt  should  not 

oe  made  with  less  ?”  C , after  a momentary  pause,  said, 

* no  ; if  there  were  two  counties  that  could  be  thoroughly  de* 
tended  on,  I would  think  about  it.” 

* Now  Mount- Jerome  Cemetery,  where  the  remains  of  Thomas  Da  via 
rere  interred. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


51 


The  fact  of  Emmet’s  dining  at  Mr.  Keogh’s,  became  known 
to  government,  after  the  arrest  of  the  former.  Mr.  Keogh, 
one  morning,  had  all  his  papers  brought  to  him,  and  separated 
several,  of  which,  he  said,  should  be  destroyed.  Mrs.  Keogh 
said  to  him,  “ why  not  burn  them?”  He  looked  at  the  grate, 
and  said,  “ if  they  came  here  to  examine  my  papers,  that  is 
one  of  the  first  places  they  would  look  at,  to  see  if  any  thing 
had  been  burned  there  lately,  (it  was  summer  time,  and  no 
fires  having  been  used,  the  bars  of  the  grate  were  polished). 
While  they  were  conversing,  some  noise  was  heard  at  the  gate  ; 
the  separated  papers  were  put  back  in  the  desk,  and,  in  a few 
minutes,  a well  known  magistrate  (accompanied  with  one  or 
two  attendants)  was  announced,  with  whom  Mr.  Keogh  was 
acquainted.  The  object  of  the  magistrate’s  visit  was  publicly 
communicated  to  Mr.  Keogh.  He  came  for  the  papers  of  the 
latter,  and  they  were  immediately  delivered  up  to  him,  duly 
sealed,  and  a receipt  given  for  them. 

Mr.  Keogh  proceeded  to  the  Castle,  and  sought  an  inter- 
view with  the  Secretary,  who  was  not  visible.  Mr.  Keogh 
returned  to  his  office,  and  renewed  his  application  for  an  in- 
terview, expressing  his  desire  to  give  him  the  fullest  informa- 
tion about  every  paper  of  his.  He  returned  a third  time  to 
the  office,  reiterating  his  request,  to  have,  not  only  his  papers, 
but  himself  examined.  He  was  entreated  to  give  himself  no 
further  concern  about  a mere  matter  of  form  ; he  had  not  yet 
seen  the  Secretary.  He  intimated  his  intention  of  returning, 
early  the  following  day.  Before  he  could  carry  his  purpose 
into  effect,  his  papers,  with  the  seals  unbroken,  were  returned 
to  Mr.  Keogh.  There  were  papers  amongst  them  which  would 
have  compromised  him  gravely,  had  they  been  examined. 

These  circumstances  were  communicated  by  Mrs.  Keogh,  to 
Doctor  B , of  Dublin.  The  fact  of  John  Keogh’s  con- 

nection with  the  Society  of  United  Irishmen,  has  been  noticed 
in  the  first  series  of  the  United  Irishmen,  (vol.  ii.  p.  SI.)  The 
same  sagacity,  to  which  he  owed  his  safety  in  1798,  preserved 
him  from  peril  in  1803. 

Until  the  month  of  March,  in  the  latter  year,  Emmet  went 
into  society,  and  communicated  freely  with  several  of  the  known 
friends  of  the  exiles,  then  on  the  Continent. 

Ko  information  has  been  hitherto  published,  respecting  the 
source  from  which  the  means  were  procured,  that  enabled 


52  MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 

Robert  Emmet  to  commence,  and  carry  on  liis  operations 
Lord  Castlereagh  stated,  falsely,  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
that  they  were  entirely  supplied  by  Emmet.  That  he  had 
come  into  the  possession  of  the  sum  of  £3000,  by  his  father’s 
death,  which  he  had  invested  in  his  revolutionary  speculation 
Now,  the  friends  of  Robert  Emmet  state,  that  the  sum  which 
came  into  his  possession,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  was  £1500 
The  following  statement  contains  the  most  important  informa- 
tion on  that  subject  that  has  been  yet  laid  before  the  public  ; 
and  I am  indebted  to  my  excellent  friend,  Mr.  P.  Y.  Fitzger- 
ald, for  putting  me  in  communication  with  the  late  Mr.  Fitz- 
gerald, of  Fleet-street,  Dublin,  my  informant,  on  the  matters 
above  referred  to.  Mr.  Fitzgerald  was  a near  relative  of  Mr 
Philip  Long,  of  Crow-street,  and  the  person  who  had  the  chief 
conduct  of  his  business  in  1803.  He  was  arrested  after  Em- 
met’s failure,  as  was  likewise  Mr.  Long  ; but  in  consideration 
of  his  youth,  was  soon  liberated.  He  was  then  about  eighteen 
years  of  age. 

Mr.  Fitzgerald  was  a mercantile  gentleman  of  respectability, 
with  the  clearest  recollection  of  the  events  in  question,  of  any 
person  I ever  conversed  with  in  relation  to  them.  His  know- 
ledge of  the  subject,  was  that  of  a person  who  was  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  origin  of  that  conspiracy,  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  prime  mover,  and  with  every  act  in  furtherance 
of  it,  on  the  part  of  the  main  supporter  of  his  enterprise.  This 
valuable  information  was  communicated  to  me  at  several  in- 
terviews, and  written  down  by  me  at  each  communication. 
Many  weeks  had  not  passed  over,  after  procuring  this  informa- 
tion, which  no  other  living  person  could  alford,  when  Mr.  Fitz- 
gerald was  seized  with  a paralytic  stroke,  which  broke  down 
his  health  ; and  in  a few  months  this  amiable  gentleman  was 
in  the  grave. 

“ Robert  Emmet,”  says  Mr.  Fitzgerald,  “ came  over  from 
France,  in  October,  1802.  Yery  soon  after  his  arrival,  he 
dined  at  Mr.  Philip  Long’s,  in  Crow-street,  of  the  house  of 
Roche  and  Co.,  general  merchants.  Long  was  a first  cousin 
of  Fitzgerald’s,  and  both  were  intimately  acquainted  with  Mr. 
Emmet.  When  he  arrived  in  Dublin,  he  professed  to  have 
come  over  about  his  private  affairs,  and  not  about  public  mat- 
ters. He  went  into  society,  and  visited  people  of  consequence  : 
he  dined  occasionally  at  James  Ryan’s,  of  Marlborough-street* 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


53 


the  gentleman  who  was  styled  Duke  of  Marlborough  ; a..  1 
also  at  Mr.  George  Evans  * 

The  preliminary  articles  of  peace  were  signed  towards  tho 
end  of  October,  1801.  This  had  put  an  end  to  any  idea  of 
attempting  a new  struggle  at  that  period  ; but  war  being  de- 
clared in  March,  1808,  altered  the  aspect  of  affairs  in  Ireland. 
Then  Emmet  began  to  talk  seriously  of  preparations.  Mr. 
Long  contributed  the  funds.  All  the  money  transactions  be- 
tween Mr.  Emmet  and  him,  passed  through  Fitzgerald’s  hands 
Mr.  Long  advanced  altogether,  to  Emmet,  about  £1,400 
The  first  money  advanced  to  Mr.  Emmet  was  in  May,  1803. 
All  the  money  thus  advanced  was  lost.  Mr.  Long  was  then 
rich  : he  was  always  generous.  He  died  in  reduced  circum- 
stances, but  not  in  absolute  poverty. 

“ The  23rd  of  July,  Mr.  Long  came  to  the  office  in  Crow- 
street,  from  the  country,  about  mid-day.  He  said  to  Fitz- 
gerald, ‘ there  will  be  a rising  to-night.’  He  then  went  to 
his  desk,  and  searched  among  his  papers  for  his  will,  which  he 

sent  to  Mr.  P , to  keep  for  him.  He  told  Fitzgerald 

there  were  three  separate  attacks  to  be  made  ; — one  on  the 
Pigeon  House,  another  on  the  Castle,  and  one  on  the  Park 
battery.  There  were  1500  men  to  come  in  from  Kildare  ; 
vast  numbers  from  other  parts  ; but  most  reliance  was  placed 
on  the  men  of  Kildare.  The  Kildare  men  were  to  be  formed 
in  Thomas-street,  and  marched  to  the  Castle,  which  was  to  be 
attacked  and  seized  on.  This  plan  was  objected  to  by  Fitz- 
gerald. He  said,  he  could  not  see  what  use  there  could  be  in 
parading  along  Thomas-street ; why  not  begin  the  attack  from 
Palace-street,  where  there  was  a waste  house,  close  to  the  Cas- 
tle-yard. This  was,  however,  no  time  for  new  proposals.  The 
expectation  of  the  country  rising  generally,  when  the  Castle 
was  taken,  was  not  an  idle  one.  That  day  a number  of 
strange  people  came  to  Mr.  Long’s.  Dowdall  came  there  six 
or  seven  times.  Clarke,  of  Palmerstown,  had  been  in  to  the 
government  in  the  course  of  the  day,  on  the  23rd  of  July. 
His  men  had  demanded  their  wages  in  the  morning,  instead 
of  the  evening.  This  caused  him  to  suspect  and  to  watch 
their  movements : he  was  shot  at,  coming  along  the  quay,  by 
some  unknown  person.  When  he  came  to  the  Castle,  the 


* Of  Portrane,  whence  Hamilton  Rowan  escaped. 


54 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Viceroy  and  Commander-in-chief  were  absent.  He  saw  Mr. 
Marsden,  and  informed  him  of  his  suspicions  ; he  had  done  sc 
before,  and  Mr.  Marsden  treated  it  as  a joke. 

“ The  Privy  Council  was  summoned.  Lord  Kil Warden,* 
living  at  Lyons,  county  of  Kildare,  was  sent  for.  He  got  the 
communication  at  six  o’clock  in  the  evening ; he  started  for 
Dublin  soon  after,  and  was  passing  through  Thomas-street 
about  nine,  when  he  was  attacked.  When  attacked,  Emmet 
was  at  Corn-market,  with  his  men  in  full  march,  without  hav- 
ing encountered  any  opposition.  Emmet  being  informed  that  a 
gentleman  and  lady  had  been  attacked  by  the  rear  body,  in- 
stantly halted  his  men,  and  returned  to  stop  the  work  of  mur- 
der. He  took  the  lady  out  of  the  carriage,  and  placed  her 
in  safety  near  the  corner  of  Vickar-street ; he  returned  to  his 
men,  and  by  this  time,  numbers  had  drawn  off ; and  Stafford, 
the  baker,  who  subsequently  married  John  Hevey’s  sister,  re- 
fused to  let  Emmet  go  on — ‘ there  was  no  use  in  his  going  on.’ 
Stafford  was  taken  long  after,  and  was  to  have  been  tried, 
but  a flaw  was  discovered  in  the  indictment.  He  and  Quigley 
were  to  be  tried  together  ; but  in  consequence  of  that  flaw, 
the  indictment  was  quashed  : they  were  to  have  been  tried 
again,  but  never  were.  The  two  fittest  men  for  the  work, 
were  Stafford  and  Allen  ; the  two  most  unfit,  were  Emmet 
and  Long.  Emmet  had  no  knowledge  of  the  world.  He 
placed  trust  in  every  man  ; but  he  was  the  most  honest  and 
single-minded  of  human  beings.  Mr.  Long  was  an  excellent 
man  in  council,  a good  speaker,  a good  reasoner,  and  a good 
writer,  a strong-minded  man  ; but  in  action  he  wanted  nerve — 
he  was  easily  frightened.  He  was  most  devotedly  attached  to 
his  country,  and  most  honest  to  his  cause — he  would  have 
made  any  sacrifice  for  it.  He  never  went  to  the  Depot  in 
Thomas-street ; neither  did  Fitzgerald  nor  Mr.  Allen.  Neighan 
was  a fellow-clerk  with  Fitzgerald,  in  the  service  of  Mr.  Long. 
He  was  a young  man  of  great  determination,  had  a turn  for 
military  affairs,  and  subsequently  entered  the  army,  He  took 
a deep  interest  in  the  business  of  the  23rd  of  J uly. 

“ On  that  night,  sixteen  of  the  leaders  were  supping  with 

* Lord  Kilwarden  was  the  nephew  of  the  celebrated  Theobald  Wolfe, 
one  of  the  eminent  lawyers  of  his  day,  the  gentleman  after  whom 
young  Tone  was  called. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


55 


Hevey,  in  St.  Thomas-court,  opposite  Mass-lane,  when  the 
firing  commenced.  In  fact,  when  they  ought  to  have  been  with 
their  men,  they  were  carousing  with  Hevey.  While  the  pre- 
parations were  going  on,  Allen’s  warehouse,  in  College-green, 
opposite  King  William’s  statue,  was  a rendezvous  for  the  in- 
itiated. 

“At  half-past  seven,  in  the  evening  of  the  23rd  of  July, 
Fitzgerald  walked  through  the  Castle-yard.  There  were  no 
'preparations  ; the  place  was  perfectly  quiet  and  silent ; the  gates 
were  wide  open ! 

“ At  half-past  five  in  the  evening,  he  had  visited  the  old 
Custom-house  barracks  ; saw  General  Dunn  apparently  em- 
ployed in  taking  precautions  ; and  heard  him  ordering  some 
soldiers  to  put  the  women  out  of  the  barracks,  and  to  allow 
no  men  in  : he  then  galloped  off.  Fitzgerald  and  Neighan 
were  present  when  he  gave  the  orders  and  rode  off. 

“At  half-past  seven,  a body  of  workmen,  linked  two  and 
two,  about  twenty-four  in  number,  attacked  the  Mansion-house, 
seized  the  arms,  and  came  away,  marching  down  Dame-street, 
and  passing  by  the  lower  Castle-yard,  and  the  Exchange,  on 
their  way  to  Thomas-street. 

‘‘On  the  23rd  of  July,  Robert  Emmet  sent  to  Mr.  Long 
for  £500.  Mr.  Long  sent  Fitzgerald  to  Robert  Fyan,  an 
eminent  merchant,  then  living  on  Usher’s-quay,  for  the  money, 
which  was  due  by  Fyan  to  Long.  Much  delay  ensued  in  giv- 
ing a draft  for  the  amount ; and  when  given,  the  bank  was 
closed — the  business  hours  were  past.  Fyan  knew  the  runners 
of  the  bank  ; and  he  went  with  Fitzgerald  to  the  bank,  to  the 
runner’s  office,  where  they  are  accustomed  to  be  after  bank 
hours,  to  receive  payment  of  bills  before  handed  over  to  the 
public  notary.  At  six  o’clock  precisely,  Fitzgerald  received 
the  money,  and  was  just  going  out  of  the  bank,  when  one  of 
the  runners  said,  ( news  of  an  intended  insurrection  had  reached 
government : the  guards  were  doubled .’  The  Castle  gates,  nev- 
ertheless, were  wide  open  at  half-past  seven.  In  consequence 
of  this  intelligence,  the  money  was  not  taken  to  Emmet,  and 
he  never  received  it. 

“ The  explosion  of  the  Depot  in  Patrick-street,  took  place 
on  the  18th  of  July.  The  roof  was  partly  blown  off ; one 
man  was  killed,  and  another  wounded,  and  taken  to  the  hos- 
pital. The  day  of  the  explosion,  Robert  Emmet,  William 


56 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Dowdall,  John  Allen,  John  Hickson,  John  Hevey,  and  Mr 
J.  M—  — , were  dining  at  Joe  Alleyburnes,  at  Killinacudd 
Mr.  Long  went  to  them,  to  inform  them  of  the  explosion.  All 
the  materials  saved,  were  conveyed  to  John  Palmer’s,  of  Cut- 
purse-row  ; but  in  the  removal  of  a bag  of  flints,  a great  num- 
ber had  dropped  out  of  the  bag  near  his  door,  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing Monday,  Palmer  was  arrested,  on  suspicion  by  Justice 
Bell,  and  released  the  day  following.  In  one  of  the  Orange 
Dublin  papers,  some  days  after  the  explosion,  that  affair  was 
noticed.  ‘ The  government,’  it  said,  ‘ was  sleeping  over  a 
mine  ; — for  what  purpose,  but  for  insurrection,  were  these  com- 
bustibles preparing  !’  Grovernment  took  no  steps. 

‘‘  Emmet’s  intention  was  not  to  commeuce  for  some  months 
later,  waiting  till  the  greater  part  of  the  troops  should  be 
drawn  off  for  the  French  war.  He  counted  on  the  accomplish- 
ment of  Buonaparte’s  threat  of  invading  England.  Mr.  Long, 
after  the  explosion,  hid  himself  for  some  time  in  the  house  of 
William  Cole,  a shoemaker,  on  Ormond-quay. 

The  proclamation,  by  common  report,  assigned  to  Emmet, 
was  written  by  Mr.  Long  in  his  own  house  in  Crow-street ; it 
was  dictated  by  him  to  Neighan.*  It  was  written  on  Friday 
evening,  the  2 2d  of  July,  and  was  printed  at  Stockdale’s,  in 
Abbey-street,  and  the  porter  waited  till  they  were  struck  off, 
and  carried  a basket  of  them  over  to  Long’s.  Old  John 
Palmer,  of  Cutpurse-row,  was  frequently  employed  carrying 
messages  from  Mr.  Emmet  to  Crow-street.  A great  deal  of 
money  passed  through  his  hands.'j' 

Miss  Biddy  Palmer,  his  daughter,  was  a confidential  agent 
both  of  Emmet’s  and  Russell’s.  She  was  sister  to  young 
Palmer  who  took  a prominent  part  in  the  affairs  of  1798. 
Biddy  Palmer  was  a sort  of  Irish  Madame  Roland  ; she  went 
about  when  it  was  dangerous  for  others  to  be  seen  abroad, 
conveying  messages  from  Emmet,  Long,  Hevey,  Russell,  and 

* This  proclamation  is  a totally  different  document  to  that  headed, 
“ Manifesto  of  the  provisional  government.” — R.  R.  M. 

f He  had  been  imprisoned  in  1798  for  three  months,  for  having  a 
seditious  pamphlet  in  his  possession.  His  son  John,  who  had  to  fly 
the  country  for  the  part  he  took  in  1798,  was  drowned  in  Holland. 
The  father’s  business  was  ruined  by  his  long  imprisonment  from  1803 
till  1806;  and  the  daughter  is  now  living  in  poverty  in  Cumberland- 
street,  Curtain  Road,  London. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


51 


Fitzgerald,  to  different  parties.  When  Russell  was  concealed, 
she  came  to  F.  and  said,  Russell  wished  to  see  him,  that  he 
wanted  money  to  take  him  off.  F.  sent  forty  guineas  to  him 
by  Miss  Palmer,  and  either  that  day,  or  on  the  next,  Russell 
was  arrested  ; but  in  the  mean  time,  Russell  sent  a gentleman 
to  F.,  and  that  gentleman  said  that  Russell  had  received  no 
nessage  from  him. 

The  gentlemen  chiefly  in  Emmet’s  confidence  were  Allen, 
Long,  Russell,  Dowdall,  Norris  of  the  Coombe,  J.  Hevey.* 

Mr.  Putnam  M’Cabef  came  over  to  Ireland  first  in  1801 


* A man  of  the  name  of  Barrett,  of  Cutpurse-row,  is  said  to  have 
been  a liberal  contributor  to  the  objects  of  the  men  of  1198  and  1803. 
— R.  R.  M. 

\ Of  all  the  remarkable  men  on  the  public  stage  at  the  time,  to  my 
mind  the  most  remarkable  was  William  Putnam  McCabe.  He  stands 
certainly  next  to  Tone  as  an  organizer.  If  Tone  organized  with  rulers, 
ministers  of  state  and  generals,  McCabe  worked  with  the  people,  and 
kept  the  cauldron  of  United  Irishmen  seething  sedition.  If  the  lives  of 
other  members  of  the  conspircy,  strike  us  with  reverence  for  the  phi- 
losophy with  which  they  met  their  fates,  McCabe’s  life  warms  us  into 
admiration  at  the  romance  which  sustained  his  love  of  fatherland.  To 
give  a characteristic  outline  of  a career  which,  to  follow  its  never- 
ceasing  action,  would  fill  volumes,  is  no  easy  task  to  the  writer,  nor 
one  which  ensures  complete  success  to  the  subject.  Born  in  Antrim, 
he  was  fortunate  in  having  an  upright,  high-minded  and  patriotic  fath- 
er, who  was  a distant  connexion  of  the  American  general  Putnam, 
after  whom  one  of  his  sons  was  named.  McCabe  became  a United 
Irishman  on  Tone’s  visit  to  Belfast,  and  being  gifted  with  energy  and 
speaking  talent,  was  soon  employed  by  the  Committee,  on  missions 
among  the  people.  He  was  inimitable  as  a mimic,  quick-witted,  of  an 
audacity  not  to  be  overcome,  and  a courage  quite  equal  to  any  emer- 
gency. As  the  task  imposed  on  him  was  one  of  great  danger,  his  chief 
desire  was  to  attract  the  people  without  exciting  the  vigilance  of  the 
authorities.  Thus  we  find  at  the  comrnencment,  that  a “ converted 
papist  would  preach  the  Word  in  a certain  barn,  and  explain  how  he 
became  convinced  of  the  true  doctrines  of  Presbyterianism.” 

Of  course  a crowd  collected,  as  they  did  on  the  docks  in  New  York, 
or  elsewhere,  to  hear  some  trumpeter  blow  himself  and  Christianity 
out.  Dressed  for  the  occasion,  and  with  a voice  to  suit,  young  McCabe 
would  knock  down  religion,  leap  on  politics,  and  finally,  swear  in 
his  auditory.  McCabe  became  too  marked  an  individual  to  stay  long 
in  Belfast.  His  fame  had  gone  abroad,  he  disappeared,  and  turned 
up  in  Dublin,  where  he  was  well  received  by,  and  received  new  com- 
missions from  the  leaders  in  the  metropolis.  At  the  trial  of  some  “ De- 
fenders” in  Roscommon,  an  officer  having  a thorough  English  accent, 
appeared  in  the  court-house  attended  by  his  sergeant.  The  officer  wai 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


58 


He  came  over  again  in  1802  ; his  wife  followed  him  over  about 
June,  1802  ; he  stopped  about  a month  at  Long’s.  There 
was  a subscription  set  on  foot  for  him.  M’Cabe  wanted  to 
borrow  a sum  of  £300  to  set  up  a factory  in  France.  His 
wife  went  sometimes  by  the  name  of  Mrs.  Maxwell,  and  at 
other  times  by  the  name  of  Mrs.  Lee  ;«  she  was  then  young 
and  handsome.  Long  gave  her  letters  of  credit  on  England  ; 
she  drew  £250,  and,  besides  this  sum,  Mr.  Long  gave  her 
£500  in  England  when  he  went  over. 

“ Mr.  Long  was  arrested  three  weeks  after  the  outbreak, 
August  13,  1803.  He  was  in  jail  two  years  and  seven  months, 
never  having  been  brought  to  trial.  He  was  liberated  the  8th 
of  March,  1806. 

“Fitzgerald  was  arrested  the  23d  of  November,  1803,  and 
was  liberated  the  1st  of  June,  1804.  He  was  confined  in  Kil- 
mainham,  and  Long  likewise.  Before  Fitzgerald’s  arrest,  he 
was  visiting  Mr.  Long  in  Kilmainham,  when  Robert  Emmet 
was  brought  into  the  jail  he  seemed  greatly  agitated.  When 
he  noticed  Fitzgerald  in  the  passage,  he  approached  and  shook 
hands  with  him,  saying,  “ How  is  our  friend  Long,  is  he  here  ?” 
After  that  Fitzgerald  visited  the  prison  frequently,  and  sug- 
gested to  Robert  Emmet  a plan  for  his  escape.  That  sugges- 
tion was  conveyed  to  him  in  a note  describing  the  means  to 
be  employed.  Robert  Emmet  returned  an  answer  on  the  back 
of  the  same  note,  ‘ I have  another,  and  a better  plan.’  The 
turnkey,  M’Sally,  communicated  to  Fitzgerald  his  readiness  to 
elfect  the  escape  of  Emmet  ; he  refused  to  listen  to  him,  fear* 
ing  treachery.  The  first  proposition  made  to  Emmet  for  a 
sum  of  money  for  the  purpose  in  question,  was  made  to  him 
by  M’Sally. 

led  to  a prominent  seat*  The  trials  went  on.  The  first  man,  named 
Dry,  was  found  guilty.  The  officer  addressed  the  Judge,  informed  him 
lie  was  authorized  to  attempt  the  forming  of  such  rebellious  characters 
as  the  prisoner  into  the  army,  and  requested  that  his  sergeant  might 
confer  with  the  fellow.  Assent  was  heartily  given.  Dry  looked  at  the 
sergeant  who  asked  him  “if  he  were  willing  to  enter  the  service,”  and 
enlisted.  A second  prisoner,  through  stupidity,  was  not  so  ready  to 
enter  the  service,  which  somehow  awakened  suspicions  in  the  mind  oi 
the  Judge;  but  their  principal  actors  had  disappeared.  McCabe  it  is 
needless  to  say  was  the  officer.  Hope,  the  sergeant. 

lie  escaped  the  fate  of  most  of  the  other  insurgents,  and  died  in 
Franc  i in  1821. — Abridged  from  Savage's  ’98  and  ’48. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


59 


Mr.  Long  died  in  1814,  aged  42,  he  was  a native  of  Water 
ford,  a Catholic  ; he  was  not  married  : his  remains  were  buried 
in  James’s-strcet.  Neighan  indulged  his  military  taste — he  en- 
tered the  British  army — served  with  distinction  on  the  con- 
tinent— was  at  the  battle  of  Salamanca — wounded  at  Water 
loo,  and  raised  to  the  rank  of  captain. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

A month  before  the  outbreak,  two  members  of  the  Mer- 
chants’ Yeomanry  Corps,  Messrs.  Hawkesley  and  Rutherford, 
respectable  merchants,  were  deputed,  by  their  corps,  to  wait 
on  Lord  Hard wicke,  to  acquaint  him  with  the  intended  revolt. 
An  interview  was  granted,  their  representations  were  not  be- 
lieved. It  was  no  wonder  if  they  were  not,  for  there,  pro- 
bably, had  not  been  a week,  for  the  last  half  century,  in  which 
the  government  had  not  received  some  alarming  intelligence 
of  an  intended  disturbance  of  the  peace — a tumult — a riot — 
a conspiracy  of  some  kind — or  an  insurrection.  Nevertheless, 
there  are  proofs  on  record,  which  cannot  be  denied,  that  the 
authorities  did  know  certainly,  for  four  months  previous  to  the 
outbreak,  that  preparations  were  making  for  an  insurrection  ; 
the  papers  of  Major  Sirr,  which  will  be  found  in  the  Appen- 
dix, can  leave  no  doubt  on  that  point.  The  parliamentary 
debates,  in  1803-4,  moreover,  prove  that  the  government,  un- 
questionably, had  a knowledge  of  the  preparations.  In  all 
probability  the  British  ministry  had  much  ampler  information 
on  that  subject  from  their  agents  in  Paris,  than  Lord  Hard- 
wicke,  at  an  early  period,  had  in  Ireland.  The  policy  of  the 
British  minister  seems  to  have  been,  to  allow  the  conspiracy 
to  go  on,  of  which  he  held  the  threads  in  his  hand,  and  there- 
fore, could  eventually  count  on  its  defeat,  in  order  to  derive 
the  benefit  which  would  accrue  from  the  suppression  of  an 
abortive  insurrection,  and  thus  to  deter  the  people  from  a fu- 
ture attempt  at  a time  more  unfavorable  for  England  to  cope 
with  it,  the  moment  so  long  apprehended,  of  an  invasion  of 
some  part  of  the  United  Kingdom. 


60 


MEMOIR  OR  ROBERT  EMMET. 


The  persons  of  roaporhibility,  and  those  of  influence  among 
the  middle  classes  in  Dublin,  and  the  adjoining  counties,  who 
were  known  to  be  associated  with  Robert  Emmet  in  his  at 
tempt,  were  the  following  ; — Thomas  Russell,*  formerly  Lieu* 

*“We  have  arrested  Russell,”  said  Lord  Castlereagh,  visiting  the 
prison  of  Charles  Hamilton  Teeling.  “ Then,”  said  the  latter,  “ the 
soul  of  honor  is  captive.”  Look  at  his  picture  drawn  by  a bold  and 
delicate  hand ; “ A model  of  manly  beauty,  * * * Though  more  than 
six  feet  high,  his  majestic  stature  was  scarcely  observed,  owing  to  the 
exquisite  symmetry  of  his  form.  Martial  in  his  gait  and  demeanor,  his 
appearance  was  not  altogether  that  of  a soldier.  His  dark  and  steady 
eye,  compressed  lip,  and  somewhat  haughty  bearing,  were  occasionally 
strongly  indicative  of  the  camp  ; but  in  general,  the  classical  contour 
of  his  finely  formed  head,  the  expression  of  almost  infantile  sweetness 
which  characterized  his  smile,  and  the  benevolence  that  beamed  in  his 
fine  countenance,  seemed  to  make  him  out  as  one  who  was  destined  to 
be  the  ornament,  grace,  and  blessing  of  private  life.  His  voice  was 
deep-toned  and  melodious,  and  though  his  conversational  powers  were 
not  of  the  first  order,  yet,  when  roused  to  enthusiasm,  he  was  some- 
times more  than  eloquent.  His  manners  where  those  of  the  finished 
gentleman,  combined  with  that  native  grace,  that  nothing  but  superi- 
ority  of  intellect  can  give.”  Russell  was  born  on  the  21st  of  Nov.  1767, 
at  Belsborough,  Dunnahane,  parish  of  Ivilshannick,  county  Cork.  He 
was  entirely  educated  by  his  father,  whom  Tone  described  as  being  in 
1790.  “a  veteran  of  near  seventy,  with  the  courage  of  a hero,  the  se- 
renity of  a philosopher,  and  the  piety  of  a saint.”  Thomas  being  in- 
tended for  the  church,  was  made  familiar  while  yet  young,  with  the 
Greek  and  Latin  tongues.  But  the  cassock  was  thrown  aside  for  the 
martial  cloak,  and  we  find  him  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  going  out  to  India 
as  a volunteer,  * * Having  served  for  five  years  with  such  distinction 
as  to  recommend  him  favorably  to  the  notice  of  Sir  John  Bourgoyne 
and  Lord  Cornwallis.  He  came  home,  in  disgust,  it  was  stated;  by  a 
relation,  his  nature  being  shocked  by  being  a witness  of  some  “ unjust 
and  rapacious  conduct  pursued  by  the  authorities  in  the  case  of  two 
native  women  of  exalted  rank,”  Tone  met  Russell  in  the  gallery  of 
the  Irish  Commons,  their  acquaintance  commenced  in  an  argument. — 
* * Russell  was  a whig,  Tone  soon  shook  him  out  of  the  delusion.  From 
that  period  forward  they  were  dear  and  bosom  friends.  * * He  be- 
came a member  of  the  first  United  Irish  society  formed  in  Belfast,  and 
was  arrested  in  1796,  and,  with  Samuel  Neilson  and  others,  brought  to 
Newgate,  in  Dublin,  where  he  remained  until  1798,  when  he  was  sent 
to  Fort  George,  in  Scotland.  * * He  was  liberated  with  others,  in  1802, 
proceeded  to  France,  thence  returned  to  the  North  of  Ireland,  and  had 
no  sooner  arrived  than  he  devoted  himself,  with  renewed  energy,  to 
the  attainment  of  the  object  to  which  his  dear  friend  Tone  and  him- 
self had  bound  themselves,  and  for  which  the  former  had  died,  lie 
quickly  followed  that  brave  soul.  Of  the  premeditated  movement  of 
Robert  Emmet,  Russell  was  a member  of  the  Fro  visional  Government 


MEMOIR  OE  ROBERT  EMMET. 


61 


tenant  )f  the  64  th  regiment  of  foot ; John  Allen,  of  the  linn 
of  Allen  and  Hickson,  woollen  drapers,  of  Dame-street,  Dub' 
lin  ; Philip  Long,  a general  merchant,  residing  at  No.  4,  Crow 
street ; Henry  William  Hamilton,  (married  to  Russell’s  niece,) 
of  Enniskillen,  barrister-at-law  ; William  Dowdall,  of  Mullin* 
gar,  (natural  son  of  Hussey  Burgh,  formerly  secretary  to  the 
Dublin  Whig  Club)  ; M.  Byrne,  of  Wexford  ; Colonel  Lumm, 

of  the  county  Kildare  ; Carthy,  a gentleman  farmer,  oi 

Kildare  ; Malachy  Delany,  the  son  of  a landed  proprietor, 
county  Wicklow  ; Thomas  Wylde,  cotton  manufacturer,  Cork- 
street  ; Thomas  Trenahan,  a farmer,  of  Crew-hill,  county  of 
Kildare;  John  He  vey,  a tobacconist,  of  Thomas-street ; Denia 

Lambert  Redmond,  a coal  factor,  of  Dublin  ; Branagan, 

of  Irishtown,  timber  merchant ; Alliburn,  of  Kilmacud, 

Windy-harbour,  a small  land  holder  ; Thomas  Frayne,  a small 
farmer,  of  Boven,  county  of  Kildare  ; Nicholas  Gray,  an  at- 
torney, at  Wexford,  had  been  B.  B.  Harvey’s  aide-de-camp  at 
the  battle  of  Ross.  There  were,  moreover,  several  persons  of 
respectability,  some  of  distinction,  who  were  cognizant  of  his 
plans,  and  supposed  to  be  favourably  disposed  towards  them, 
but  who  took  no  active  part  in  their  execution.  The  persons 
in  the  humble  ranks,  who  were  looked  upon  as  confidential 
agents  by  Robert  Emmet,  were  the  following  : — 

James  Hope,*  a weaver,  a native  of  Templepatrick,  who 

and  General  in  chief  of  the  Northern  District.  In  this  capacity,  he 
issued  a proclamation,  dated  July  24th,  1803,  the  day  after  Emmet’s 
rising  in  Dublin.  He  was  arrested  on  the  evening  of  the  9th  Septem- 
ber. When  brought  before  the  authorities  at  the  castle,  he  lost  none 
of  that  firmness  peculiar  to  him.  All  that  was  haughty  in  his  nature 
arose.  His  lofty  figure  was  erect,  his  face  more  beautiful  than  usual 
with  the  entire  conviction  of  right  that  was  moving  his  soul,  before 
finding  utterance.  Balanced  between  enthusiasm  and  determination, 
and  taking  from  each  those  emotional  indications  which  the  soul  at 
such  a moment  both  invites  and  grasps  at,  he  looked  the  cavalier  that 
he  truly  was:  “I  glory  in  the  cause,”  said  he,  “in  which  I have  en- 
gaged, and  for  it,  I would  meet  death  with  pleasure,  either  in  the  field 
or  on  the  scaffold. 

Russell  was  tried  and  convicted  at  Downpatrick,  on  the  20th  of  Octo- 
ber. * * He  was  executed  the  following  day. — Savage's  ’98  and  ’48. 

* James  Hope,  McCabe’s  sergeant  in  Roscommon,  is  a man  who, 
irrespective  of  the  relations  he  held  with  some  of  the  most  import- 
ant revolutionary  leaders,  and  which  must  embalm  his  memory 
should  ever  command  the  fullest  sympathy  and  most  respectful  honor, 


62 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


had  been  engaged  in  the  former  rebellion  ; Michael  Quigley, 
a master  bricklayer,  of  Rathcoffy,  in  the  county  of  Kildare  ; 
Henry  Howley,  a master  carpenter,  who  had  been  engaged 
in  the  former  rebellion  ; Felix  Rourke,  of  Rathcoole,  a clerk  in 
a brewery  in  Dublin,  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  former  re- 
bellion ; Nicholas  Stafford,  a baker  of  James’s-street ; Ber- 
nard Duggan,  a working  cotton  manufacturer,  of  the  county  ot 
Tyrone,  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  former  rebellion  ; and 
Michael  Dwyer,  the  well-known  Wicklow  outlaw. 

Dr.  Emmet  had  a country  seat  near  Dublin,  at  Clonskeagh, 
on  the  Dundrum  road,  not  far  from  Milltown,  which  is  now 
in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Stapleton.  In  this  house  Robert 
Emmet,  for  some  time,  had  managed  to  elude  the  vigilance  of 
the  authorities,  subsequently  to  his  arrival  from  the  Continent ; 
for  even  then,  it  seems  he  was  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the 
government. 

from  all  students  and  lovers  of  the  ’98  struggle.  Born  of  humble  pa- 
rents (in  the  parish  of  Temple  Patrick,  county  Antrim,  on  the  25th  of 
August,  1764,)  he  received  but  fifteen  weeks  at  a day-school  in  his  life, 
earned  his  livelihood  from  childhood,  and,  in  the  winter  evenings,  list- 
ened to  his  master,  William  Bell,  reading  the  Histories  of  Greece,  Rome, 
Ireland,  England,  and  Scotland.  Next  hired  to  a farmer  named  Gibson, 
the  father  of  the  latter  set  the  boy  to  read  and  write.  He  died  soon, 
however,  and  half  a year’s  service  with  another  farmer,  (Ritchey) 
‘ gave  me,”  says  Hope,  “ a little  more  help  in  writing.”  Returned  to 
his  former  master,  he  learned  to  read  the  Bible,  and  so,  by  assiduously 
devoting  himself,  in  the  spare  hours  of  a closely-occupied  and  necesi- 
tous  life,  Hope  accumulated  a variety  of  sound  knowledge,  strengthen- 
ed a naturally  clear  and  vigorous  intellect,  and  was  received  into  the 
confidence  of  such  men  as  Russell,  McCracken,  McCabe,  and  Neilson. 
His  labors  in  ’98  were  incessant,  from  the  peculiar  and  insinuating  cha- 
racter of  his  mind,  which  was  at  once  blunt  and  politic,  convincing  and 
quaint.  He  was  a working  man  in  every  sense.  He  was  not  calcula- 
ted for  a public  speaker.  “ My  mind,”  says  he,  “was  like  Swift’s  church 
— the  more  that  was  inside,  the  slower  the  mass  came  out,”  but  he  wai 
indispensable  in  sounding  and  organizing  the  masses,  as  well  as  com- 
municating between  the  chiefs.  As  a weaver  he  has  lived  and  support- 
ed himself  since,  having  escaped  the  notice  which  his  great  ability, 
used  under  peculiar  circumstances,  helped  so  materially  to  draw  upon 
others.  Madden  speaks  of  him  (1846)  as  “a  modest,  observant,  though 
retiring  man, — discreet  and  thoughtful.  His  height  is  about  five  feet 
seven  inches,  his  frame  slight  and  compact,  his  features  remarkable  for 
the  tranquility  and  simplicity  of  then*  expression.  * * * His  private 
character  is  most  excellent,  he  is  strictly  moral,  utterly  fearless,  inflex- 
ible and  incorruptible.  * * * He  is  a man  of  very  profound  reflectioa 
— Savage' & ’98  and  ’48. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


63 


Aii  old  and  faithful  servant  of  Dr.  Emmet,  Michael  Leon- 
ard, a gardener,  informed  me  in  1836,  that  after  the  Doctor’s 
death,  a member  of  the  family  still  resided  there,  and  Robert 
Emmet  remained  there  for  some  time  ; he  had  made  trap  doors 
and  a passage,  under  the  boards  of  one  of  the  rooms,  on  the 
ground  floor,  which  could  not  be  detected  by  any  one  who  was 
not  aware  of  their  existence,  which  he  thought  he  would  be 
still  able  to  point  out  to  me.  I visited  the  house,  with  Leon- 
ard, and  found  his  account  was,  in  every  respect  true.  In  the 
ceiling,  over  the  passage  leading  from  the  hall-door  towards 
the  kitchen,  he  pointed  out  to  me  the  place  where  the  boards 
over  head  were  sawed  through  ; the  square  portion,  thus  cut, 
was  sufficiently  large  to  allow  a person  to  pass  through  when 
the  boards  were  removed,  which  formed  the  trap-door,  com- 
municating from  the  upper  part  of  the  house  to  the  hall.  If 
attention  had  not  been  directed  to  it,  no  one  would  have  ob- 
served the  cutting  in  the  boards.  On  the  ground  floor,  on  the 
left-hand  side  of  the  hall,  there  is  a small  room  adjoining  the 
kitchen,  which  was  called  “ Master  Robert’s  bed-room.”  Iu 
this  room,  Leonard  likewise  pointed  out  to  me  the  place  where 
the  boards  had  been  evidently  cut  through,  in  a similar  way 
to  the  trap-door  in  the  ceiling  in  the  passage.  This  aperture, 
he  said,  led  to  a cavity  under  the  parlour  floor,  sufficiently 
large  to  admit  of  a person  being  placed  there  in  a sitting  pos- 
ture, and  was  intended  to  communicate,  under  the  flooring 
with  the  lawn.  A servant  woman  of  Mr.  Stapleton,  said  there 
were  some  old  things  in  a cellar,  which  were  said  to  have 
served  for  enabling  Mr.  Emmet  to  descend  from  the  upper 
floor  to  the  passage  near  the  hall-door,  through  the  aperture 
in  the  ceiling.  On  examining  those  things,  they  turned  out  to 
be  two  pullies,  with  ropes  attached  to  them,  nearly  rott.en. 
The  house,  in  1803,  was  inhabited  by  a member  of  the  family  ; 
and  a man,  who  was  employed  there  as  a gardener,  at  that 
time,  of  the  name  of  John  Murray,  stated  the  house  had  been 
visited,  and  searched,  by  Major  Sirr,  for  Mr.  Emmet.  The 
Major  was  unsuccessful  ; he  was  greatly  disappointed,  and 
said,  “ the  nest  is  here,  but  the  bird  has  flown.”  Major  Sirr, 
according  to  Murray,  was  supposed  to  have  had  his  informa- 
tion from  one  of  the  servants,  John  Delany,  of  Milltown. 
From  that  time  “ the  Delanys’  were  badly  looked  on.” 

The  house  in  Harold’s  Cross,  wdiere  Robert  Emmet  lodged 


64 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


soon  after  his  arrival  in  Ireland,  and,  a second  time,  after  the 
failure  in  July,  is  situated  on  the  left-hand  side  of  the  road,  a. 
a short  distance  from  the  Canal-bridge.  The  house  is  a small 
one,  a little  farther  back  from  the  road-side  than  the  adjoining 
ones,  and  has  wooden  pailings  in  front  of  it.  The  owner  of 
the  house,  in  1803,  was  a Mrs.  Palmer,  whose  son  was  a clerk 
in  the  mercantile  house  of  the  late  Mr.  Colville,  of  the  Mer- 
chants’-quay.  The  wife  of  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  was  the 
niece  of  this  gentleman,  and  first-cousin  of  Mr.  W.  C.  Colville, 

Robert  Emmet  arrived  in  Dublin,  from  the  Continent,  in 
the  month  of  October,  1802  ; where  lie  lived  immediately 
after  his  arrival,  my  information  does  not  enable  me  to  state 
with  certainty.  He  was  at  Milltown,  at  some  period  between 
October  and  the  month  of  March  following.  In  the  latter 
month  he  was  residing  at  Mrs.  Palmer’s  Harold’s  Cross,  under 
the  name  of  Hewit.  He  left  Mrs.  Palmers  in  the  course  of 
the  same  month  ; and,  on  the  27th  of  April,  got  possession 
of  a house  in  Butterfield-lane,  in  the  vicinity  of  Rathfarnham, 
which  was  taken,  on  lease,  in  the  name  of  Dowdall  ; and,  while 
Emmet  remained  there,  he  went  by  the  name  of  Robert  Ellis. 
The  same  contrivances,  which  poor  Emmet  had  recourse  to  in 
his  former  abode,  were  vainly  put  in  practice  at  his  lodgings 
in  Harold’s  Cross.  In  the  back  parlour,  which  was  his  sitting- 
room,  he  made  an  aperture  in  the  wall,  low  down,  nearly  on  a 
level  with  the  flooring,  large  enough  to  admit  a man’s  body  ; 
the  masonry  had  been  excavated  inwards,  in  a slanting  direct- 
ion, there  was  sufficient  space  thus  made  to^  enable  him  to 
draw  his  body  in,  and  to  place  a board,  painted  the  colour  of 
the  wainstcoat,  against  the  open  aperture,  when  he  had  thus 
drawn  himself  in.  His  active  preparations  commenced  in  the 
month  of  March,  and  the  most  authentic  account  of  them  that 
I have  been  able  to  obtain,  were  communicated  to  me  by 
James  Hope. 

“ The  following  account,”  says  Hope,  “ is  designed  to  give 
you  an  idea  of  Robert  Emmet’s  business  in  1803,  from  the 
commencement,  to  its  close  and  discovery  : — 

" Mr.  Emmet  was  not,  as  has  been  supposed,  the  originator 
of  the  preparations  of  1803.  These  had  been  begun  in  Dublin, 
to  second  an  effort  in  England,  expected  by  some  Irishmen, 
under  Colonel  Despard.  This  information  found  its  way  from 
Ireland  to  the  British  government,  through  the  imprudence  of 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


65 


Dowdall,  in  Dtfblin,  who  was  Colonel  Despard’s  agent ; namely, 
that  some  preparation  had  been  begun  there,  to  second  the 
Colonel’s  effort.  Information  of  Dowdall’s  proceedings,  on 
the  other  hand,  had  reached  the  refugees  in  Paris,  by  whom 
Robert  Emmet  was  sent  to  Dublin  to  ascertain  the  state  of 
things  then.  He  fell  into  the  hands  of  men,  by  whom  he  was 
advised  to  go  on  with  the  necessary  preparations  for  an  effec- 
tual rising,  with  a solemn  promise  of  every  assistance  in  money 
and  advice.  Mr.  Emmet  came  over  first,  Hamilton  next  came, 
and  Quigley  about  the  same  time.  Hamilton  was  sent  back 
to  Paris,  to  bring  over  Russell,  who  came  over  immediately  ; 
and  I soon  was  placed  in  close  communication  with  him.  Mr. 
Emmet,  soon  after  his  arrival,  had  lodgings  at  Harold’s  Cross, 
in  the  house  in  which  he  was  ultimately  taken,  after  having 
quitted  Butterfield-lane.  Both  Emmet  and  Russell  were 
strongly  opposed  to  the  party  called  ‘ foreign  aid  men,’  and  I 
had  been  so  from  the  beginning. 

“ Situated  as  the  Irish  exiles  were  in  Paris,  they  were  easily 
duped  into  a fresh  struggle,  by  the  information  they  received 
from  some  of  the  higher  order  in  Ireland,  who  had  some  sus- 
picion of  what  was  going  on,  but  no  precise  knowledge  of  the 
design. 

“Some  persons  in  connection  with  Talleyrand  in  1802,  gave 
the  Irish  refugees  to  understand  that  Buonaparte  was  in  treaty 
with  the  British  government  to  banish  them  from  France, 
their  residence  there  not  being  considered  favourable  to  Buon- 
aparte’s imperial  7iews.  A fabricated  letter  came  to  the 
north,  dated  from  Paris,  about  this  time,  purporting  to  be 
from  a captain  of  a French  lugger,  off  the  Giant’s  Causeway, 
having  10,000  stand  of  arms  on  board,  for  the  service  of  the 
United  Irishmen.  The  letter  was  in  bad  English,  the  paper, 
however,  was  English  manufacture  ; it  was  fabricated  by  our 
enemies.  The  fire  of  1798  was  not  quite  extinguished,  it 
smouldered,  and  was  ready  to  break  out  anew.  There  were 
persons  of  distinction  in  the  confidence  of  our  leaders,  who 
kept  up  communication  with  them  in  exile,  and  were  in  league 
with  the  oligarchy  at  home,  which  Russell  and  Emmet,  from 
the  purity  of  their  intentions,  never  suspected. 

“At  my  first  interview  with  Mr.  Emmet,  on  his  arrival  from 
France,  he  told  me  that  ‘ some  of  the  first  men  of  the  land  had 
invited  him  over  he'  asked  me  my  opinion,  ‘ was  I for  an  ap- 


b(j  MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 

peal  to  arms  V I replied  ‘ I was.’  After  some  further  con- 
versation, he  said,  ‘ his  plan  was  formed.’ 

“ On  my  second  interview  with  Mr.  Emmet,  he  told  me  he 
would  require  my  constant  assistance,  and  said  that  two  stores 
were  taken,  and  workmen  had  been  selected.  Mr.  Emmet 
engaged  in  this  attempt  in  consequence  of  promises  from  the 
upper  ranks,  of  assistance  to  make  the  preparation  general 
over  the  island  ; when  money  failed,  however,  treachery  in  the 
upper  ranks  began  to  appear,  as  in  all  former  struggles.  No 
money  was  forthcoming,  and  Mr.  Emmet  had  no  alternative 
but  to  shut  the  stores  and  discharge  the  men,  which  must  be 
attended  with  the  worst  consequences,  or  go  to  work  with  what 
resources  he  had,  which,  if  properly  directed,  were  fully  suf- 
ficient to  take  the  city  and  castle  of  Dublin. 

“ On  making  a remark  to  Mr.  Emmet  respecting  the  defec- 
tion of  Colonel  Plunket,  he  said,  ‘ there  were  many  who  pro- 
fessed to  serve  a cause  with  life  and  fortune,  but,  if  called  on 
to  redeem  their  pledge,  would  contrive  to  do  it  with  the  lives 
and  fortunes  of  others  ; for  my  part,’  said  he,  ‘ my  fortune  is 
now  committed,  the  promises  of  many  whose  fortunes  are  con- 
siderable are  committed  likewise,  but  their  means  have  not 
been,  as  yet,  forthcoming.  If  I am  defeated  by  their  conduct, 
the  fault  is  not  mine  ; even  my  defeat  will  not  save  the  system 
which  I oppose,  but  the  time  will  come  when  its  greatest  ad- 
vocates cannot  live  under  the  weight  of  its_iniquity,  until  which 
time,  my  reasons  for  the  present  attempt  will  not  be  fully  under- 
stood, except  by  the  few  who  serve,  and  may  suffer,  with  me. 
The  elements  of  dissolution  are  gathering  round  the  system  by 
which  these  three  islands  are  governed,  and  the  Pitt  system 
will  accelerate  its  fall.’ 

“ Having  been  Mr.  Emmet’s  constant  attendant  for  some 
months,  on  our  way  from  the  Depot  in  Dublin,  to  his  house  in 
Butterfield-lane,  many  conversations  of  this  kind  have  passed, 
and  many  things  that  I learned  from  him  are  sealed  up  by  his 
last  request.  In  conversing  on  the  state  of  the  country,  I ex- 
pressed an  opinion  to  Mr.  Emmet  on  the  subject  of  the  rights 
of  the  people  in  relation  to  the  soil,  which,  until  they  were 
recognized,  it  would  be  in  vaiu  to  expect  that  the  north  would 
be  unanimous.  On  expressing  this  opinion  at  some  length  to 
Mr.  Emmet,  his  answer  was,  ‘ I would  rather  die  than  live  to 
witness  the  calamities  which  that  course  would  bring  on  help 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


67 


less  families  ; let  that  be  the  work  of  others,  it  shall  never  be 
mine.  Corruption  must  exhaust  its  means,  before  equity  cau 
establish  even  its  most  reasonable  claims.’ 

“ Russell  and  Hamilton  were  of  Mr.  Emmet’s  opinion  on 
that  subject.  ‘This  conspiracy,’  said  Russell,  ‘is  the  work 
of  the  enemy,  we  are  now  in  the  vortex,  if  we  can  swim  ashore 
let  it  not  be  through  innocent  blood,  if  the  people  are  true  to 
themselves,  we  have  an  overwhelming  force,  if  otherwise,  we 
fall  and  our  lives  will  be  a sufficient  sacrifice.’  ‘ One  grand 
point,’  said  Mr.  Emmet,  ‘ at  least  will  be  gained.  No  leading 
Catholic  is  committed  with  us,  we  are  all  Protestants,  and 
their  cause  will  not  be  compromised.’  Shortly  after  the  pre- 
ceding conversation,  I was  ordered  to  go  with  Russell  to  the 
north,  a week  before  the  outbreak,  and  on  the  following  morn- 
ing Russell  and  I left  Mr.  Emmet’s  house  before  day.  When 
I left  Dublin,  Arthur  Develin  was  appointed  in  my  place  to 
attend  Mr.  Emmet.  There  was  a gentleman  from  Cork,  and 
also  one  from  the  County  Meath,  in  Mr.  Emmet’s  company 
the  day  before  we  left  him.* 

“ Mr.  Emmet’s  great  object  was  to  attack  the  castle,  and 
make  hostages  of  the  Viceroy  and  officers  of  government,  but 
the  Kildare  men  were  the  only  men  who  were  at  hand  ; there 

was  a party  of  Wexford  men,  under  M B ,f  (now  in 

France,)  at  Ringsend,  or  the  neighbourhood  of  it.  Mr.  Em- 
met relied  too  much  on  the  north  when  he  sent  Russell  there. 
The  man  who  was  to  supply  my  place,  and  entrusted  with  the 
arrangements  between  the  people  of  Dublin,  and  those  who 
were  expected  from  Wicklow,  was  sent  to  communicate  with 
Dwyer,  but  that  man  remained  at  Rathfarnham,  and  his  doing 
so,  caused  all  the  plans  to  fail,  for  instead  of  the  organized 
party  which  was  expected,  a body  of  stragglers  only  appeared 
in  Thomas-street,  who  killed  Lord  Kilwarden,  and  a Clergy- 

* Hope  says  the  only  two  persons  of  distinction  he  saw  at  Emmet’s 
were  Mr.  Fitzgerald,  the  brother  of  the  Knight  of  Glin,  and  a nobleman, 

Lord  W , the  son  of  a Marquis,  who,  subsequently,  in  the  county 

of  Meath,  offered  him,  through  his  steward,  the  means  of  leaving  the 
country,  which  Hope  declined  to  accept. 

John  Henry,  Earl  of  W.,  born,  1765,  succeeded  to  the  title  of  Mar 
quis  of  L.  May  the  7 th,  1805,  his  Lordship  married  the  widow  of 

L) G , of  Castle  Jordan,  county  of  Meath  in  1805 ; died  without 

issue  November  15,  1809.  In  1803  the  Earl  of  W.  was  39  years  of  age 
- f General  Byrne. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


u 

man,  named  Wolfe,  (whom  they  should  only  have  detained  ad 
prisoners  ;)  and  Mr.  Emmet  seeing  nothing  but  disorder,  and 
having  no  communication  with  any  regular  body,  some  of 
whom  remained  all  night  under  arms,  he,  with  a few  friends, 
returned  to  Rathfarnham,  and  the  people  shifted  for  them- 
selves The  reason  he  went  to  Rathfarnham  was,  that  he  had 
despatched  the  messenger,  (Arthur  Develin,)  to  Dwyer  in  the 
Wicklow  mountains,  and  expected  him  by  day-light,  but  Dwyer 
got  no  intelligence  until  he  heard  of  the  defeat,  or  rather  mis- 
carriage of  Emmet’s  attempts  on  Dublin.  Arthur  Develin 
was  a relative  of  Dwyer’s,  and  went  with  him  to  Botany  Bay. 
Another  man,  a cousin  of  his,  named  Michael  Dwyer,  had 
been  likewise  sent  on  a message  to  Dwyer,  and  he  also  neg- 
lected his  orders,  he  pretended  to  go,  and  stopped  near  Dublin. 

“ In  the  several  Depots  there  were  to  my  knowledge  no  less 
than  forty  men  employed,  only  three  or  four  of  whom  became 
traitors,  and  that  not  till  their  own  lives  were  in  danger.  The 
men  behaved  with  the  greatest  prudence,  none  seeming  to  wish 
to  know  more  than  concerned  their  own  department,  each 
man’s  duty  was  kept  separate  and  secret  from  the  other.  I 
was  first  attached  to  the  Rocket  Depot,  in  Patrick-street,  and 
then  had  to  superintend  the  ammunition  in  its  making  up  and 
delivery,  and  the  transporting  arms  and  gunpowder  to  the 
country.  Barney  Duggan  was  chiefly  an  out-door  emissary, ^ 
employed  in  carrying  on  communications.  I was  in  the  habit 
of  calling  on  Mr.  Emmet  when  I wanted  instructions  through 
the  day,  and  reporting  progress  at  night.  Mr.  Emmet  had 
arranged  with  H.  Howley  to  take  the  store  in  Thomas-street 
in  the  name  of  the  latter.  In  this  store  the  pikes,  fire-arms, 
and  various  implements  of  war  were  deposited.  M’Intosh,  a 
Scotchman,  about  forty  years  of  age,  took  the  house  in  Patrick- 
street  as  another  store,  for  the  rockets,  grenades,  and  a depot 
for  gunpowder.* 

* The  Dublin  papers,  of  the  4th  of  October,  1803,  state,  that  John 
M’lntosh,  lately  convicted  of  high  treason,  was  executed  in  Patrick- 
street,  opposite  the  Depot,  of  which  he  had  the  charge.  The  London 
Chronicle  of  October,  8,  1810,  states  that  “he  made  a very  important 
communication  to  the  Sheriff  Pounden,  in  consequence  of  which  Major 
Sirr  repaired  to  M’lntosh’s  former  residence,  (I  presume  the  house 
which  was  the  Depot  in  Patrick-street,)  where  he  discovered  n con- 
cealed door,  artfully  formed  by  bricks  built  in  a frame,  plastered  over 
to  resemble  the  adjoining  wall,  which  was  covered  with  shelves,  and 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


69 

“ Michael  M’Daniel,  a dyer  by  trade,  who  had  some  chemical 
knowledge,  made  the  rockets.  It  was  by  his  misconduct  the 
explosion  took  place  in  Patrick-street.  He  was  arrested  in 
Wicklow,  in  November,  1803,  and  sent  up  from  Rathdrum  to 
Dublin.  The  Depot  of  Robert  Emmet,  Marshalsea-lane,  was 
at  the  rear  of  the  Bull  Inn,  kept  by  Mrs.  Dillon,  (on  the 
right  hand  side  of  a court  off  Thomas-street,  between  the  num- 
bers 138  and  139J.  There  was  a private  entrance  to  the 
Depot  from  this  inn ; the  chief  entrance  was  from  Marshalsea- 
lane.* 

“ Owen  Kirwan,”  says  Hope,  “ was  a tailor  by  trade,  a 
dealer  likewise  in  cast-off  clothes,  and  lived  in  Plunket-strcet. 
Information  was  given  against  him  by  a neighbour,  who  ap- 
peared as  a witness  against  him.  When  under  sentence,  his 
wife  went  to  the  jail  to  take  leave  of  him.  They  were  a very 
good-looking  couple,  and  both  of  them  devoted  to  the  cause 
for  which  the  former  was  then  suffering  imprisonment,  and 
soon  suffered  on  the  scaffold.  The  wife  was  heard  saying  to 
her  husband,  at  parting  with  him,  in  reference,  probably,  to 
some  proposal  made  to  him,  ‘ Owen,  dear,  I hope  you  will 
never  disgrace  your  name  and  your  family.’  The  young  woman 
was  dashed  away  with  great  violence,  without  giving  her  leave 
to  say  another  word.  The  husband  stripped  off  his  coat,  and 
„ threw  it  to  his  wife  at  the  door  of  the  cell,  saying  to  her,  ‘ Sell 
that  for  something  for  our  children.’  He  appeared  at  the 
place  of  execution  without  a coat.  His  body  was  given  up 
to  the  family.  His  wife,  by  her  industry,  contrived  to  rear 

turned  upon  hinges  and  castors.  Upon  opening  this  door  a tier  of  clo- 
set rooms  appeared  communicating  by  trap  doors  and  scaling  ladders 
through  the  different  stories  of  the  house,  they  were  spacious  enough 
to  conceal  forty  men,  and  were  provided  with  air  holes  communicating 
with  the  outer  wall.  In  these  rooms  were  found  from  800  to  400 
pikes  of  a peculiar  construction,  having  an  iron  hinge  at  about  half 
their  ‘length,  by  which  they  doubled  up,  and  though  when  extended 
they  were  six  feet  long,  yet  by  this  contrivance  it  was  possible  to  carry 
one  of  them  undiscovered  under  a man’s  coat.  A quantity  of  sulphur 
was  likewise  found,  and  every  appearance  of  much  more  serious  pre- 
parations having  gone  forward  iii  the  house.  Major  Sirr  brought 
away  the  door  as  a curiosity , it  now  lies  at  his  office  in  the  castle.” 

* There  is  a small  room  in  the  house  which  was  the  Bull  Inn,  on  the 
ground  floor,  where  Robert  Emmet  was  in  the  habit  of  writing,  and 
in  that  room  he  is  said  to  have  written  his  manifesto,  on  the  eve  of 
the  23rd  of  July. 


70 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


two  daughters  respectably,  in  Dublin.  I saw  them  both, 
married  women,  and  heard  since,  that  they  all  went  to  London 

“ The  extent  of  the  preparations  in  Dublin  will  never  be 
fully  known.  Considerable  quantities  of  gunpowder  were  sent 
to  the  country  ; and  one  stout  party  in  particular,  who  had 
defied  the  power  of  government  for  five  years,  in  the  moun 
tains  of  Wicklow,  was  amply  supplied  with  ammunition  and 
arms. 

“ Bernard  Duggan,  one  of  the  superintendents  of  the  Depots, 
informs  me,  that  ‘ shortly  after  Mr.  Emmet’s  arrival,  a mes- 
sage came  to  him  by  one  ‘Jemmy  Hope,’  of  Belfast,  to  call 
on  Mr.  Emmet.  Quigley  had  come  over  from  France  at  that 
time  : he  had  been  one  of  the  state  prisoners  of  1798.  He 
(Duggan)  is  not  certain  whether  Couucellor  William  Henry 
Hamilton  came  over  with  Quigley,  or  before  him.  John  Ma- 
hon and  Thomas  Wylde  were  sent  down  to  the  county  of  Kil- 
dare, to  Naas,  Maynooth,  Kilcullen,  and  several  other  towns, 
to  inform  those  whom  they  conceived  might  be  depended  on, 
that  there  would  be  a meeting  of  ‘ the  friends  of  Ireland,’  on 
Patrick’s  day,  at  John  Rourke’s*  who  then  kept  a public-house 
in  Thomas-street.  When  the  time  fixed  for  the  meeting  ar- 
rived, about  forty  or  fifty  persons  came  there,  and  were  wait- 
ing for  the  business  to  be  opened ; but  some  of  the  true  men 
to  the  cause,  who  were  firmly  attached  to  Emmet,  seeing  some 
persons  there,  in  whom  they  did  noT  place  implicit  confidence, 
gave  word  to  Emmet  not  to  appear,  and  then  caused  it  to  be 
reported,  that  it  was  all  a delusion.  This  account  was  also 
given  to  the  several  persons  who  came  into  town,  and  who 
were  met  in  different  parts  of  the  city,  before  they  came  to  the 
house  ; so  there  was  no  meeting  that  day.  Mr.  Emmet  began 
his  active  preparations,  March  21,  1803,  having  got  several 
of  the  most  confidential  men  of  1798  to  join  him,  and  to  as- 
sist in  the  work  carried  on  in  the  different  Depots,  and  in  other 
capacities.  Among  them,  were  Michael  Quigley,  of  Rathcoffy, 
who  had  surrenderel  in  1798,  and  had  gone  to  France  imme- 

* This  poor  man,  John  Rourke,  now  a comb-maker  by  trade,  the 
brother  of  Felix  Rourke,  I lately  found  living  in  the  greatest  distress, 
with  a large  family,  in  the  Liberty,  in  Dublin,  in  a place  called  Tripoli. 
He  bears  a most  excellent  character.  He  lost  his  little  property  in 
1798,  suffered  years  of  imprisonment,  and  came  out  of  jail  a ruined 
man. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


n 


diately  after  the  peace  of  Amiens  ; Bernard  Duggan,  Henry 
Howley,  Edward  Condon,  George  and  Richard  Eustace,  Thom- 
as Wylde,  and  John  Mahon;  occasionally  Finerty,  John 
Rourke,  Christopher  Nowlan,  Owen  Kirwan,  Michael  M’Daniel, 
Joseph  White,  M’lntosh,  and  the  two  Keenans.  These  men, 
and  many  others,  assisted  in  the  different  Depots,  in  construc- 
ting pikes,  making  ball-cartridges,  and  several  other  combusti- 
bles. There  was  a Depot  in  Marshalsea-lane,  at  the  rear  of 
the  Bull  Inn,  in  Thomas-street  (now  the  premises  belonging  to 
Fitzpatrick,  a chandler).  There  was  another  Depot  in  Patrick- 
street,  another  in  Smithfield,  another  in  Winetavern-street* 
(in. an  old  building,  formerly  an  inn,  opposite  Christ’s  Church), 
and  another  in  Irishtown.  There  were  no  arms  kept  either 
in  Winetavern-street  or  Smithfield.  M’lntosh  and  the  two 
Keenans,  Kirwan  and  M’Daniel,  were  employed  in  Patrick- 
street ; Joseph  White,  in  Thomas-street  ; Burke,  Duggan, 
Condon,  and  Quigley,  visited  the  several  Depots,  as  they  were 
ordered,  to  see  how  the  work  went  on  there  and  elsewhere. 

“Michael  Quigley,  of  Rathcoffy,  had  been,  in  1798,  in 
business  as  a master  bricklayer.  Quigley,  after  having  escaped 
from  his  pursuers  for  a long  time,  was  at  length  taken.  He 
made  a full  confession  of  all  he  knew  of  the  affairs  of  1798 
and  1803.  There  was  a stop  to  prosecutions,  and  no  more 
innocent  men  suffered.  He  was  imprisoned  in  Kilmainham 
till  1806.f 

“ Henry  Howley  was  a carpenter,  born  in  the  Queen’s  coun- 
ty ; had  been  in  the  1798  rebellion.  It  was  he  who  shot 
Cornet  Brown  in  Bridgefoot-street.  Ned  Condon,  of  Kildare, 
was  a cabinet-maker  ; he  was  the  person  who  shot  Mr.  Dar- 

* One  of  Robert  Emmet’s  depots,  was  located  in  Wine-tavern  street, 
the  appearance  of  which  has  been  completely  changed  by  the  removal 
in  the  present  century,  of  the  entire  of  the  western  side  of  the  street, 
together  with  other  alterations  in  its  southern  extremity. — “ The  Streets 
of  Dublin ,”  in  Irish  Quarterly  Review. 

f Nov.  1,  1803,  Quigley  and  Stafford,  who  had  been  arrested  about 
the  middle  of  October,  were  arraigned  pro  forma,  at  the  couH  of  Oyer 
and  Terminer,  Green  street.  The  trial  was  put  off,  and  on  the  follow- 
ing day  Quigley  was  brought  before  the  Privy  Council,  “ and  if  is  be- 
lieved,” says  the  London  Chronicle , “ has  given  the  fullest  and  most 
efficient  information.  He  is  said  to  have  stood  high  in  the  confidence 
of  Emmet.”  The  London  Chronicle,  of  the  17th  of  December,  states, 
that  Quigley  had  again  been  examined  before  the  Privy  Council,  and 
also  a young  man  of  the  name  of  Daly,  from  the  county  Kilkenny. 


72 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


ragh,  a justice  of  the  peace,  living  near  Athy.  He  came  alone 
to  Mr.  Darragh’s  hall  door,  mounted  on  horseback.* 

“Joe  White  was  a hedge-carpenter,  from  Ratbcoffy.  He 
was  not  in  the  1798  business,  and  was  never  taken  up.  John 
Burke  was  a carpenter,  from  Naas.  He  escaped  to  America : 
he  had  not  been  in  the  1798  movement. Dunne,  a car- 

penter, of  Naas,  was  never  taken  up.  George  Eustace,  of 
Dirty-laue,  roller-maker,  was  never  takeu  up  : he  was  not  in 
the  business  of  1798.  John  Walsh,  of  Celbridge,  a shop- 
keeper, taken  up  in  1803,  escaped.  Dick  Eustace,  of  Naas, 
a carpenter,  was  not  in  1798.  The  other  occasional  assistants, 
were  men  from  Palmerstown  and  Prosperous.  M’Daniel  was 
usually  employed  in  the  Rocket  Depot,  in  Patrick-street. 

“ In  the  afternoon  of  the  23rd,  Mr.  Emmet  sent  a sum  of 
sixty  guineas  to  pay  for  some  arms,  blunderbusses  and  pistols, 
which  he  had  bought  in  Dame-street,  and  was  in  immediate 
want  of.  One  of  Emmet’s  confidential  men  declined  going, 
on  account  of  fatigue  ; and  then  George  M’Donnell,  the  man 
who  was  in  the  Patrick-street  Depot  when  the  explosion  took 
place,  when  making  the  fusees  of  the  rockets,  (and  drinking 
at  the  same  time  J offered  to  go  for  the  arms.  He  took  the 
sixty  guineas,  and  never  returned  more  to  the  Depot  with  the 
money  or  arms.  Even  this  contributed  to  the  failure. 

“ Pat  Finerty,'  who  turned  approver,  was  a carpenter.  Af- 
ter the  business  of  1803,  he  was  on  board  the  guard-ship,  at 
Plymouth.  Subsequently  he  was  employed  at  Woolwich, 
where  I lost  sight  of  him  ; but  I suppose  he  sold  the  secret  of 
making  rockets  to  Congreve.  The  rockets  were  first  tried  near 
Irishtown  where  the  railway  now  is  : by  Emmet  and  some  of 
his  companions,  they  went  in  a horizontal  direction  a great 
distance.  General  Coote  was  the  first  man  who  employed 
them  in  India.  Emmet  told  me  this  ; and  that  he  had  im- 
proved on  them,  and  another  has  improved  on  Emmet’s,  and 

* Mr.  Darragh  of  Eagle  Hill,  county  Kildare,  was  one  of  the  terror- 
ists of  the  time.  Musgrave,  at  page  193,  gives  an  account  of  this  atro- 
cious act.  Mr.  Darragh  is  reported  to  have  said,  he  would  wade  ankle- 
deep  in  Popish  blood,  but  denied,  on  oath,  having  said  so.  In  March, 
1798,  a man  rode  up  to  him,  in  front  of  his  house,  and,  on  pretence  ol 
presenting  him  with  a letter,  drew  a pistol,  and  shot  him  in  the  groin ; 
then  drew  another,  and  shot  him  in  the  back.  He  languished  for  a long 
time,  and  eventually  died  from  the  effects  of  the  wounds  he  then  re- 
ceived. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


n 


Congreve  has  improved  on  both.  The  rockets  were  of  the 
same  nature  as  those  called  Congreve  rockets,  but  not  so  per- 
fect. Finerty  and  Condon  were  employed  a good  deal  in  the 
making  of  the  rockets,  under  Mr.  Emmet’s  orders.  It  was 
after  Finerty’s  arrest  that  he  turned  informer.  I think  that  he 
would  not  inform,  if  he  had  not  been  arrested.  Finerty  was 
detained  in  the  ‘ stag-house,’  opposite  to  Kilmainham  jail,  a 
place  for  housing  informers.  He  was  to  give  evidence  on  Em- 
met’s trial ; but  was  not  called. 

“ At  my  return  from  Lisbon,  many  years  after,  I called  one 
evening  to  see  a friend  of  mine,  that  was  master  ctf  arms  in  the 
Salvador  Guard-ship,  in  dock  at  Plymouth,  and  the  first  man 
I met  in  the  ship  was  Finerty,  who  affected  to  be  glad  to  see 
me.  I stopped  awhile  with  my  friend,  and  returned  to  dine 
next  day  ; and  when  I came,  found  that  Finerty  had  left  the 
ship,  and  gone,  I think,  to  Woolwich. 

“ Counsellor  Hamilton  was  appointed,  with  one  Smith,  to 
raise  the  county  of  Fermanagh  and  county  Cavan.  Russell 
and  James  Hope  were  appointed  to  the  county  Down  for  the 
same  purpose.  Mr.  Nicholas  Gray,  an  attorney,  the  aid-de- 
camp  of  B.  B.  Harvey,  at  the  battle  of  New  Ross,  for  the 
county  Wexford  ; Dwyer  for  the  county  Wicklow  ; Mr.  Athy 
for  the  county  Galway  ; Quigley,  Mahon,  and  Wylde,  for 
Kildare  ; others  for  different  counties,  all  depending  on  the 
taking  of  Dublin.  The  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition  was 
very  great  ; a great  quantity  of  ball  cartridges,  packed  in 
chests,  with  various  sorts  of  combustibles,  about  seventy  thous- 
and pikes  and  muskets,  blunderbusses  and  pistols.  A quantity 
of  these  were  dispersed  among  different  persons  throughout  the 
country,  as  well  as  in  Dublin  ; combustibles  of  various  descrip- 
tions were  prepared  to  blow  up  in  the  streets  among  the  troops, 
when  assembled.  Most  of  the  powder  and  ball  was  got  from 
Mr.  Hinchey’s,  but,  as  for  the  money,  I cannot  tell  how,  or 
where,  it  was  obtained.  Mr.  Hinchey  was  a grocer,  and  lived 
at  the  corner  of  Cuflfe-street,  and  was  licensed  to  sell  powder  ; 
he  got  the  balls  run,  or  cast,  in  his  own  place,  and  a Mr. 
Byrne,  of  New-street,  gave  a good  deal  of  ball. 

“ All  these  preparations  were  kept  a profound  secret 
from  the  Government,  and  their  adherents,  until  the  very 
day  of  the  turn  out.  On  the  Saturday-night  week  previous  to 
the  turn  out,  an  explosion  of  some  combustible  took  place  in 


u 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


the  Depot  of  Patrick-street,  which  gave  some  alarm  in  the 
neighbourhood.  Major  Sin*  came  to  examine  the  house  ; pre- 
vious  to  his  coming,  our  friends  removed  the  remaining  pow- 
der, arms,  &c.,  and  all  matters  which  were  moveable  in  the 
place,  notwithstanding  some  obstruction  given  by  the  watch- 
men. Other  arms  were  secreted  on  the  premises,  and  were 
not  discovered  until  some  time  afterwards.  It  was  concluded 
that  the  affair  was  only  some  chemical  process  which  had  acci- 
dentally caused  the  explosion.* 

“ This  unfortunate  occurrence  caused  a premature  rising, 
which  proved  abortive.  It  must  be  here  remarked,  that  those 
in  charge  of  the  Depot  in  Patrick-street  did  not  know  or  fre- 
quent the  Depot  in  Marshalsea-lane,  but  those  in  Marshalsea- 
lane  had  recourse  to  the  Depot  in  Patrick-street.f 

“ Mr.  Emmet,”  says  Bernard  Duggan,  “ had  three  plans 
that  would  effect  a revolution,  without  bloodshed,  if  put  into 
execution,  at  any  period  ; and  the  reason  that  none  of  them 
were  resorted  to  was,  the  timidity  of  some  of  his  own  staff,  or 
advisers — the  general  officers  of  districts  and  counties,  such  as 
Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald  had  to  contend  with. 

“ A few  evenings  before  the  outbreak,  I was  informed  by 
Robert  Emmet,  I would  be  called  on  a very  important  service, 
namely,  to  make  a prisoner  of  the  Commander-in-Chief,  who 
was  in  the  habit  of  walking  very  early  every  morning  on  the 
Circular  Road,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kilmainham.  I was 
to  be  accompanied  by  another  person,  and  six  more  of  our  as- 
sociates were  to  be  stationed  at  a short  distance,  and  to  be 
ready,  when  called  on,  to  lend  assistance  to  me  and  my  com- 

* The  house  was  slightly  injured  by  the  explosion,  it  has  been  new 
fronted ; I visited  it  lately,  it  is  on  the  right  hand  side  of  Patrick-street 
going  from  Thomas-street,  very  nearly  opposite  Patrick’s  Church. 
There  are  very  extensive  vaults,  and  an  entrance  to  the  house,  like  all 
the  Depots  of  Emmet’s,  from  a dark  Court  or  narrow  lane. 

f The  Depot  at  Irishtown,  alluded  to  by  Duggan,  was  in  charge  ol 
a timber  merchant,  Mr.  Thomas  Brangan.  who  resided  in  that  village. 
His  daughter,  Mrs.  Martin,  informs  me  he  was  very  intimate  with  Ro- 
bert Emmet,  and  was  engaged  in  the  business  of  1803.  He  had  under 
his  charge  the  district  of  Sandymount,  the  Rock,  Merrion,  and  Mill- 
town,  and  the  intended  execution  of  the  plan  to  take  the  Pitejeon  House. 
Robert  Emmet  was  frequently  at  Brangan’s,  and  on  several  occasiont 
they  walked  across  the  strand,  when  the  tide  was  out,  to  take  plans  ol 
the  Pigeon  House,  and  make  other  observations. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


75 


panion.  We  were  to  accost  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  in- 
form him  they  had  a writ  against  him,  and  that  we  were 
sheriffs’  officers,  and,  by  compulsion,  or  otherwise,  we  were  to 
force  him  into  a carriage,  and  carry  him  off  to  Mr.  Emmet’s 
Emmet’s  staff,  from  timidity,  upset  this  plan  like  all  his  others 
I was  told  that  night,  when  I had  made  all  necessary  prepara- 
tions, that  the  plan  had  been  abandoned. 

“ To  my  knowledge,”  continues  Duggan,  “ Mr.  Emmet  had 
secret  friends  connected  with  the  government , who  gave  him  intel- 
ligence of  all  the  movements  about  the  castle.  Mr.  Emmet, 
during  the  preparations  makiug  in  the  Depot,  had  a house  in 
Butterfield  lane,  near  Rathfarnham  ; the  officers  of  the  coun- 
ties, and  several  gentlemen,  often  had  interviews  with  him 
there,  but  none  of  those  connected  in  the  Depots,  unless  occa- 
sionally to  carry  a message  to  him  went  there.  Mr.  Emmet 
went  often  to  the  Head  Depot  ; both  by  day  and  by  night  the 
writer  was  often  called  to  attend  him,  to  act  as  a body  guard 
through  the  streets,  walking  on  the  other  side  of  the  way  as  he 
went  along,  and  occasionally  some  men  of  the  former  were 
ready  at  a moment’s  notice  to  defend  Mr.  Emmet.  Previous 
to  the  turn  out  Mr.  Emmet  remained  almost  entirely  in  the 
Depots,  continually  seeing  regimentals  making,  writing  procla- 
mations, and  receiving  communications  from  the  officers  of  the 
different  counties.  In  his  expectations  of  assistance  in  the 
country  he  was  totally  disappointed,  which  was  the  chief  cause 
of  the  failure  on  the  night  of  the  23rd.  It  had  been  arranged 
that  a number  of  armed  men  were  to  march  in  from  the  ad- 
jacent counties,  either  to  join  in  the  attack  to  be  made  that 
night  in  Dublin,  or  to  cause  a diversion,  by  withdrawing  the 
troops  from  the  city,  while  those  collected  in  the  Depots  sallied 
out  and  distributed  arms  to  the  persons  gathering  in  from  the 
county  of  Dublin,  and  the  adjacent  parts  of  the  County  of 
Kildare.  Dwyer  promised  to  march  down  from  the  mountains 
with  500  at  least  that  evening,  and  appear  near  the  city,  like- 
wise Mr.  Nicholas  Gray  promised  to  come  with  a large  force 
of  Wexford  men,  consisting  of  thousands,  by  a different  direc- 
tion. All  these  persons  failed  to  do  so  at  the  time  appointed. 
In  the  course  of  the  day  of  the  23rd,  it  was  whispered  about 
that  there  was  to  be  a general  rising  that  night  in  Dublin. 
The  alarm  reached  the  Castle.  A Mr.  Clarke  of  Palmers* 
town,  a manufacturer,  and  a Mr.  Wilcock,  a gentleman,  living 


76 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


between  Palmerstown  and  Chapelizod,  seeing  a bustle  among 
the  workmen  of  the  neighbourhood,  and  a number  of  men 
passing  from  other  parts  to  Dublin,  rode  up  to  the  castle  and 
made  a report  of  their  apprehensions  of  some  disturbance.  As 
they  were  both  returning  home,  passing  along  Arran  Quay, 
Mr.  Clarke  was  fired  at,  and  slightly  wounded  by  some  person 
who  effected  his  escape.  Both  then  went  back  to  the  Castle, 
or  at  least  Mr.  Clarke  did,  and  a reward  of  £300  was  imme- 
diately offered  for  information  against  the  man  who  had  fired 
at  Clarke.  In  the  course  of  an  hour  or  so  after,  Henry  How- 
ley  came  along,  in  the  direction  of  the  Queen’s  Bridge,  with 
one  of  the  double  coaches,  which  were  to  convey  Mr.  Emmet, 
and  a number  of  his  most  determined  followers,  inside  the 
Castle  Yard,  as  if  they  were  entering  with  persons  going  to  a 
party.  They  were  to  be  all  well  armed  with  blunderbusses, 
they  were  to  gain  possession  of  the  Castle,  and  to  seize  on  the 
Privy  Council,  who  it  was  expected  would  have  been  sitting 
that  evening,  for  Mr.  Emmet  had  private  information  of  that 
matter,  and  of  every  movement  going  on  in  the  Castle.  When 
Howley  was  coming  over  the  Queen’s  Bridge,  and  entering 
Bridgefoot-street,  he  saw  a countryman  and  a soldier  fighting, 
he  stopped  the  coach  to  see  how  the  battle  ended,  and,  in  the 
mean  time,  an  officer,  Cornet  Brown,  who  was  passing  by 
chance,  interfered  in  favour  of  the  soldier,  Henry  Howley  see- 
ing this,  leapt  out  of  the  coach,  and  cried  out  * fair  play  for  the 
countryman.’  Cornet  Brown  drew  his  sword,  and  Howley 
pulled  out  a pistol  and  shot  him,  Howley  observing  a ser- 
geant’s guard  coming  over  the  bridge  thought  it  prudent  to 
make  his  escape,  he  fled,  and  left  the  coach  there,  which  caused 
a terrible  disappointment  to  Mr.  Emmet  who  was  anxiously 
waiting  for  the  coaches,  as  Howley  was  the  person  appointed 
to  procure  them.  The  object  was  to  secure  the  Viceroy,  and 
keep  him  and  his  family  as  hostages  ; plenty  of  people  were 
ready  to  pour  into  the  Castle,  once  possession  was  gained  of 
the  court  yards  by  Emmet  and  his  party.  Howley  was  to 
bring  the  coaches  one  after  the  other  from  Essex  Bridge  stand 
along  the  quay  and  over  the  Queen’s  Bridge.  The  drivers 
were  to  be  dressed  in  liveries.  Had  the  Castle  been  seized, 
the  country  was  sufficiently  prepared,  all  depended  on  the 
Castle. 

“ The  plan  was  to  attack  the  entrance  publicly,  and  at  the 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


77 


same  time  on  the  Ship-street  side,  from  a house  alongside  tha 
wall,  an  entrance  was  to  be  made  by  breaking  through  the 
wall,  and  a party  of  men  were  to  be  pushed  in  by  this  en- 
trance. Several  houses  besides  in  that  neighbourhood  were 
secured,  and  were  to  be  occupied  by  Mr.  Emmet’s  people 
This  disappointment  of  the  coaches,  together  with  the  failure 
on  the  part  of  the  Wicklow  and  Wexford  men,  for  Mr.  Em- 
met counted  on  Dwyer’s  party,  and  also  on  Mr.  Gray’s,  deter- 
mined him  to  abandon  the  Depot,  and  make  the  best  he  could 
of  such  an  embarrassing  situation,  finding  he  could  not  conceal 
the  business  any  longer.  While  some  of  the  people  were 
gathering  about  the  Depot  in  Marshalsea-lane  and  arming 
themselves,  one  of  the  outposts  or  sentinels,  who  was  placed  to 
watch  or  reconnoitre  messengers  or  dispatches  coming  or  going 
between  the  Royal  Hospital,  the  different  barracks  and  the 
Castle,  saw  a trooper  coming  with  dispatches  from  the  Castle 
towards  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  the  trooper  was  shot 
dead  by  the  outpost  above  mentioned. 

“ In  the  afternoon  of  the  23rd  of  July,  when  Mr.  Emmet 
was  informed  that  Mr.  Clarke  and  Mr.  Wilcock  were  on  their 
way  to  the  Castle,  to  give  information  of  the  suspected  pro- 
ceedings, Mr.  Emmet  ordered  me  to  set  steady  men  to  guard 
the  different  roads  from  the  Castle  to  Island-bridge,  where  the 
artillery  lay,  and  frotn  the  adjoining  barracks,  and  from  the 
Royal  Barracks  to  the  Castle,  so  that  no  express  could  pass  to 
either  of  these  places  from  the  Castle,  or  from  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  who  resided  at  the  Royal  Hospital,  Kilmainham, 
where  I remained,  watching  the  movements  of  the  General, 
after  placing  guards  on  all  the  passes,  from  seven  to  eleven 
o’clock  that  night  ; and,  when  I returned  to  the  Depot,  all 
were  gone  ; the  place  was  in  darkness,  as  the  lamps  were  not 
lit  up  that  night,  it  looked  dismal. 

“ I lost  no  time  in  quitting  Dublin,  and  making  the  best  of 
my  way  to  Rathcoffy,  in  the  county  of  Kildare,  where  I joined 
my  comrades.  They  had  sent  a message  to  Mr.  Emmet,  de- 
siring he  would  come  amongst  them,  and  see  what  could  be 
done  ; but  he  did  not  then  come.  They  remained  together, 
to  the  number  of  fifteen,  his  staff  (as  they  called  themselves)  ; 
but,  after  his  death,  they  separated,  and  went  amongst  their 
friends.  In  the  mean  time,  a great  number  of  persons  were 
arrested,  tried,  convicted,  and  put  to  death,  the  innocent  aa 


78 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


well  as  the  guilty.  Of  all  they  hung  for  that  business,  there 
were  only  four  who  knew  any  thing  of  it,  and  numbers  were 
put  to  death  who  had  no  hand  in  it.  This  they  continued  to 
do  until  Quigley  was  arrested,  along  with  three  others,  in  the 
county  of  Galway,  A stop  was  then  put  to  the  executions. 

“ At  all  times  Mr.  Emmet  seemed  cool,  tranquil,  and  deter- 
mined, even  to  the  last  moment  of  my  seeing  him,  which  was 
at  seven  o’clock  that  evening,  of  the  23rd  of  July.  He  ap- 
peared to  be  confident  of  success  ; he  was  never  light  or 
thoughtless  in  his  manner,  nor  absent,  nor  agitated  in  his 
mind.  He  talked  familiarly  with  the  men  ; but  still  with 
something  of  seriousness,  nothing  of  jocularity.  The  men  never 
received  any  pay  for  their  services,  they  all  acted  for  the  cause, 
and  not  for  money — their  diet  and  lodging,  and  sometimes  only 
the  latter,  was  their  sole  remuneration.  The  people  had  great 
confidence  in  him  ; they  would  venture  their  lives  for  him. 

“ After  the  failure  of  Robert  Emmet’s  business,  I escaped 
into  Galway  ; remained  there  for  eighteen  months  ; came  up 
to  Dublin  in  1805,  and,  the  second  day  after  my  arrival,  was 
arrested.  I was  charged  with  the  crime  of  shooting  at  Mr. 
Clarke,  of  Palmerstown,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  23rd  of  July, 
1803.  Mr.  Clarke  was  brought  to  the  Tower  to  see  me,  ac- 
companied by  Mr.  Wilcock.  Mr.  Clarke  said,  ‘ you  fired  at 
me,  in  1803,  when  you  passed  me  on  the  Quay,  as  I was  riding 
along  with  Captain  Wilcock.’  I said  to  the  gentleman,  * I 
would  not  have  passed,  and  fired  at  you,  Mr.  Clarke.’  ” 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  23rd  July,  1803,  was  fixed  on  by  Robert  Emmet  for  car- 
rying his  long  meditated  purpose  into  effect.  It  was  nine 
months  since  he  had  arrived  in  Ireland,  with  the  design  of 
renewing  the  efforts  of  the  United  Irishmen  ; and  however 
strenuously  it  may  be  denied  by  some  amongst  them,  that  the 
attempted  insurrection  of  1803,  was  part  and  parcel  of  their 
system,*  Robert  Emmet’s  attempt  must  be  considered  as  the 

* Lord  Cloncurry  though  not  a conspirator  in  Emmet’s  plot,  wa% 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


78 


best  effort  of  the  society  of  the  United  Irishmen,  and  the  death- 
blow to  its  objects.  Emmet’s  active  preparations  had  been 
carried  on  from  the  mouth  of  March.  The  government  ap- 
peared to  be  entirely  ignorant  of  their  existence  ; nevertheless, 
events  happened  which  could  not  leave  them  in  ignorance  of 
machinations  being  in  progress,  the  aim  of  which  was  the 
overthrow  of  the  government.  On  the  14th  of  July,  the  anni- 
versary of  the  French  revolution,  bonfires  were  very  general 
throughout  the  city  : there  was  one  on  the  Coal-quay,  oppo- 
site the  house  of  D.  L.  Redmoud,  and  another  in  Kevin-street, 
near  the  fountain,  where  manifestations  of  a seditious  kind 
were  made,  which  could  not  be  mistaken.  The  imprudence  of 
this  display  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  subordinate  leaders, 
seems  almost  incredible  ; and  yet,  in  similar  times  and  under- 
takings, where  engagements  of  secrecy  are  entered  into,  to 
keep  their  designs  concealed,  we  find  men  acting  as  if  they  had 
been  already  relieved  from  their  obligations — that  success  was 
certain — that  obstacles  had  been  overcome — that  their  friends 
were  all  true,  and  capable  of  accomplishing  their  objects  at  a 
moment’s  notice — that  their  enemies  were  frightened;  or  to  be 
frightened,  by  a demonstration  of  their  force,  even  in  assem- 
blages of  a festive  character,  like  those  of  the  14th  of  July  ; 
or  in  a procession  on  a more  solemn  occasion,  like  that  of  the 
great  funeral  which  took  place  not  long  before  the  outbreak  of 
the  rebellion  of  1798.  The  explosion  which  took  place  in  the 
Depot,  in  Patrick-street,  on  the  16th  of  July,  1803,  was 
another  occurrence  which  could  not  fail  to  excite  the  suspicions 
of  Government ; for  the  premises  were  visited  by  Major  Sirr  : 
and,  although  he  did  not  discover  the  concealed  store  in  which 
the  greater  portion  of  the  material  of  the  conspirators  were 
secreted,  he  discovered  some  fragments  of  unfinished  weapons. 
One  of  the  attendants  of  the  store,  who  had  been  wounded, 
had  been  taken  to  an  hospital,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
authorities. 

Emmet’s  object  was,  to  defer  his  attempt  till  the  month  of 

nevertheless,  fully  cognizant  of  his  intentions.  His  two  brothers, 
Thomas  and  Robert  dined  with  him  in  Paris  on  the  day  previous  to 
the  latter’s  departure  for  Ireland.  His  chances  of  success  appeared  ou 
examination,  meagre,  and  various  attempts  were  made  to  dissuade  tin 
young  enthusiast  from  plunging  into  an  undertaking  so  replete  with 
bloodshed  and  peril. — Fitzpatrick's  Life  and  Times  of  Cloncurry. 


80 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


August,  when  he  fully  expected  England  would  be  invaded 
The  last  occurrence  determined  him  on  making  an  immediate 
effort.  He  had  pikes  in  abundance,  a great  deal  of  ammuni- 
tion, few  fire  arms,  but  a variety  of  combustible  materials, 
which  it  is  painful  to  read  of.  His  magazine  contained  the  fol- 
lowing warlike  stores  and  implements  : — 451bs.  of  cannon  pow- 
der, in  bundles  ; eleven  boxes  of  fine  powder ; one  -hundred 
bottles  filled  with  powder,  enveloped  with  musket  balls,  and 
covered  with  .canvass  ; two  hundred  and  forty-six  hand  gre- 
nades, formed  of  ink-bottles,  filled  with  powder,  and  encircled 
with  buck  shot ; sixty-two  thousand  rounds  of  musket  ball- 
cartridge  ; three  bushels  of  musket  balls  ; a quantity  of  tow, 
mixed  with  tar  and  gunpowder,  and  other  combustible  matter, 
for  throwing  against  wood-work,  which,  when  ignited,  would 
cause  an  instantaneous  conflagration  ; sky  rockets,  and  other 
signals,  &c.  ; and  false  beams  filled  with  combustibles  ; with 
not  less  than  eight  or  ten  thousand  pikes. 

Lord  Castlereagh  falsely  stated  the  number  of  the  latter 
was  between  two  and  three  thousand  ; while  Lord  Blaquiere, 
one  of  the  persons  appointed  to  examine  the  stores  in  the 
Depot,  said,  in  reply  to  the  former  statement,  the  number  was 
between  eight  and  ten  thousand. 

Emmet,  after  the  explosion,  took  up  his  abode  in  the  Depot, 
in  Marshalsea-lane.  There  he  lay  at  night,  on  a mattrass, 
surrounded  by  all  the  implements  of  death,  devising  plans, 
turning  over  in  his  mind  all  the  fearful  chances  of  the  intended 
struggle,  well  knowing,  that  his  life  was  at  the  mercy  of 
upwards  of  forty  individuals,  who  had  been,  or  still  were 
employed,  in  the  Depots  ; yet,  confident  of  success,  exaggera- 
ting its  prospects,  extenuating  the  difficulties  which  beset  him, 
judging  of  others  by  himself,  thinking  associates  honest  who 
but  seemed  so,  confiding  in  their  promises,  and  animated,  or 
rather  inflamed  by  a burning  sense  of  the  wrongs  of  his  coun- 
try, and  an  enthusiasm  in  his  devotion  to  what  he  considered 
its  rightful  cause ; that  had  taken  possession  of  all  his  facul- 
ties, and  made  what  was  desirable  to  them,  seem  not  only  pos- 
sible, but  plausible  and  feasible. 

The  following  paper  was  found,  after  the  failure,  in  the 
Depot,  in  Emmet’s  hand-writing  : — 

“ I have  little  time  to  look  at  the  thousand  difficulties  which 
still  lie  between  me  and  the  completion  of  my  wishes — that 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


81 


those  difficulties  will  likewise  disappear,  I have  ardent,  and,  1 
trust,  rational  hopes  ; but,  if  it  is  not  to  be  the  case,  I thank 
God  for  having  gifted  me  with  a sanguine  disposition.  To  that 
disposition  I run  from  reflection  ; and,  if  my  hopes  are  without 
foundation,  if  a precipice  is  opening  under  my  feet,  from  which 
duty  will  not  suffer  me  to  run  back,  I am  grateful  for  that 
sanguine  disposition,  which  leads  me  to  the  brink  and  throws 
me  down,  while  my  eyes  are  still  raised  to  the  visions  of  hap- 
piness that  my  fancy  formed  in  the  air.” 

The  history  of  the  world  afforded  him  but  a single  example 
of  success  in  an  undertaking  of  the  kind  he  was  embarked  in, 
and  sought  to  be  accomplished  by  such  means  as  were  at  his 
disposal.  That  example  was  the  successful  issue  of  the  revo- 
lution in  Portugal,  in  1640,  when  about  forty  individuals  con- 
spired to  free  their  country  from  the  Spanish  yoke,  and  these 
forty  men,  strange  to  say,  carried  on  their  secret  conferences 
for  several  months,  without  an  act  of  perfidy  on  the  part  of 
any  of  them.  Their  plans  were  already  in  the  course  of  accom- 
plishment, the  conspirators  were  already  in  the  possession  of  the 
palace,  public  offices  and  residences  of  the  ministers,  when  they 
were  joined  by  the  populace.  They  had  already  seized  on  the 
Vice-Queen,  and  the  Spanish  authorities,  and  put  to  death  the 
only  individual  of  the  ruling  powers  whose  life  was  sacrificed  in 
that  revolution,  a degenerate  Portuguese,  Miguel  Vascoucellos, 
who  had  been  the  chief  agent  of  the  despotism  of  tneir  foreign  task 
masters.  But  that  revolution  was  effected  by  a band  of  men 
who  acted  as  if  there  was  but  one  common  mind  in  all,  one 
common  cause,  and  one  hand  alone  which  could  crown  their 
efforts  with  success.  The  night  before  the  revolution  the  con- 
spirators assembled — where  ? in  taverns,  in  public  houses,  or  in 
each  other’s  houses,  to  revel  and  carouse  ! No  ; they  met  in 
the  churches  of  their  several  localities,  which,  by  orders  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Lisbon,  were  left  open  for  them,  (duly  attended 
by  approved  clergymen)  without  being  lighted  up  on  this  occa- 
sion. They  met,  not  to  conspire,  but  to  pray  to  God  for  assis- 
tance, and  each  man  of  them  that  night  received  the  sacrament. 
Vertot  makes  no  mention  of  this  extraordinary  occurrence. 
Vertot  was  a Frenchman,  and  tinctured  with  the  French  phil 
osophy. 

It  has  often  struck  me  that  Robert  Emmet  must  have  been 
familiar  with  the  history  of  this  most  extraordinary  of  all  revo 


82 


MEMOIK  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


lutions,  and,  that  to  the  Abbe  Vertot’s  work  he  owed  ills 
knowledge  of  it.  All  the  old  Portuguese  authorities,  from 
which  Yertot  has  taken  his  materials,  state  the  fact,  and  one 
more  worthy  of  observation,  taking  into  consideration  the 
cause  those  men  were  engaged  in,  the  means  of  accomplishing 
their  designs,  and  its  result  is  not  to  be  met  with  in  the  whole 
range  of  history,  ancient  or  modern. 

The  morning  of  the  23d  of  July  found  Emmet,  and  the  lead- 
ers in  whom  he  confided,  not  of  one  mind,  there  was  division  in 
their  councils,  confusion  in  the  Depots,  consternation  among 
the  citizens  who  were  cognizant  of  what  was  going  on,  and 
treachery,  tracking  Robert  Emmet's  footsteps,  dogging  him 
from  place  to  place,  unseen,  unsuspected,  but  perfidy  neverthe- 
less embodied  in  the  form  of  patriotism,  basely  employed  in 
deluding  its  victims,  making  the  most  of  its  foul  means,  of 
betraying  its  unwary  victims,  and  counting  already  on  the  ulti- 
mate reward  of  its  treachery.  Portion  after  portion  of  this 
plan  of  Robert  Emmet  was  defeated,  as  he  imagined,  by  acci- 
dent, or  ignorance,  or  neglect,  on  the  part  of  his  agents,  but  it 
never  occurred  to  him  that  he  was  betrayed,  that  every  design 
of  his  was  frustrated,  every  project  neutralized  as  effectually 
as  if  a traitor  had  stolen  into  the  camp  of  an  enemy,  seduced 
the  sentinels,  corrupted  the  guards,  discovered  the  plans,  dis- 
concerted the  projects,  and  then  left  the  adversary  to  be  forced 
into  the  field,  and  discomfitted  there. 

Various  consultations  were  held  on  the  23d  at  the  Depot  in 
Thomas-street,  at  Mr.  Long’s  in  Crow-street,  and  Mr.  Allen’s 
in  College-green,  and  great  diversity  of  opinion  prevailed  with 
respect  to  the  propriety  of  an  immediate  rising,  or  a postpone- 
ment of  the  attempt.  Emmet  and  Allen  were  in  favour  of  the 
former,  and,  indeed,  in  the  posture  of  their  affairs,  no  other 
course  was  left,  except  the  total  abandonment  of  their  project, 
which  it  is  only  surprising  had  not  been  determined  on.  The 
Wicklow  men,  under  Dwyer,  on  whom  great  dependence  was 
placed,  had  not  arrived  ; the  man  who  bore  the  order  to  him, 
from  Emmet,  neglected  his  duty,  and  remained  at  Rathfarn- 
ham.  The  Kildare  men  came  in,  and  were  informed,  evidently 
by  a traitor,  that  Emmet  had  postponed  his  attempt,  and  they 
went  back  at  five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  The  Wexford  men 
came  in,  and,  to  the  number  of  200  or  300  remained  in  town 
the  early  part  of  the  night,  to  take  the  part  assigned  to  them, 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET.  83* 

but  they  received  no  orders.  A large  body  of  men  were  assem- 
bled at  the  Broadstone,  ready  to  act  when  the  rocket  signal 
agreed  upon  should  be  given,  but  no  such  signal  was  made. 

It  is  evident  that  Emmet  to  the  last  counted  on  large  bodies 
of  men  being  at  his  disposal,  and  that  he  was  deceived.  At 
eight  o’clock  in  the  evening,  he  had  eighty  men  nominally 
under  his  command,  collected  in  the  Depot  in  Marshalsea- 
lane.  In  the  neighbourhood,  several  of  the  leaders  were  assem- 
bled at  Mr.  John  Hevey’s  house,  41,  Thomas  Court,  and 
refreshments  were  not  wanting,  while  messages  were  passing 
backwards  and  forwards  between  his  house  and  the  Depot.  At 
a public  house  in  Thomas-street,  kept  by  John  Rourke,  there 
were  crowds  of  country  people  drinking  and  smoking,  in  the 
highest  spirits,  cracking  jokes,  and  rallying  one  another,  as  if 
the  business  they  were  about  to  enter  on  was  a party  of  plea- 
sure. Eelix  Rourke  kept  constantly  passing  backwards  and 
forwards  between  this  house  and  his  brother’s,  dressed  in  plain 
clothes  ; at  no  period  was  he  dressed  in  the  rebel  uniform,  as 
had  been  sworn  by  the  approvers  on  his  trial.  About  nine 
o’clock,  when  Robert  Emmet  was  beginning  to  reflect  on  the 
failure  of  all  his  preparations,  the  holding  back  of  the  people 
on  whom  he  mainly  reckoned,  Michael  Quigley  rushed  into  the 
Depot,  and  gave  an  alarm,  which  turned  out  to  be  a false  one. 
He  said,  “We  are  all  lost,  the  army  is  coming  on  us.”  Then 
it  was  that  Robert  Emmet  determined  to  meet  death  in  the 
street,  rather  than  wait  to  be  cooped  up  with  his  followers  in 
his  den,  and  massacred  there,  or  captured,  and  reserved  for 
the  scaffold.  He  put  on  his  uniform,  gave  his  orders  to  distri- 
bute the  arms,  and,  after  sending  up  a single  rocket,  sallied 
into  Thomas-street  with  about  eighty  men,  who  were  joined 
there,  perhaps,  by  as  many  more,  before  they  were  abreast  of 
Yicar  street.  The  design  of  Emmet  was  to  attack  the  Castle. 
The  greater  part  of  the  gentlemen  leaders  were  not  with 
Robert  Emmet,  several  remained  at  Hevey’s,  others  were  at  the 
house  of  John  Palmer,  in  Cutpurse-row,  and  elsewhere  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  scene  of  action,  waiting,  I presume, 
to  see  if  there  was  any  prospect  of  success,  or  any  occasion  for 
their  services,  that  was  likely  to  make  the  sacrifice  of  their 
lives  of  any  advantage  to  their  cause. 

The  motley  assemblage  of  armed  men,  a great  number  of 
whom  were,  if  not  intoxicated,  under  the  evident  excitement 


84 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


of  drink,  marched  along  Thomas-street  without  discipline,  with' 
their  ill-fated  leader  at  their  head,  who  was  endeavouring  to 
maintain  order,  with  the  assistance  of  Stafford,  a man  who  ap- 
pears to  have  remained  close  to  him  throughout  this  scene,  and 
faithful  to  him  to  the  last.  Between  the  front  ranks  and  the 
rear  there  was  a considerable  distance,  and  it  was  iu  vain  tha* 
Stafford  and  others  called  on  them  repeatedly,  and  sometimes 
with  imprecations,  to  close  their  ranks,  or  they  would  be  cut 
to  pieces  by  the  army.  They  were  in  this  state  about  half-past 
nine,  when  Robert  Emmet,  with  the  main  body,  was  close  to 
the  old  market-house.  The  stragglers  in  the  rear  soon  com- 
menced acts  of  pillage  and  assassination  ; the  first  murderous 
attack  committed  in  Thomas-street  was  not  that  made  on  Lord 
Kilwarden,  as  we  find  by  the  following  account  in  the  news- 
paper of  the  day. 

A Mr.  Leech,  of  the  Custom-house,  was  passing  through 
Thomas-street  in  a hackney-coach,  when  he  was  stopped  by 
the  rabble  ; they  dragged  him  out  of  the  coach,  without  any 
inquiry,  it  seemed  enough  that  he  was  a respectable  man  ; he 
fell  on  his  knees,  implored  their  mercy,  but  all  in  vain  : they 
began  the  work  of  blood,  and  gave  him  a frightful  pike  wound 
in  the  groin.  Their  attention  was  then  diverted  from  the 
humbler  victim  by  the  approach  of  Lord  Kilwarden’s  coach. 
Mr.  Leech  then  succeeded  in  creeping  to  Yickar-street  watch- 
house,  where  he  lay  a considerable  time,  apparently  dead  from 
loss  of  blood,  but  happily  recovered  from  his  wound. 

The  carriage  of  Lord  Kilwarden  had  hardly  reached  that 
part  of  Thomas-street  which  leads  to  Yickar-street,  when  it 
was  stopped  and  attacked  ; Lord  Kilwarden,  who  was  inside 
with  his  daughter  and  his  nephew,  the  Rev.  Richard  Wolfe, 
cried  out,  “It  is  I,  Kilwarden,  Chief  Justice  of  the  King’s 
Bench.”  A man,  whose  name  is  said  to  have  been  Shannon, 
rushed  forward,  plunged  his  pike  into  his  Lordship,  crying  out, 
“ You  are  the  man  I want.”'  A portmanteau  was  then  taken 
out  of  the  carriage,  and  broken  open,  and  rifled  of  its  contents  ; 
then  his  Lordship,  mortally  wounded,  was  dragged  out  of  the 
carriage,  and  several  additional  wounds  inflicted  on  him.  His 
nephew  endeavoured  to  make  his  escape,  but  was  taken,  and 
put  to  death.  The  unfortunate  young  lady  remained  in  the 
carriage  till  one  of  the  leaders  rushed  forward,  took  her  from 
the  carriage,  and  led  her  through  the  rabble  to  an  adjoining 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


85 


house  ; and,  it  is  worthy  of  observation,  that  in  Ae  midst  of 
this  scene  of  sanguinary  tumult  no  injury  or  insult  was  offered 
to  her,  or  attempted  to  be  offered  to  her,  by  tie  infuriated 
rabble.  Mr.  Fitzgerald  states,  that  the  person  who  rescued 
her  from  her  dreadful  situation  was  Robert  Emmet. 

Miss  Wolfe,  after  remaining  some  time  in  the  place  of  refuge 
Bhe  was  placed  in,  proceeded  on  foot  to  the  Castle,  and  entered 
the  Secretary’s  office,  in  a distracted  state,  and  is  said  to  have 
been  the  first  bearer  of  the  intelligence  of  her  father’s  murder. 
Lord  Kilwarden  was  found  lying  on  the  pavement  dreadfully 
and  mortally  wounded  ; when  .the  street  was  cleared  of  the  in- 
surgents, he  was  carried  almost  lifeless  to  the  watch-house  in 
Yickar-street. 

“ On  my  arrival  in  Dublin,”  says  James  Hope,  “ on  the  first 
of  November,  1803,  I met  an  acquaintance,  who  had  been 
prisoner  in  Yickar-street  watch-house,  when  Lord  Kilwarden 
was  brought  in,  after  receiving  his  death  wounds.  Major 
Swan,  and  some  officers,  shortly  afterwards  came  there  ; and 
one  of  those  persons  said,  in  a great  rage,  that  he  would  have 
a gallows  erected  at  the  watch-house  door,  to  hang  the  villains 
who  were  then  confined  there.  His  lordship  called  thrice  to 
Major  Swan,  before  he  answered.  ‘ What  are  you  going  to 
do,  Swan,’  said  his  lordship  ; ‘ to  hang  these  rebels,  my  lord,’ 
was  the  reply.  His  lordship  said,  ‘ let  no  man  be  put  to  death, 
but  by  the  laws  of  his  country.’  At  that  instant  an  officer  ap- 
peared, with  a party  of  horse,  and  ordered  the  street  to  be 
cleared  of  all  obstruction.  To  Lord  Kilwarden’s  injunction, 
my  informant  says,  Hope  considered  he  owed  his  life,  and  not 
only  his,  but  every  prisoner  in  the  watch-house  at  that  time 
owed  his  life  to  that  good  man’s  interference.  When  Lord 
Kilwarden,”  continues  Hope,  “ was  Attorney-General,  he  had 
to  prosecute  a number  of  very  young  men,  who  were  charged 
with  treason,  in  1795  ; they  were  found  guilty  by  the  jury, 
but  Lord  Kilwarden  took  au  opportunity  of  representing  their 
youth  to  the  judge,  and  spoke  of  them  as  school-boys,  with  a 
view  of  mitigating  their  punishment,  and  having  it  changed  to 
transportation.  One  of  the  young  men  said  he  would  prefer 
death,  received  his  sentence,  and  was  executed  ; the  others 
were  transported.  A near  relation  of  the  young  man  who 
suffered  death,  I was  informed,  was  present  when  Lord  Kil* 
warden’s  carriage  was  stopped  in  Thomas-street,  the  night  of 


86 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


the  insurrection,  (this  man’s  name,  Mr.  Curran  states,  wag 
Shannon,)  and,  hearing  his  name,  exclaimed,  ‘ that  is  the  man 
I want,’  sprung  forward,  and  stabbed  him  with  his  pike  ; 
others  soon  followed  the  example  of  this  villain.  Had  I been 
there,  I would  have  risked  my  life  to  have  saved  Lord  Kil- 
warden  from  hurt  or  harm.*  I once  went  to  Lord  Kilward- 
en’s  house,  with  a woman,  whose  husband  was  in  prison,  to 
solicit  his  liberation.  After  hearing  her  complaint,  he  said, 
‘ poor  woman,  I will  do  what  I can  for  you.’  * Then,  my 
lord,’  said  she,  ‘ I have  no  fear  for  my  husband’s  safety.’  Her 
husband  was  liberated. 

“ I have  made  many  inquiries,  of  persons  who  were  present 
when  this  barbarous  act  was  committed  ; of  others,  who, 
though  not  present,  were  with  Robert  Emmet,  and  had  been 
subsequently  informed  of  the  particulars  of  this  murder.  I 
never  met  with  one  who  said  he  knew  the  persons  by  whom  it 
was  committed,  or,  from  his  own  knowledge,  who  could  tell 
what  part  of  the  country  they  came  from  ; whether  they  were 
natives  of  Dublin,  or  whether  the  act  was  one  of  private  venge- 
ance, of  unpremeditated  ferocity,  or  of  brutal  drunkenness.  It 
has  been  stated,  that  his  lordship  was  mistaken  for  Lord  Carl- 
ton. It  is  likewise  stated,  as  we  find,  that  the  relative  of  a 
convicted  prisoner,  who  harboured  malice  against  his  lordship, 
was  the  murderer.  My  opinion  is,  there  is  no  truth  in  these 
reports  ; but  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  most  merciful,  just,  and 
humane  judge  in  the  land,  and,  therefore,  the  most  popular, 
was  carried  into  effect  by  monsters,  in  the  human  form,  who 
mixed  in  the  ranks  of  the  insurgents,  but  were  not  of  them,  for 
the  purpose  of  bringing  the  greatest  possible  obloquy  on  the 
people,  and  doing  the  greatest  possible  mischief  to  the  prospects 
of  their  leader,  and  the  character  of  his  undertaking. 

“ The  murder  of  the  innocent  men  in  the  barn  of  Sculla- 
bogue  the  massacre  of  the  defenceless  Protestant  prisoners 

* It  is  a curious  circumstance,  and  a pleasing  one,  to  observe  that 
the  same  thought,  and  nearly  in  the  same  words,  is  expressed  by  two 
men,  who  were  confidential  agents  of  Robert  Emmet. — R.  R.  M. 

* You  refer  to  the  Scullabogue  massacre,  and,  to  my  expression, 
that  ‘ you  slurred  over  the  matter,’  I think  so  still.  That  perfidious 
act  was  designed  by  the  agent  of  the  Irish  Government,  to  palsy  the 
efforts  of  the  North,  at  the  most  critical  period  of  the  people’s  cause. 
* * * That  massacre  was  concocted  in  the  Castle  of  Dublin!  and  the 
eoncoction  of  it  was  entrusted  to  Mr.  Secretarv  Cooke.  I will  state  to 


MEMOIK  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


87 


on  the  bridge  of  Wexford  ; the  murder  of  Lord  Mountjoy,  the 
strenuous  supporter  of  the  claim  of  the  Roman  Catholics  ; the 
murder  of  Lord  O’Neil,  the  early  advocate  of  the  same  cause  ; 
the  murder  of  Lord  Kilwarden,  the  most  upright  of  the  magis- 
trates of  the  land,  “ the  wisest,  because  the  gentlest  in  her 
councils,”  the  most  humane  of  judges,  among  the  most  deserv- 
edly respected  of  the  public  men  of  his  day.  These  are  act? 
which  are  involved  in  mystery,  which  time,  perhaps,  will  yet 
unveil.  Can  such  acts  of  savagery,  of  wanton,  profitless,  boot- 
less, barbarity,  be  reconciled  with  the  feelings,  the  passions, 
the  purposes,  the  interests  of  the  multitude.  I do  not  believe 
the  murder  of  Lord  Kilwarden,  was  ‘ the  unpremeditated  act 
of  a ferocious  rabble.’  I believe  it  was  the  premeditated  act 
of  wicked  men,  in  the  ranks  of  the  insurgents,  for  the  purpose 
of  defeating  and  disgracing  their  proceedings.  Indeed  we 
have  a slight  proof  of  this,  in  the  admission  of  one  of  the  ap- 
provers, on  the  trial  of  Redmond, — he  swore  that  he  was  pre- 
sent at  the  attack  on  Lord  Kilwarden,  and  that,  when  Mr. 
Wolfe  tried  to  make  his  escape,  he,  the  witness,  ordered  the 
people  to  bring  him  back.  The  poor  gentleman  was  accord- 
ingly brought  back,  and  piked  to  death  ; but  this  latter  cir- 
cumstance the  approver,  discreetly,  declined  to  touch  on. 
There  was  frightful  perfidy  had  recourse  to,  in  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  hopes  of  the  conspirators  at  the  beginning,  in  the 

you  sir,  word  for  word,  what  my  sources  of  information  on  the  subject 
were,  and  by  whom,  and  when,  I was  informed  about  it.  I was  pass- 
ing through  the  Castle-yard,  in  Dublin,  in  the  year  1805,  where  1 
lived  from  1802  to  1817,  when  I was  spoken  to  by  a friend  of  mine, 
and  an  old  schoolfellow,  Bartholomew  Corby,  Esq.,  register  to  one  of 
the  Masters  in  Chancery  of  that  day,  Mr.  Westby  (both  these  gentle- 
men are  Protestants),  and  both  of  them  were  standing  together,  on 
the  occasion  I refer  to.  My  friend  introduced  me  to  Mr.  Westby. 
While  we  talked  of  the  news  of  the  day,  Mr.  Westby  suddenly  arrest- 
ad  our  attention,  by  calling  on  us  to  look  at  the  two  men,  who  were 
then  standing  at  the  office  door  of  the  Under  Secretary  of  State.  He 
Baid,  * Look  at  those  tvm  fellows — they  are  the  very  men  whom  Cooke 
sent  down  to  the  Scullabogue  Barn  and  caused  it  tt  he  set  on  fire  by,  on 
the  5th  June , 1798.  When  several  respectable  protestants,  and  loyal 
men,  who  were  then  prisoners  to  the  rebels,  vjere  destroyed  ; and  a report 
was  circulated,  by  order  of  Government,  that  it  was  done  by  the  Catholics , 
because  it  was  a Catholic  rebellion .’  The  object  was  gained  b}r  the  in- 
fernal scheme.  The  Northern  Presbyterians,  believing  this  story,  gav# 
up  their  arms,  saying,  1 we  did  not  take  them  up  for  any  such  pur- 
pose.’ Letter  fom  Benjamin  Pemberton  Binns  to  Dr.  Madden. 


88 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


affected  ignorance  of  their  machinations,  and  in  the  charactei 
given  to  them  at  their  close 

“ Emmet  halted  his  party  at  the  market-house  with  the  view 
of  restoring  order,  but  tumult  and  insubordination  prevailed  ; 
during  his  ineffectual  efforts,  word  was  brought  that  Lord  Kil- 
warden  was  murdered,  he  retraced  his  steps,  proceeded  to- 
wards the  scene  of  barbarous  outrage,  and  in  the  course  of  a 
few  minutes  returned  to  his  party  ; from  that  moment  he  gave 
up  all  hope  of  effecting  any  national  object.  He  saw  that  his 
attempt  had  merged  into  a work  of  pillage  and  murder.  He 
and  a few  of  the  leaders  who  were  about  him,  abandoned  their 
project  and  their  followers.  A detachment  of  the  military 
made  its  appearance  at  the  corner  of  Cutpurse-row,  and  com- 
menced firing  on  the  insurgents,  who  immediately  fled  in  all 
directions.  The  rout  was  general  in  less  than  an  hour  from 
the  time  they  sallied  forth  from  the  Depot.  The  only  place 
where  any  thing  like  resistance  was  made  was  on  the  Coombe, 
where  Colonel  Brown  was  killed,  and  two  members  of  the 
Liberty  Rangers,  Messrs.  Edmeston  and  Parker.  The  guard- 
house of  the  Coombe,  had  been  unsuccessfully  attacked,  though 
with  great  determination  ; a great  many  dead  bodies  were 
found  there.  The  mayoralty  house  had  been  attacked  and 
robbed  of  its  arms. 

“ It  now  only  remains  to  show  what  were  the  chances  of 
success  on  which  Robert  Emmet  counted,  what  were  his  plans, 
and  what  were,  in  his  opinion,  the  causes  of  its  failure.  These 
matters  can  be'  best  explained  in  Robert  Emmet’s  own  words. 
The  following  statement  of  his  plans  and  intentions  is,extractcd 
from  Mr.  Curran’s  admirable  biography  of  his  father.  The 
statement  was  drawn  up  by  Robert  Emmet,  and  addressed  in 
a letter  to  his  brother,  written  after  his  conviction.  That  let- 
ter was  never  transmitted  to  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  and  the 
latter  complained  in  bitter  terms  of  its  being  withheld  from 
him.* 

* The  gentleman  to  whom  T.  A Emmet  addressed  those  complaints 
had  inquiries  made  after  the  detained  letter  of  his  brother.  One  side 
of  the  letter  was  discovered  at  the  Castle  by  an  eminent  leading  func- 
tionary, the  late  Baron  Wolfe;  and,  strange  to  say,  the  missing  portion 
was  found  in  London  by  the  gentleman  to  whom  T.  A.  Emmet  address- 
ed on  the  subject.  The  authenticity  of  the  document  there  is  no  doubi 
of,  indeed  its  appearance  in  Mr.  Curran’s  work  is  a sufficient  proof  of 
that  fact. 


MEM  )IR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


89 


“In  a publication  ascribed  to  the  Under  Secretary,  Mr. 
Marsden,  a sort  of  resumee  of  the  state  trials  of  1803,  it  is 
stated,  Mr.  R.  Emmet  embraced  Dr.  Trevor  at  parting  with 
him,  when  going  to  execution,  and  committed  to  his  charge 
two  letters,  one  addressed  to  his  brother,  and  another  to  a 
person  high  in  office,  (Mr.  Marsden.)” 

ACCOUNT  OF  THE  LATE  PLAN  OF  INSUR- 
RECTION IN  DUBLIN,  AND  CAUSE  OF  ITS 
FAILURE* 

“ The  plan  was  comprised  under  three  heads  : — Points  of 
Attack — Points  of  Check — and  Lines  of  Defence. 

“The  points  of  attack  were  three— the  Pigeon  House,  the 
Castle,  and  the  Artillery  Barracks  at  Island  Bridge. 

“ The  attack  was  to  begin  with  the  Pigeon  House — number 
of  men  200 — the  place  of  assembly,  the  Strand,  between  Irish- 
town  and  Sandymount — the  time,  low  water — the  men  to 
divide  into  two  bodies  : one  to  cross  by  a sandbank,  between 
the  Pigeon  House  and  Light  House,  where  they  were  to  mount 
the  wall  ; the  other  to  cross  at  Devonshire  Wharf,  both  par- 
ties to  detach  three  men  with  blunderbusses,  and  three  with 
jointed  pikes  concealed,  who  were  to  seize  the  sentries  and  the 
gates  for  the  rest  to  rush  in.  Another  plan  was  formed  for 
high  water,  by  means  of  pleasure  or  fishing  boats,  going  out 
in  the  morning,  one  by  one,  and  returning  in  the  evening  to 
the  dock  at  the  Pigeon  House,  where  they  were  to  land.  A 
rocket  from  this  was  to  be  the  signal  for  the  other  two,  viz  : — - 
“ The  Castle,  the  number  of  men  200.  The  place  of  assem- 
bly, Patrick-street  Depot.  A house  in  Ship-street  was  ex- 
pected, also  one  near  the  gate.  A hundred  men  to  be  armed 
with  jointed  pikes  and  blunderbusses,  the  rest  to  support  them, 
and  march  openly  with  long  pikes.  To  begin  by  the  entrance 
of  two  job  coaches,  hackney  coachmen,  two  footmen,  and  six 
persons  inside,  to  drive  in  at  the  upper  gate  into  the  yard  ; 

* Annexed^to  the  copy  from  which  the  above  has  been  transcribed 
is  the  following  memorandum,  in  the  hand  writing  of  a gentleman  who 
held  a confidential  situation  under  the  Irish  Government. — “ The  ori- 
ginal of  this  paper  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Emmet  on  the  morning  just 
before  he  was  brought  out  to  execution,  in  order  to  be  forwarded  to 
his  brother.  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  at  Paris.” 


90 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


come  out  of  the  coaches  ; turn  back  and  seize  the  guard  (or 
instead  of  one  of  the  job  coaches,  a sedan  going  in  at  the  same 
time  with  two  footmen,  two  chairmen  and  one  inside)  ; at  the 
same  moment  a person  was,  in  case  of  failure,  to  rap  at  Lam- 
prey’s door,  seize  it  and  let  in  others,  to  come  down  by  a 
scaling  ladder  from  a window,  on  the  top  of  the  guard-house, 
while  attacks  were  made  at  a public-house  in  Ship-street,  which 
has  three  windows  commanding  the  guard-house,  a gate  in 
Stephen-street,  another  at  the  Aungier-street  end  of  Great 
George’s-street,  leading  to  the  Ordnance,  another  at  the  new 
house  in  George’s-street,  leading  to  the  riding  yard,  and  an- 
other over  a piece  of  a brick  wall  near  the  Palace-street  gate.. 
Scaling  ladders  for  all  these.  Fire  balls,  if  necessary,  for  the 
guard-house  of  the  upper  gate.  The  Lord  Lieutenant  and 
; principal  officers  of  government , together  with  the  bulk  of  artil- 
lery, to  be  sent  off,  under  an  escort,  to  the  commander  in 
Wicklow,  in  case  of  being  obliged  to  retreat.  I forgot  to 
mention,  that  the  same  was  to  be  done  with  as  much  of  the 
Pigeon  House  stores  as  could  be.  Another  part  with  some 
artillery,  to  come  into  town  along  the  quays,  and  take  post  at 
Carlisle  Bridge,  to  act  according  to  circumstances. 

“ Island  Bridge,  400  men.  Place  of  assembly,  Quarry-hole 
opposite,  and  Burying-ground.  Eight  men  with  pistols,  and 
one  with  a blunderbuss  to  seize  the  sentry  walking  outside, 
seize  the  gates,  some  to  rush  in,  seize  the  cannon  opposite  the 
gate  ; the  rest  to  mount  on  all  sides  by  scaling  ladders  ; on 
seizing  this,  to  send  two  cannon  over  the  bridge  facing  the 
barrack-road.  Another  detachment,  to  bring  cannon  down 
James’s-street,  another  towards  Rathfarnham,  as  before.  To 
each  of  the  flank  points  when  carried,  reinforcements  to  be 
sent,  with  horses,  &c.,  to  transport  the  artillery.  Island 
Bridge  only  to  be  maintained  (a  false  attack  also  thought  of, 
after  the  others  had  been  made,  on  the  rere  of  the  barracks, 
and,  if  necessary,  to  bum  the  hay  stores  in  rere.) 

“ Three  rockets  to  be  the  signal  that  the  attack  on  any  part 
was  made,  and  afterwards  a rocket  of  stars  in  case  of  victory, 
a silent  one  of  repulse. 

“ Another  point  of  attack  not  mentioned,  Cork-street  Bar- 
racks ; if  the  officer  could  surprise  it,  and  set  fire  to  it ; if  not, 
to  take  post  in  the  house,  (I  think  in  Earl-street,  the  street  at 
the  end  of  Cork-street,  leading  to  New-raarket,  looking  down 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


91 


the  street  with  musketry,  two  bodies  of  pikemen  in  Earl-street), 
to  the.  right  and  left  of  Cork  street,  and  concealed  from  troops 
marching  in  that  street.  Another  in  (I  think  Marrowbone- 
lane)  to  take  them  in  the  rere.  Place  of  assembly,  fields  adja- 
cent or  Eenton-fields. 

“Points  of  Check. — The  old  Custom-house,  300  men,  ghte 
to  be  seized,  and  guard  disarmed,  the  gate  to  be  shut  or  stop- 
ped with  a load  of  straw,  to  be  previously  in  the  street.  The 
other  small  gate  to  be  commanded  by  musketry,  and  the  bulk 
of  the  300  men  to  be  distributed  in  Parliament-street,  Crane- 
lane,  and  those  streets  falling  into  Essex-street,  in  order  to 
attack  them  if  they  forced  out.  The  jointed  pikes  and  blun- 
derbusses lying  under  great  coats  rendered  all  these  surprises 
unexpected  ; fire  balls,  if  necessary,  and  a beam  of  rockets. 

“ An  idea  also  was,  if  money  had  been  got,  to  purchase 
Rafferty’s  cheese  shop,  opposite  to  it  to  make  a Depot  and 
assembly  ; and  to  mine  under  and  blow  up  a part  of  the  Cus- 
tom-house, and  attack  them  in  confusion,  as  also  the  Castle. 
The  miners  would  have  been  got  also  to  mine  from  a celler  into 
some  of  the  streets  through  which  the  army  from  the  barracks 
must  march.  The  assembly  was  at  the  Coal-quay. 

“ Mary-street  barracks,  sixty  men.  A house-painter’s  house, 
and  one  equally  removed  on  the  opposite  side  (No.  30,  I 
believe),  whose  fire  commands  the  iron  gate  of  the  barracks, 
without  being  exposed  to  the  fire  from  it,  to  be  occupied  by 
twenty-four  blunderbusses  ; the  remainder,  pikemen,  to  remain 
near  Cole’s-lane,  or  to  be  ready,  in  case  of  rushing  out,  to 
attack  them.  Assembly,  Cole’s-lane  market,  or  else  detached 
from  Custom-house  body. 

“ The  corner  house  in  Capel-street,  (it  was  Killy  Kelley’sj, 
commanding  Ormond-quay,  and  Dixon,  the  shoemaker’s  (or 
the  house  beyond  it),  which  open  suddenly  on  the  flank  of  the 
army,  without  being  exposed  to  their  fire,  to  be  occupied  by 
blunderbusses  : — assembly  detached  from  Custom-house  body. 

“Lines  of  Defence. — Beresford-street  has  six  issues  from 
Church-street,  viz.,  Coleraine-street,  King-street,  Stirrup-lane, 
Mary’s-lane',  Pill-lane,  and  the  Quay.  These  to  be  chained  in 
the  first  instance,  by  a body  of  chainmen  : double  chains  and 
padlocks  were  deposited  ;*  and  the  sills  of  the  doors  marked, 

* In  the  original  a sketch  is  given  of  these  double  chains. 


92 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


The  blockade  to  be  afterwards  filled  up  ; that  on  the  Quay,  by 
bringing  up  the  coaches  from  the  stand,  and  oversetting  them, 
together  with  the  butchers’  blocks  from  Ormond-market.  The 
houses  over  the  chains  to  be  occupied  with  hand-grenades,  pis- 
tols, and  stones.  Pikemen  to  parade  in  Beresford-street,  to 
attack  instantly,  any  person  that  might  penetrate  ; the  number 
200.  Assembly,  Smithfield  Depot,  where  were  800  pikes  for 
reinforcements.  The  object  was,  to  force  the  troops  to  march 
towards  the  Castle,  by  the  other  side  of  the  water,  where  the 
bulk  of  the  preparations  and  men  to  receive  them  were. 

“ Merchant’s-Quay.  In  case  the  army,  after  passing  the  Old 
Bridge,  marched  that  way,  Wogan’s  house,  and  a Birmingham 
warehouse  next  to  it,  to  be  occupied  with  musketry,  grenades, 
and  stones  ; also,  the  leather  crane  at  the  other  end  of  the 
Quay  ; a beam  to  be  before  the  crane,  lying  across  the  Quay, 

So  be  fired  at  the  approach  of  the  enemy’s  column.  A body  of  . 
pikemen,  in  Winetavern-street,  instantly  to  rush  on  them  in 
front  ; another  body  in  Cook-street  to  do  the  same,  by  five, 
lanes  opening  on  their  flank,  and  by  Bride-street  in  their  rere. 
Another  beam  in  Bridge-street,  in  case  of  taking  that  rout, 
and  then  Cook-street  body  to  rush  out  instantly  in  front,  and 
the  Quay  on  the  flank.*  A beam  in  Dirtydane  ; main  body 
of  pikemen  in  Thomas-street  to  rush  on  them  instantly  on  firing 
the  beam.  The  body  on  the  Quay  to  attack  in  the  rere  ; in 
case  of  repulse,  Catherine’s  Church.  Market-house,  and  two 
houses  adjacent,  that  command  that  street,  occupied  with  mus- 
ketry. Two  rocket  batteries  near  the  Market-house,  a beam 
before  it  ; body  of  pikemen  in  Swift’s-alley  and  that  range,  to 
rush  on  their  flank,  after  the  beam  was  fired,  through  Thomas- 
court,  Yicar-street,  and  three  other  issues  ; the  corner  houses 
of  these  issues  to  be  occupied  by  stones  and  grenades  ; the 

* “ There  was  also  a chain  higher  up  in  Bridge-street,  as  well  as 
diagonally  across  John-street,  and  across  New-row,  as  these  three  issues 
led  into  the  flank  of  the  Thomas-street  line  of  defence,  which  it  was  in- 
tended only  to  leave  open  at  the  other  flank,  as  it  was  meant  to  make 
them  pass  completely  through  the  lines  of  defence.  Wherever  there 
were  chains,  the  houses  over  them  were  occupied  as  above,  and  also 
such  as  commanded  them  in  front.  For  this  reason  the  Birmingham 
warehouse,  looking  down  Bridge-street,  was  to  be  occupied  if  necessa- 
ry. There  was  also  to  be  a rocket  battery  at  the  crane,  on  the  Quay, 
another  in  Bridge-street.  The  number  of  men,  300,  assembly,  Tho- 
mas-street Depot.” 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET-. 


93 


entire  of  the  other  side  of  the  street  to  be  occupied  with  stones, 
&c.,  the  flank  of  this  side  to  be  protected  by  a chain  at  James’s* 
gate,  and  Guinness’s  drays,  &c.  ; the  rere  of  it  to  be  protected 
from  Cork-street,  in  case  their  officer  there  failed,  by  chains 
across  Rainsford-street,  Crilly’s-yard,  Meath-street,  Ash-street, 
and  Francis-street.  The  Quay  body  to  co-operate  by  the  issues 
before  mentioned  (at  the  other  side),  the  chains  of  which 
would  be  opened  by  us  immediately.  In  case  of  further  repulse, 
the  house  at  the  corner  of  Cutpurse-row,  commanding  the  lanes 
at  each  side  of  the  Market-house,  the  two  houses  in  High- 
street,  commanding  that  open,  and  the  corner  houses  of  Castle- 
street,  commanding  Skinner-row,  (now  Christ-Churcli-place), 
to  be  successively  occupied.  In  case  of  a final  retreat,  the 
routes  to  be  three  : Cork-street,  to  Templeogue,  New-street, 
Rathfarnham,  and  Camden-street  department.  The  bridges  of 
the  Liffey  to  be  covered  six  feet  deep  with  boards  full  of  long 
nails  bound  down  by  two  iron  bars,  with  spikes  eighteen  inches 
long,  driven  through  them  into  the  pavement,  stop  a column  of 
cavalry,  or  even  infantry. 

“ The  whole  of  this  plan  was  given  up  by  me  for  the  want 
of  means,  except  the  Castle  and  lines  of  defence  ; for  I expect- 
ed three  hundred  Wexford,  four  hundred  Kildare,  and  two 
hundred  Wicklow  men,  all  of  whom  had  fought  before,  to  begin 
the  surprises  at  this  side  of  the  water,  and  by  the  preparations 
for  defence,  so  as  to  give  time  to  the  town  to  assemble.  The 
county  of  Dublin  was  also  to  act  at  the  instant  it  began  ; the 
number  of  Dublin  people  acquainted  with  it,  I understand,  to 
be  three  or  four  thousand.  I expected  two  thousand  to  assem- 
ble at  Costigan’s  mills — the  grand  place  of  assembly.  The 
evening  before,  the  Wicklow  men  failed  through  their  officer. 
The  Kildare  men,  who  were  to  act,  (particularly  with  me) 
came  in,  and  at  five  o’clock  went  off  again,  from  the  Canal 
harbour,  on  a report  from  two  of  their  officers  that  Dublin 
would  not  act.  In  Dublin  itself,  it  was  given  out,  by  some 
treacherous  or  cowardly  person,  that  it  was  postponed  till  Wed- 
nesday. The  time  of  assembly  was  from  six  till  nine  ; and  at 
nine,  instead  of  two  thousand,  there  were  eighty  men  assem- 
bled. When  we  came  to  the  Market-house,  they  were  dimin- 
ished to  eighteen  or  twenty.  The  Wexford  men  did  assemble, 
I believe,  to  the  amount  promised,  on  the  Coal-quay  ; but  three 
huudred  men,  though  they  might  be  sufficient  to  begin  on  a 


94 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


sudden,  were  not  so,  when  government  had  five  hours  notice  bj 
express  from  Kildare. 

“ Add  to  this,  the  preparations  were,  from  an  unfortunate 
series  of  disappointments  in  money,  unfinished  ; scarcely  any 
blunderbusses  bought  up. 

“ The  man  who  was  to  turn  the  fuzes  and  rammers  for  the 
beams  forgot  them,  and  went  off  to  Kildare  to  bring  men,  and 
did  not  return  till  the  very  day.  The  consequence  was,  that 
all  the  beams  were  not  loaded,  nor  mounted  with  wheels,  nor 
the  train  bags,  of  course,  fastened  on  to  explode  them. 

“ From  the  explosion  in  Patrick-street,  I lost  the  jointed 
pikes  which  were  deposited  there  ; and  the  day  of  action  was 
fixed  on  before  this,  and  could  not  be  changed. 

“ I had  no  means  for  making  up  for  their  loss,  but  by  the 
hollow  beams  full  of  pikes,  which  struck  me  three  or  four  days 
before  the  23rd.  From  the  delays  in  getting  the  materials, 
they  were  not  able  to  set  about  them  till  the  day  before  : the 
whole  of  that  day  and  the  next,  which  ought  to  have  been 
spent  in  arrangements,  was  obliged  to  be  employed  in  work. 
Even  this,  from  the  confusion  occasioned  by  men  crowding  into 
the  Depot,  from  the  country,  was  almost  impossible. 

“ The  person  who  had  the  management  of  the  Depot,  mixed, 
by  accident,  the  slow  matches  that  were  prepared  with  what 
were  not,  and  all  our  labour  went  for  nothing. 

“ The  fuzes  for  the  grenades,  he  had  also  laid  by,  where  he 
forgot  them,  and  could  not  find  them  in  the  crowd. 

“ The  cramp  irons  could  not  be  got  in  time  from  the  smiths, 
to  whom  we  would  not  communicate  the  necessity  of  dispatch  ; 
and  the  scaling  ladders  were  not  finished  (but  one).  Money 
came  in  at  five  o’clock  ; and  the  trusty  men  of  the  Depot,  who 
alone  knew  the  town,  were  obliged  to  be  sent  out  to  buy  up 
blunderbusses  ; for  the  people  refused  to  act  without  some. 
To  change  the  day  was  impossible  ; for  I expected  the  counties 
to  act,  and  feared  to  lose  the  advantage  of  surprise.  The  Kil- 
dare men  were  coming  in  for  three  days  ; and  after  that,  it 
was  impossible  to  draw  back.  Had  I another  week — had  I 
one  thousand  pounds — had  I one  thousand  men,  I would  have 
feared  nothing.  There  was  redundancy  enough  in  any  one 
part,  to  have  made  up,  if  complete,  for  deficiency  in  the  rest  ; 
but  there  was  failure  in  all, — plan,  preparation,  and  men. 

“ I would  have  given  it  the  respectability  of  insurrection 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


95 


but  1 dhl  not  wish  uselessly  to  shed  blocd.  I gave  no  signal 
for  the  rest,  and  they  all  escaped. 

“ I arrived  time  enough  in  the  country  to  prevent  that  part 
of  it,  which  had  already  gone  out  with  one  of  my  men,  to  dis- 
suade the  neighbourhood  from  proceeding.  I found,  that  by 
a mistake  of  the  messenger,  Wicklow  would  not  rise  that 
night  ; I sent  off  to  prevent  it  from  doing  so  the  next,  as  it 
intended.  It  offered  to  rise,  even  after  the  defeat,  if  I wished 
it  ; but  I refused.  Had  it  risen,  Wexford  would  have  done 
the  same.  It  began  to  assemble  ; but  its  leader  kept  it  back, 
till  he  knew  the  fate  of  Dublin.  In  the  state  Kildare  was  in, 
it  would  have  done  the  same.  I was  repeatedly  solicited,  by 
some  of  those  who  were  with  me,  to  do  so  ; but  I constantly 
refused.  The  more  remote  counties  did  not  rise,  for  want  of 
money  to  send  them  the  signal  agreed  on. 

“ I know  how  men  without  candour  will  pronounce  on  this 
failure,  without  knowing  one  of  the  circumstances  that  occa- 
sioned it  : they  will  consider  only  that  they  predicted  it. 
Whether  its  failure  was  caused  by  chance,  or  by  any  of  the 
grounds  on  which  they  made  their  prediction,  they  will  not 
care  ; they  will  make  no  distinction  between  a prediction  ful- 
filled and  justified — they  will  make  no  compromise  of  errors — 
they  will  not  recollect  that  they  predicted  also,  that  no  system 
could  be  formed — that  no  secrecy  nor  confidence  could  be  re- 
stored— that  no  preparations  could  be  made; — that  no  plan 
could  be  arranged — that  no  day  could  be  fixed,  without  being 
instantly  known  at  the  Castle — that  government  only  waited 
to  let  the  conspiracy  ripen,  and  crush  it  at  their  pleasure — and 
that  on  these  grounds  only  did  they  predict  its  miscarriage. 
The  very  same  men,  that  after  success  would  have  flattered, 
will  now  calumniate.  The  very  same  men  that  would  have 
made  an  offering  of  unlimited  sagacity  at  the  shrine  of  victory, 
will  not  now  be  content  to  take  back  that  portion  that  be- 
longs of  right  to  themselves,  but  would  violate  the  sanctuary 
of  misfortune,  and  strip  her  of  that  covering  that  candoul 
would  have  left  her.  “ R.  E.” 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


CHAPTER  YIII. 

I now  proceed  to  give  some  account  of  the  principal  leaders, 
and  the  most  active  of  the  subordinate  agents  of  Robert 
Emmet 

Mr.  John  Allen,  a native  of  Dublin,  now  a colonel  in  the 
French  service,  was  in  1803,  a partner  of  Mr.  Hickson,  of  36, 
College-green,  in  the  woollen-drapery  business.  He  had  been 
tried  and  acquitted  at  Maidstone,  in  February,  PI  98,  on  the 
same  occasion,  and  on  the  same  charge,  as  Arthur  O’Connor. 
John  Allen  was  the  son  of  a respectable  man  in  trade,  in  the 
Liberty,  carrying  on  an  extensive  business  at  No.  44,  Pimlico. 
John  Allen  was  the  person  in  whom  Robert  Emmet  appears 
to  have  reposed  most  confidence  ; and  there  certainly  was 
none  of  his  associates  more  deserving  of  it.  His  subsequent 
career  is  an  ample  proof  of  the  truth  of  that  assertion.  Allen 

was  acquainted  with  Lord  W . I am  informed  by  Mr. 

K , that  William  Putnam  M'Cabe  was  in  Dublin,  in  1803, 

during  the  time  the  preparations  were  going  on  for  the  insur- 
rection. Not  many  nights  before  the  outbreak,  he  called  on 
Allen  ; and  Mr.  K.’s  impression  was,  from  the  intimate  nature 
of  his  communications  with  his  friend,  that  M‘Cabe  was  con- 
cerned in  Emmet’s  business.  Dowdall  frequently  called,  and 

Mr.  K thought  favourably  of  him.  After  the  failure,  all 

those  who  had  been  implicated  in  the  business  fled.  Dowdall 
and  Allen  went  that  night  to  Butterfield-laue,  and  from  that 
place  proceeded  to  Aliburn’s,  of  Windy-liarbour.  There  they 
remained  for  some  time.  The  yeomanry  visited  the  house  ; 
but  Allen  and  his  companions  used  to  conceal  themselves 
during  the  day  in  a ditch,  at  the  rear  of  the  house,  which  was 
covered  with  briars. 

Hickson  at  length  came  to  town,  and  for  security,  took  up 
his  abode  within  the  walls  of  Trinity  College.  A friend  of  his, 
a medical  man  now  living,*  who  had  rooms  in  College,  con- 
trived to  get  an  acquaintance  of  his,  who  had  likewise  rooms 
there,  to  go  out  of  town,  and  Allen  was  put  into  them.  This 

* I had  been  informed,  that  the  Collegian  in  question  was  ]>r. 
James  M’Oabe;  but  Mr.  Hickson  says,  and  his  information  cannot  b« 
ealled  in  question,  that  the  fact  was  not  so. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


97 


11  friend  in  need/’  who  was  “ a friend  indeed”  to  Allen,  was  a 
membejr  of  the  College  corps.:  he  procured  a military  uniform 
for  Allen,  and  made  arrangements  for  his  passage  with  the 
master  of  a vessel,  that  was  about  to  sail  to  what  port  I have 
not  been  informed.  Dowdall,  about  this  time,  came  into  town, 
and  met  Allen  dressed  in  uniform  with  his  friend.  It  was  ar- 
ranged that  Dowdall  should  embark  with  Allen  ; and  the  ne- 
cessary arrangements  for  that  purpose  were  made.  Prepara- 
tions were  made  for  their  going  on  board  a boat,  at  some 
intermediate  point  between  the  Rock  and  Killiney.  Allen, 
dressed  in  military  uniform,  and  Dowdall  in  plain  clothes,  ac- 
companied by  their  College  friend,  in  his  regimentals,  pro- 
ceeded from  Wind}Miarbour  towards  the  place  of  embarkation 
(by  the  fields),  and  when  they  approached  the  sea-side,  they 
observed  some  soldiers  (two  or  three)  coming  out  of  their  way 
towards  them.  The  good  eifects  of  facing  the  enemy  boldly, 
were  exhibited  on  this  occasion.  One  of  the  soldiers  evidently 
suspected  the  party  ; for  he  questioned  them  about  the  corps 
that  Allen  and  his  College  friend  belonged  to,  and  eventually 
told  them,  they  must  go  with  him  to  his  officer.  The  Collegian 
interfered,  and  said,  “ My  good  fellow,  this  is  carrying  the 
joke  too  far  ; yet  I would  be  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  get  your 
officer  to  punish  you  for  your  folly.”  There  was  a disposition 
shown,  on  the  part  of  the  soldier,  to  lay  hands  on  one  of  the 
party  ; but  the  motion  of  those  of  Allen  and  his  friend,  and 
the  corresponding  expression  of  their  features,  took  the  soldier 
and  his  comrades  aback.  They  wished  the  gentlemen  a good 
morning,  and  in  all  probability,  it  was  well  for  them  they  did 
so.  Allen  and  Dowdall  got  safely  on  board  ship,  and  out  of 
the  reach  of  their  enemies. 

The  following  account  of  Mr.  Allen  was  transmitted  to  me 
by  Mr.  B.  P.  Binns,  from  America,  communicated  by  a person 
who  speaks  of  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  Colonel  Allen, 
who  is  now  residing  in  Caen,  in  Normandy — a man  no  less  ho- 
noured for  his  distinguished  bravery  in  the  field,  than  respected 
and  esteemed  for  his  private  virtues,  by  all  who  know  him,  and 
amongst  them,  by  some  members  of  my  own  family  : — 

“ He  entered  the  French  service  on  his  arrival  in  France, 
and  advanced  from  the  rank  of  lieutenant  to  that  of  colonel, 
solely  by  his  services,  and  they  were  of  the  most  daring  char- 
acter. It  was  he  who  led  the  storming  party  at  the  taking  of 


98 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Ciudad  Roderigo,  in  Spain,  and  was  severely  wounded  above 
the  thigh  when  he  had  gained  the  wall.  The  reward  was  his 
colonelcy.  He  was  taken  prisoner  shortly  after,  and  confined, 
with  other  French  officers,  on  an  island,  I should  say  a rock, 
near  Corunna.  Luckily  for  him  he  had  been  made  a prisoner 
by  the  Spanish  army.  Had  he  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
English,  or  had  they  known  any  thing  about  his  capture,  he 
would  have  been  transferred  to  England,  though  an  adopted 
citizen  of  France,  and  made  to  suffer  the  dreadful  penalties  of 
high  treason. 

“He  was  exchanged,  and,  with  the  others,  returned  into 
France,  his  uniform  held  together  by  patching  and  sewing,  in 
rags,  the  uniform  in  which  he  had  been  made  prisoner  ; he  had 
no  other  during  his  imprisonment  and  exposure  on  this  bleak 
rock.  He  came  time  enough,  however,  for  the  campaign  of 
1813,  which  terminated  at  Leipsic  ; was  in  that  retreat  ; in 
the  horrible  distress  and  night  battle  at  Hauau ; re-entered 
France  ; was  at  Montmirail  and  at  Laon  ; had  still  a gleam 
of  hope,  when  the  news  of  Marmont’s  defection,  and  the  occu- 
pation of  Paris,  crushed  every  thing.  He  joined  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  at  his  return  ; and  was  speedily  demanded  by  the 
English  government,  at  the  second  occupation  of  Paris  he 
was  arrested,  and  conducted  to  the  frontier. 

“ The  Bourbons  had  still  so  much  shame  as  not  to  surrender 
him  on  French  ground. 

“ The  gens  d’armes  who  happened  to  conduct  him,  had  been 
soldiers,  and  he  an  officer  ; there  was  a long  struggle  between 
old  recollection  aud  their  duty  ; between  the  memory  of  times 
past,  and  the  delivery  of  an  old  officer  to  the  English  guard 
waiting  to  receive  him.  This  did  not  terminate  till  they  were 
at  the  last  station  of  French  ground. 

“ They  lingered  on  the  road,  and  stopped  for  a night  at  a 
village  a league  or  two  within  the  frontier.  The  mayor  pro- 
vided a strong  room  for  the  prisoner,  which,  in  their  care  for 
security,  they  examined  scrupulously,  locking  the  door  upon 
themselves  The  night  came,  the  last  night  before  the  old  offi- 
cer of  the  Empire,  a gallant  Irishman,  was  to  be  delivered  to 
those  who  never  spare. 

“ The  gens  d’armes  asked  leave  to  sup  with  him,  and,  as  they 
got  up  to  conduct  him  to  the  room,  one  of  them  said,  * Mon* 
sieur  le  Colonel,  the  room  in  which  you  are  to  be  confined  is 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


49 

Btrong,  but  one  of  the  iron  bars  of  the  window  is  loose  ; we 
trust  you  will  not  escape.’  It  was  a hint. 

“ At  eleven  o’clock  at  night  he  was  in  the  street,  with  a bun 
die  and  his  own  sword,  which  they  left  in  the  room.  He  made 
for  the  Loire,  but  the  array  had  melted  away  ; and,  after  the 
foreigners  withdrew , and  that  France  was  herself  again,  he  ap- 
peared, claimed  his  half-pay,  and  is  still  living. 

“ He  has  a small  sum  in  the  French  funds,  and  thus  can  live  : 
for  half-pay  in  France  is  a wretched  thing. 

“ He  retired  into  Normandy,  having  sent  for  his  two  sisters, 
very  old  ladies,  to  live  with  him  on  their  joint  income  and  his 
own. 

“ I should  say  went  for , for  as  one  of  them  is  blind,  and 
neither  able  to  travel  alone,  he  came  over  here  to  Dublin,  under 
a feigned  name. 

“ Who  could  recognize  a man  broken  by  service  and  years, 
fourteen  of  which  were  as  many  campaigns  ? Strangely  enough, 
one  of  the  first  faces  he  met  was  that  of  Major  Sirr,  so  infa- 
mously notorious  during  the  rebellion  and  since,  as  Town-major 
of  Dublin  ; but  his  mother  could  not  recognize  Colonel  Allen 
to-day. 

“ He  entered  the  capital  with  one  packet,  and  left  it  with 
the  next.  His  sisters  had  notice,  and  were  prepared. 

“ This  was  the  return  to  his  own  home  of  the  man  who  rose 
up  against  tyranny  forty  years  before.  He  found  it  as  he  had 
left  it,  IN  THE  HANDS  OF  STRANGERS.  Every  thing 
had  changed  in  Europe  ; nothing  in  Ireland. 

(Signed)  “1803.” 

Mr.  Henry  Grattan,  in  the  life  of  his  father,  gives  the  fol- 
lowing account  of  Dowdall : — 

“ There  was  an  individual  of  the  name  of  William  Dowdall, 
a natural  son  of  Hussey  Burgh,  The  distinguished  part  that 
Burgh  had  taken  on  behalf  of  the  liberties  of  his  country,  at 
the  period  of  the  revolution  in  1782,  has  been  already  stated. 
For  him,  and  for  his  memory,  Mr.  Grattan  entertained  the 
warmest  affection. 

“ Dowdall  was  a young  man  of  pleasing  figure,  good  address, 
and  an  interesting  manner  ; he  had  been  well  educated,  and 
was  not  deficient  in  information  ; he  was  ardent  and  enthusi- 
astic, a great  admirer  of  his  father’s  principles,  aud  those  alsc 


1 00  MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 

of  Mr.  Grattan.  He  used  to  attend  the  debates  in  parliament, 
and  assist  at  the  meetings  of  the  Whig  Club  ; and  he  held  a 
situation  in  the  office  of  Mr.  Foster,  when  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer.  It  was  said  that  Mr.  Grattan,  through  his  means, 
had  received  some  papers  connected  with  the  public  accounts, 
which  he  had  made  use  of  in  a debate  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. This  was  considered  an  unpardonable  offence  by  go- 
vernment, and,  in  consequence,  he  was  dismissed  from  his  situ- 
ation. Whether  this  was  the  real  cause,  or  used  merely  as  a 
pretext,  mattered  little  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Grattan,  and  he 
conceived  himself  bound,  in  honour,  to  allow  him  an  annuity 
of  forty  guineas  a year  ; hence,  a greater  interest  arose  in 
whatever  concerned  Mr.  Grattan.  The  ardour  of  his  liberal 
principles,  unsubdued  by  his  dismissal,  and,  perhaps,  his  impru- 
dence, had  caused  him  to  be  suspected  ; and,  after  the  trial  of 
O’Connor,  at  Maidstone,  which  he  attended,  he  was  arrested. 
Being  confined  in  the  same  prison  with  Neilson,  he  learned  from 
him  the  real  statement  as  to  the  report  of  the  Secret  Commit- 
tee, and  he  communicated  it  to  Mr.  Grattan.  His  letter  will 
show  what  little  chance  of  justice  any  one  had  in  those  times, 
and  from  those  governors. 

“ Extract  of  a Letter  from  William  Dowdall  to  Mr. 

Grattan. 

Dublin , 6 th  October , 1798. 

“ ( Sir, — Perhaps  nothing  can  surprise  you  more  than  a line 
from  me,  as  I imagine  you  have  concluded  me  long  since  hang- 
ed ; but  I have  the  misfortune  to  tell  you  that  I anl  still  in  the 
land  of  the  living  ; to  heighten  my. misfortune — that  land,  Ire- 
land— my  present  residence,  Newgate. 

“ ‘ All  the  persecution  and  threats  I have  experienced  for 
more  than  four  months  past,  had  no  terrors  for  me  ; I looked 
for  nothing  so  anxiously  as  the  accomplishment  of  their  worst 
threat.  To  hear  the  progressive  destruction  of  my  country  in 
an  English  dungeon,  aggravated,  as  it  was,  by  English  rela- 
ters,  you  will  naturally  suppose,  left  me  a heart  not  much  at 
ease  ; but  nothing,  my  dear  Mr.  Grattan,  could  equal  what  I 
felt  from  the  villauous  attempt  I found  making  by  your  ene- 
mies, to  implicate  you  in  the  late  unfortunate  business 

“ ‘ I have  declined  signing  the  conditions  agreed  on  between 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


101 


government  and  the  other  prisoners,  as  no  consideration  will 
ever  induce  me  to  consent  to  any  examination,  however  spe- 
ciously  it  may  be  pretended  that  I shall  not  be  required  to  name 
persons.  I entirely  and  completely  disapprove  of  the  compro- 
mise, and,  therefore,  take  it  for  granted,  that  I shall  remain  a 
prisoner  for  a long,  long  time,  if  they  have  not  a Reynolds,  a 
Hughes,  or  some  other  well  trained  hero  to  release  me  from 

my  sufferings 

( Signed ) 11  ‘ William  Dowdall.’  ” 

Dowdall  was  eventually  liberated,  and  was  so  far  more  for- 
tunate than  his  fellow  prisoners  who  had  signed  the  compact, 
as  to  be  permitted  to  remain  in  his  native  country.  He  pro- 
ceeded to  London,  however,  soon  after  his  liberation,  subse- 
quently to  Paris,  and  came  back  to  Ireland  in  the  summer  of 
1802.  His  connection  with  Coionel  Despard  has  been  referred 
to  elsewhere.  He  again  visited  London,  and  returned  to  Ire- 
land, about  the  period  of  Emmet’s  arrival,  or  shortly  after  it, 
and  joined  Robert  Emmet  in  his  undertaking. 

It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  Dowdall  was  qualified  for 
the  desperate  business  he  embarked  in.  He  was  present  at  a 
trial  of  rockets  made  by  Robert  Emmet,  by  night,  on  the 
strand  at  Irishtown  ; Dowdall,  it  is  said,  became  alarmed  at 
the  first  experiment,  and  suddenly  disappeared!  He  was  for- 
tunate enough  to  make  his  escape  to  France  with  Mr.  Allen  ; 
but  the  place,  and  time  of  his  death,  I have  not  been  able  to 
ascertain.  % 

Henly  Howley  was  tried  by  special  commission  the  21th 
Sept.  1803.  The  prisoner  was  charged  with  having  taken  the 
stores  in  Marshalsea-lane,  in  Thomas-street,  which  had  been 
converted  into  a Depot  for  arms  by  Mr.  Emmet,  about  the 
24th  of  March.  Mr.  Henry  Coleman  proved  the  stores  had 
been  taken  from  him  by  Howley,  who  stated  his  intention  of 
carrying  on  his  business  there,  which  was  that  of  a master- 
carpenter.  The  approver  in  this  case  was  Finerty,  a carpenter  ; 
the  first  time  he  visited  the  Depot  he  saw  the  prisoner  working 
at  a wooden  frame  filled  with  bricks,  which  was  to  be  inserted 
in  a brick  wall  as  a door,  which,  when  shut,  seemed  to  form 
part  of  the  wall  itself,  and  was  so  constructed  to  conceal  a 
place  in  which  pikes  were  concealed.  This  evidently  was  the 
door  which  served  to  conceal  the  secret  chambers  in  Patrick- 


102 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


street,  of  which  MTntosh  had  given  information  to  Major  Sirr 
Witness  saw  Michael  Quigley,  who  went  by  the  name  of 
Graham,  in  the  Depot  of  Thomas-street,  doing  the  brick  work 
of  this  sham  door.  Witness  was  employed,  and,  from  that 
time,  worked  at  the  Depot.  Quigley  seemed  to  act  as  fore- 
man. Witness  was  taken  up  immediately  after  the  insurrec- 
tion had  broken  out,  he  was  confined  for  five  weeks  and  three 
days,  and  was  then  liberated.  He  then  went  to  work  in  a car - 
penter's  shop  in  Pimlico , where  several  men  worked  ; the  prisoner 
was  one  of  them , and  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month,  Major 
Sirr,  accompanied  by  some  men,  walked  into  the  workshop. 
Howley  withdrew  into  the  back  workshop,  and  the  Major 
fired  a pistol  at  him,  “ after  which  the  Major  retreated , and 
called  for  assistance  the  witness  heard  two  shots  in  rapid 
succession,  and  saw  Hanlon,  one  of  the  Major’s  attendants, 
fall.  After  this  occurrence,  witness  was  again  arrested,  and 
“ he  gave  testimony  that  day  with  a hope  of  saving  his  life.” 
The  fact  is,  the  witness  was  let  out  of  prison  to  discover  How- 
ley’s  abode,  and  having  performed  his  service,  he  was  again 
arrested,  to  save  his  credit,  and  to  pass  for  a persecuted 
patriot.  This  was  by  no  means  an  uncommon  practice.  Major 
Sirr  corroborated  Finerty’s  evidence,  but  he  could  not  swear 
the  man  who  shot  Hanlon  was  the  prisoner,  or  who  withdrew 
into  the  back  workshop  when  he,  witness,  came  into  the  work- 
shop. He,  the  witness,  fired  at  the  person  “ he  conceived  himself 
to  be  in  pursuit  of,  seeing  him  armed  with  a pistol.  That 
person  attempted  to^fire  at  him,  but  he  missed  fire,  and  re- 
treated to  adjust  his  pistol,  when  Hanlon  advanced,  and  wit- 
ness heard  two  shots,  and  he  saw  Hanlon  drop  dead.  The 
Major’s  care  of  his  own  person  was  evinced  as  usual  ; he  did 
with  Hanlon,  as  he  had  done  with  Ryan  : Howley  and  Lord 
Edward  Fitzgerald  were  not  men  to  be  led  quietly,  like  sheep 
to  the  slaughter-house.  The  Major  admitted,  on  his  cross-ex- 
amination, that  when  he  fired  at  the  man  he  had  no  warrant 
against  him,  that  he  was  not  a civil  magistrate  of  the  city  of 
Dublin.  The  Court  sanctioned  Major  Sirr’s  account  of  his 
proceedings.  It  was  evident  a carpenter  at  his  work,  conscious 
of  innocence,  needed  not  to  be  armed  with  a loaded  pistol. 

“ Henry  Howley,”  says  James  Hope,  “ the  ostensible  pro- 
prietor of  Mr.  Emmet’s  store  in  Thomas-street,  was  ‘set’  by 
‘ a gossip’  of  his  own,  while  at  work  in  a carpenter's  shop  ; h« 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


103 


Had  a pocket-pistol  near  him  on  a bench  when  Major  Sirr  ap- 
peared ; he  seized  the  pistol,  and  walked  towards  the  back  of 
the  premises  ; the  Major,  who  was  in  the  act  of  following  him, 
sprang  back,  exclaiming,  1 take  care,  boys,  the  villain  is  armed.’ 
Hanlon  was  then  put  forward,  and  Howley  levelled  his  pistol, 
and  pulled  the  trigger,  but  it  missed  fire.  Howley,  with  the 
utmost  coolness,  lifted  a chisel,  and  chopped  the  flint,  in  time 
to  exchange  shots  with  Hanlon.  Howley  was  wounded  in  the 
hand,  but  Hanlon  was  shot  through  the  heart.  Howley’s 
gossip,  who  was  at  work  with  him,  went  to  a back  door  to 
prevent  his  escape,  but,  seeing  Howley  lift  a handsaw,  he  left 
his  road,  and  Howley  got  out,  but  was  observed  by  a corduroy 
manufacturer,  in  a small  way  of  business,  named  Holmes,  going 
up  into  a hay  loft  ; he  gave  information,  and  Howley  was 
traced,  by  the  blood  which  flowed  from  the  wound  in  his  hand, 
to  his  place  of  concealment.  He  was  tried,  and  condemned  of 
course.  When  he  was  about  to  receive  the  sentence  he  said, 
‘ My  Lord,  I think  it  right  to  state  that  I am  the  person  who 
shot  Colonel  Brown,  of  the  21st  Scotch  Fusileers  ; let  no 
other  suffer  for  it.’  The  judge,  Baron  George,  cautioned  him, 
that  his  admission  might  affect  his  sentence.  Howley  said,  ‘ I 
am  aware  of  that,  my  Lord,  but  I think  it  my  duty  to  make 
this  declaration,  in  order  that  it  may  save  innocent  lives  from 
being  taken  away  on  that  charge  ; disseqtion  has  no  terrors 
for  me.’  ” 

The  statement  of  Hope,  I believe,  is  perfectly  correct,  with 
the.  exception  of  the  fact  of  Major  Sirr  having  fired  at  Howley, 
as  he  was  walking  away,  being  omitted  in  his  account.  How- 
ley made  a similar  declaration,  to  the  one  mentioned  by  Hope, 
at  the  place  of  execution,  with  respect  to  the  fate  of  Colonel 
Brown  ; he  died  with  fortitude,  but  without  any  affectation  of 
indifference  : his  conduct  was  acknowledged,  by  the  organs  of 
Orangeism,  to  have  been  becoming.  Howley  had  taken  an 
active  part  in  the  rebellion  of  1798,  he  was  known  to  have 
been  a man  that  no  danger  could  daunt ; he  had  been  wounded 
in  some  engagement  with  the  King’s  troops  in  the  Queen’i 
county.  Hanlon,  the  unfortunate  attendant  of  Major  Sirr, 
was  the  keeper  of  Birmingham  Tower  ; at  the  time  of  his 
death,  he  had  charge  of  the  state  prisoners,  and  his  conduct  in 
that  office  was  quite  in.  keeping  with  his  behaviour  in  his  pre- 
vious employment,  as  one  of  the  bullies  who  formed  the  body 


104 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


guard  of  the  Major  in  his  scouring  of  the  streets  of  Dublin  in 
the  reign  of  terror.  There  is  an  engraved  portrait  of  Howley 
extant,  taken  from  a sketch  by  Petrie,  at  the  trial  of  the 
former.  He  is  represented  with  his  arm  in  a sling,  the  expres- 
sion of  his  countenance  is  that  of  a man  of  the  most  daring 
disposition,  and  determined  character.  He  was  about  28  or 
30  years  of  age. 

Dennis  Lambert  Redmond,  a coal  factor,  was  put  on  his 
trial  the  5th  of  October,  1803,  before  Lord  Norbury,  Mr. 
Baron  George,  and  Mr.  Baron  Daly.  The  evidence  adduced 
against  him,  established  his  connection  with  the  proceedings 
of  the  principal  leaders  on  the  morning  of  the  23d  of  July. 
On  searching  his  premises,  14,  Coal  Quay,  some  hollow  pieces 
of  timber,  resembling  beams,  had  been  found,  each  of  which 
contained  forty  pikes.  He  fled  after  the  failure  on  the  night 
of  the  23d  of  July,  embarked  on  board  a Wexford  vessel, 
bound  for  Chester,  which,  in  stress  of  weather,  put  into  Car- 
lingford  Bay,  where  he  was  arrested  by  the  authorities,  and 
sent  to  Dublin.  While  he  was  in  prison,  he  attempted  to  put 
an  end  to  his  existence,  by  discharging  a pistol  at  his  head  ; a 
piece  of  lead,  which  had  been  substituted  for  a bullet,  had 
taken  an  oblique  direction,  glancing  from  the  skull,  and  lodg- 
ing in  the  neck.  He  was  found  by  the  jailer  lying  on  the 
ground,  weltering  in  his  blood  ; he  was  wounded  severely,  but 
not  mortally.  When  sufficiently  recovered,  he  was  put  on  his 
trial.  The  principal  witness  against  him  was  one  of  the  con- 
spirators, who  had  turned  approver,  Patrick  M‘Cabe,  a Cal- 
lender by  trade,  who  resided  in  Francis-street.  He  said,  that 
he  accompanied  the  prisoner,  Mr.  Allen,  and  another  gentle- 
man, on  the  morning  of  the  23d  of  July,  from  College-green  to 
the  Coal  Quay,  to  Bloody  Bridge,  where  they  were  to  meet 
some  other  gentlemen  ; there  they  separated,  and  appointed 
to  meet  in  a field  near  the  second  lock  of  the  Grand  Canal. 
Mr.  Allen  and  witness  went  together.  When  they  got  to  the 
field,  the  subject  of  consultation  was  an  intended  attack  on  the 
Artillery  Barracks,  at  Island  Bridge  ; the  party  present  were 
to  make  that  attack.  Mr.  Allen  said  arms  were  prepared  for 
the  purpose.  Other  parties  were  to  attack  the  Castle,  and 
Mr.  Allen  likewise  said  an  attack  was  to  be  made  on  it  at  the 
lowest  part  of  Ship-street  gate.  The -Magazine  in  the  Park 
was  also  to  be  attacked  by  some  of  the  Island  Bridge  barracks 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


105 


Darty.  The  attack  was  to  be,  as  nearly  as  witness  could  re 
collect,  between  nine  and  ten.  Mr.  Allen,  the  prisoner,  an- 
other gentleman,  and  witness,  breakfasted  at  Browne’s,  near 
the  bridge.  The  unnamed  gentleman,'  who  seemed  to  know 
more  of  the  matter  than  either'  of  the  others,  made  some  ob- 
jection to  begin  so  soon  ; Allen  was  in  favour  of  the  immedi- 
ate attempt  : witness  returned  to  town  with  the  prisoner.  On 
entering  the  premises  of  the  prisoner,  found  two  men  making 
pike  handles.  He  called  on  Allen  at  three  o’clock,  and  made 
some  observations  about  his  wages,  when  Allen  gave  him  a 
guinea,  and  bid  him  not  lose  time  about  his  wages  ; Allen  de- 
sired him  to  call  at  six,  which  he  did,  and  received  a blunder- 
buss, and  appointed  that  evening  to  meet  him  at  Rainsforth- 
street,  convenient  to  the  canal.  Witness  went  there,  but  he 
did  not  see  Allen  ; he  v^ent  into  a public-house,  and,  after 
some  time,  saw  a multitude  of  people  coming  from  the  canal  ; 
they  asked  him  to  go  along  with  them,  he  said  he  had  no  am- 
munition for  his  blunderbuss,  and  one  of  the  people  told  him 
to  go  with  them  to  the  Depot  in  Marsh alsea-lane,  and  they 
would  get  plenty  there.  He  went  there  with  them,  and, 
“ after  every  person  that  came  helped  himself  to  arms,”  they 
went  into  Thomas-street,  and  there,  either  before  or  after 
them,  a carriage  was  stopped,  a trunk  was  taken  out,  and  two 
or  three,  with  pikes,  began  breaking  open  the  lid.  Witness 
called  out,  “ it  is  not  for  plunder  we  are  looking.”  He  saw 
the  gentleman  in  the  carriage  make  a race  towards  the  Church. 
Witness  said  he  should  be  brought  back , and  so  he  was , and 
witness  told  him  that  no  injury  should  be  done  to  his  property. 
The  people  then  ran  down  Vickar-street,  and  attacked  the 
watch-house  ; then  they  proceeded  towards  Francis-street, 
then  down  Plunket-street,  through  Patrick-street,  on  to 
Kevin-street.  They  were  fired  on  in  Francis-street  by  the 
Coombe  guard,  which  caused  them  to  disperse  ; witness  made 
his  way  home,  and  was  arrested  at  his  own  door.  On  his 
cross-examination,  he  said,  he  had  been  in  the  rebellion  of 
1798,  he  was  still  a prisoner,  and  came  that  day  from  the 
Castle. 

An  extract  from  a paper  of  fourteen  pages,  which  the 
prisoner  had  written  during  his  confinement,  was  given  in  evi- 
dence against  him  : it  appeared  to  have  been  ir. tended  as  an 
address  to  his  countrymen.  The  last  sentence  of  it  was  to  the 


106 


MEMOIR  Of  ROBERT  EMMET. 


following  effect, — “ when  any  favourable  opportunity  occurs 
which  may  shortly  be  the  case,  I beg  you  will  not  do  as  here* 
tofore — take  up  arms  to  lay  them  down,  like  a blast  of  wind, 
and  then  be  taken  prisoners,  and  hanged  like  dogs.” 

There  were  several  witnesses  produced,  who  corroborated 
the  evidence  of  M'Cabe.  Mr.  M'Nally  made  an  able  speech 
in  his  defence.  Several  witnesses  were  called,  who  gave  him  a 
high  character  for  probity  and  general  good  conduct.  The 
jury  retired  for  five  minutes,  and  brought  in  a verdict  of 
guilty.  On  being  asked,  in  the  usual  form,  if  he  had  any  thing 
to  say  why  judgment  should  not  be  passed,  he  addressed  some 
observations  to  the  court  on  the  evidence  of  the  several  wit- 
nesses. He  denied,  in  positive  terms,  that  any  pikes  had  been 
in  his  house,  or  made  there.  Respecting  a conversation  he 
had  with  Mr.  Read,  when  he  gave  the  health  of  Buonaparte, 
and  spoke  favourably  of  his  character,  he  said  he  thought 
there  could  be  no  impropriety  in  so  doing,  when  he  saw,  by 
the  public  prints,  that  persons  had  been  tried  in  England,  and 
punished  for  disparaging  the  character  of  that  great  man. 
“ He  did  not  hesitate  to  tell  the  court,  though  the  halter  was 
round  his  neck,  and  the  axe  ready  to  sever  his  head  from  his 
body,  he  was  placed  in  a high  official  situation,  acting  under 
the  provisional  government  : he  acted  with  that  energy  which 
he  thought  would  promote  its  welfare  ; he  acted  according  to 
the  dictates  of  his  own  mind  and  principles.  He  would  ac- 
knowledge, that  its  completion  and  success  were  the  full 
amount  of  his  wishes.  Had  any  of  his  proceedings  relative  to 

the  23rd,  been  brought  forward,  he  should  feel” Here 

the  prisoner  became  so  agitated,  as  to  be  unable  to  proceed 
for  some  time.  After  a pause  of  some  minutes,  he  said,  “ The 
situation  of  my  mind  will  not  permit  me  to  say  any  thing 
more.  I submit  to  the  senteuce.” 

Baron  George  said — “ If  you  wish  to  say  any  thing  more 
that  may  ease  your  mind,  we  will  wait  as  long  as  you  please.” 
The  prisoner  replied — “ I have  nothing  more  to  say,  but 
after  I am  sent  to  the  cell,  that  no  visitors  shall  be  allowed  to 
Bee  me.  Let  no  strangers  be  admitted  from  curiosity.  I wish 
to  have  a chair.” 

The  Attorney-General  said,  he  had  given  directions  that 
the  prisoner  should  be  furnished  with  chairs  and  tables.” 

The  prisoner  expressed  a desire  to  have  the  use  of  pen,  ink; 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET,  10T 

and  paper.  “ He  trusted  he  might  be  permitted  to  write  a 
few  letters  to  his  friends.” 

Mr.  Baron  George  said — “ We  shall  give  directions  as  you 
desire.”  He  then  proceeded  to  pass  sentence  in  a very  im- 
pressive and  feeling  manner.  No  allusion  was  made  on  the 
trial  to  the  attempt  which  the  prisoner  had  made  on  his  life. 

The  prisoner  met  his  fate  with  firmness.  He  was  about 
twenty-four  or  twenty-five  years  of  age  ; remarkably  good- 
looking.  He  was  respectably  connected,  and  nearly  related 
to  a medical  gentleman  of  some  distinction,  of  his  name,  in 
Dublin.  A sketch  of  him  was  taken  at  the  trial,  by  Petrie, 
and  engraved  by  Maguire,  which  is  said  to  have  borne  a strong 
resemblance  to  the  original.  The  particulars  of  the  trial  are 
taken  from  “ Ridgeway’s  Report.” 


CHAPTER  IX. 

From  the  following  notices  of  the  career  of  Michael  Dwyer, 
more  information  as  to  his  character  and  conduct  may  pro- 
bably be  obtained,  than  from  any  previous  account  of  this 
remarkable  man. 

“I  was  sent,”  says  James  Hope,  “by  Robert  Emmet  to 
the  mountains  of  Wicklow,  to  examine  the  condition  of  a party 
which  had  kept  to  the  mountains  for  five  years,  and  set  the 
military  at  defiance.  A first  cousin  of  Dwyer’s  was  my  guide  ; 
and  I met  Dwyer  in  the  glen  of  Email,*  in  company  with 
Hugh  Byrne,  John  Moran,  and  Martin  Burke.  Their  arms 
were  in  bad  order,  and  I had  them  replaced.  I furnished  each 
of  them  with  a new  blunderbuss,  a case  of  pistols,  and  ammu- 
nition. A spy  named  Halpin,  who  had  fled  into  Dublin, 
shortly  afterward  appeared  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Email. 
Dwyer  got  notice,  and  commenced  a pursuit,  until  in  sight  of 
Dublin.  He  learned  that  Halpin  was  too  far  ahead  : he  dis- 
charged his  blunderbuss  with  vexation,  and  blew  the  thumb 

* The  place  here  called  the  glen  of  Email,  is  probably  the  glen  ol 
Inn&ll. 


1O8  MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 

off  his  left  hand.  I got  him  another,  with  a twisted  barrel 
His  hand  was  healed  when  1 last  saw  him. 

“ Dwyer,  Byrne  and  Burke,*  ventured  into  Dublin,  and 
came  to  my  house  at  No.  8,  in  the  Coombe.  I had  many  anec* 
dotes  from  them.  The  following  is  one  : — 

“ ‘ At  the  approach  of  winter,  as  the  mountain  air  became 
chill,  their  numbers  began  to  diminish.  One  night,  Dwyer  and 
Byrne  were  on  an  outpost,  and  stopped  a man  going  towards 
the  main  body.  On  searching  him,  they  found  a letter  directed 
from  an  enemy  to  Holt,  with  terms  for  surrender.  They  went 
instantly  to  Holt,  and  brought  him  a distance  from  the  men, 
read  the  letter  to  him,  and  told  him,  that  his  being  a Protes- 
tant was  the- only  thing  that  prevented  his  instant  death  ; and 
warned  him,  at  the  peril  of  his  life,  never  to  let  them  again  see 
his  face  among  the  people.  For  some  days  his  case  was  des- 
perate, not  having  concluded  his  treaty  with  the  government  ; 
and  the  parties  in  pursuit  of  individuals  were  so  numerous  at 
one  time,  that  Dwyer  escaped  by  sitting  behind  one  of  the 
mountain  cataracts,  while  the  military  passed  without  observ- 
ing him.’ 

“An  article  in  a recent  magazine  represents  Dwyer  as  in- 
clined to  plunder  : the  reverse  is  the  fact.  His  means  of  life 
were  derived  from  the  love  of  his  countrymen  : and  even  in  the 
opposite  ranks  he  had  many  friends  ; and  although  there  was 
a barrack  in  the  glen  of  Email,  they  never  could  banish  him 
ouj  of  it.  A deserter  had  joined  him  from  the  county  An- 
trim, named  M‘Alister.  Dwyer  told  me  he  had  a friend  in 
the  barracks,  a corporal,  a good  soldier,  and  as  trusty  a friend 
as  ever  he  had.  Dwyer  and  his  men  had  a subterraneous  re- 
treat in  the  glen,  lined  with  wood  and  moss,  the  entrance  to 
which  was  covered  with  a large  sod  that  was  cut  out  of  a tuft 
of  heath,  where  they  remained  all  day,  and  had  their  rations 
as  regular  as  the  soldiers  in  the  barracks  had,  and  took  to  the 
mountains  at  night. 

“ One  evening  Dwyer  met  my  friend  Cameron,  and  he  gave 
him  some  ball-cartridges,  saying,  ‘ mind  yourself  to-night  ; for 

r s- 

* Martin  Burke  was  a brother-in-law  of  Dywer’s.  He  was  taken  in 
December,  1803,  after  a pursuit  of  several  miles  through  the  fastnesses 
of  the  mountains,  and  through  the  glens.  In  his  flight,  he  is  stated  in 
the  newspapers,  to  have  crossed  the  river  Ovoca  nine  times. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET.  , 109 

we  will  be  in  search  of  you/  M'Alister  and  Dwyer  went  that 
night  to  a house  on  the  south  side  of  the  glen.  A short  time 
before  day  a rap  came  to  the  door,  and  some  one  said,  ‘ Are 
you  withm,  Dwyer  ? Dwyer  answered,  ‘ Yes/  ‘ Will  you 
surrender  V said  the  person.  Dwyer  answered,  ‘ I came  into 
this  house  without  leave  from  the  family.  If  you  let  them  out, 
riltell  you  whatJ/11  do  which  being  done,  Dwyer  said,  * Now 
I will  fi£ht  till  I die/  The  house  was  instantly  set  on  fire. 
M‘Alister  and  Dwyer  had  each  of  them  a blunderbuss  and  a 
case  of  pistols,  with  which  they  commenced  firing  out  first,  and 
continued  the  firing  with  the  two  blunderbusses.  Dwyer  heard 
the  officer  calling  the  corporal,  his  friend,  ‘ Come  forward  with 
your  men,  Cameron  ; I see  what  you  are  doing/  Cameron 
advanced  and  fell,  and  also  some  of  his  men.  A clamp  of 
turf  that  was  in  the  house  took  fire  ; and  Dwyer  and  M/Alis- 
ter  expected  soon  to  perish  in  the  flames,  when  a shot  from 
without  broke  M'Alister’s  arm.  M‘Alister  said,  1 Dwyer,  I am 
done  ; but  take  my  advice,  and  try  to  escape.  Load  your 
blunderbuss  and  give  it  to  me  ; go  on  your  hands  and  feet ; I 
will  open  the  door,  and  stand  upright  and  discharge  the  blun- 
derbuss ; they  will  fire  at  me,  and  you  may  be  off  before  they 
load  again/  Dwyer  went  on  his  hands  and  feet  after  loading 
the  blunderbuss,  and  his  comrade  clapped  him  on  the  back,  say- 
iug,  ‘Now,  let  me  see  the  spring  you  make.’  Dwyer  made  the 
spring,  and  McAlister  received  the  fire  of  the  military,  and  fell 
dead  at  the  door.*  A stream  ran  past  the  door,  and  a little 
ice  had  formed  on  some  gravel  in  the  middle  of  it  ; and  Dwy- 
er’s feet  slipped  on  it,  and  he  fell  on  his  hands  ; he  soon  recov- 
ered himself,  and  was  on  his  feet  making  good  use  of  them.  A 
highlander  dropped  his  gun,  and  followed  him  across  a field, 
and  was  so  near  him  in  the  chase,  that  Dwyer  said  he  felt  his 
hand  touching  him,  when  he  thought  of  giving  him  the  trip,  by 
which  he  threw  down  the  highlander,  and  escaped.  He  said, 
if  the  highlander  had  not  followed  him,  a volley  would  have 
brought  him  down  before  he  cleared  the  field.” 

Mr.  Luke  Cullen,  of  Clondalkin,  has  given  me  the  following 
account  of  Dwyer  and  his  men,  which  throws  much  light  on 


* The  heroism  and  the  fate  of  M‘Alister  are  the  subject  of  some  beau- 
tiful lines  of  Mrs.  Tighe,  which  were  republished,  some  years  ago,  in 
the  “ Dublin  Penny  Journal.” 


110 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


the  frightful  state  of  society  nearly  four  years  after  the  supprea 
sion  of  the  rebellion  of  1798.  The  facts  detailed,  the  writei 
states  he  knows  to  have  occurred. 

“ There  were  some  persons  in  the  vicinity  of  Greenan,  a vil- 
lage on  the  road  between  Rathdrum  and  Ballymanus,  who  had 
given  information  against  Mr.  William  Byrne,  and  every  one 
of  them  was  shot ; and  such  was  the  dreadful  determination 
of  the  murderers,  when  one  man,  who  went  on  crutches,  called 
Cripple  Doyle,  evaded  destruction  for  a long  time,  by  secret- 
ing himself  at  a Mr.  Allen’s,  the  gate  of  whose  orchard  was 
opposite  his  cabin  door.  He  used  to  go  occasionally  to  his 
cabin  for  a change  of  linen.  Some  of  the  outlaws  having  in- 
timation of  this  circumstance,  concealed  themselves  in  a plan- 
tation ; and  as  the  cripple  was  limping  up  to  his  door,  they 
shot  him  dead.  A man  named  Matthew  Davies,  was  served 
in  like  manner,  as  also  one  Dixon  ; and  Biddy  Dolan,  com- 
monly called  Croppy  Biddy,  was  the  only  one  of  Mr.  Byrne’s 
informers  who  escaped.  I should  have  mentioned  before, 
that  a Mr.  Patrick  Grant,  a respectable  farmer  of  that 
place,  was  arrested,  and  sent  to  Wicklow  jail,  principally  for 
the  purpose  of  forcing  him  to  swear  against  Mr.  Billy  Byrne  ; 
but  Mr.  Grant  would  do  no  such  thing,  not  even  to  save  his 
life  ; and  accordingly  he  was  hanged,  and  his  body  ignomi- 
niously  treated.  His  son,  Thomas,  was  living  some  years  ago, 
at  his  residence,  Keerakee,  near  Rathdrum. 

“ A party  of  Dwyer’s  men  crossed  the  river  near  the  Seven 
Churches,  in  December,  1800.  On  going  to  one  of  their  haunts, 
they  and  their  arms  got  wetted  : their  place  of  concealment 
was  a turf-clamp  hollowed  out,  and  the  aperture  built  up  with 
sods  of  turf.  They  were  in  this  place  of  concealment  when 
the  Rathdrum  cavalry  came  up,  having  received  information  of 
their  being  there.  One  of  their  party  was  in  an  adjoining 
house,  and  was  in  the  act  of  shaving  himself  at  the  very  mo- 
ment the  cavalry  were  at  the  door.  After  a few  minutes  con- 
versation among  themselves,  the  soldiers  passed  on  to  another 
house,  not  thinking  that  was  the  place  which  had  been  des- 
cribed by  their  informer.  The  outlaws  being  apprized  of  their 
movements,  considered  it  better  not  to  stir,  thinking  the  party 
would  not  come  back.  They  came  back,  however,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  pull  down  the  clamp  of  turf ; when  one  of  the  men 
in  concealment,  Andrew  Thomas,  snapped  his  gun  thrice  at  the 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Ill 


assailants  without  effect,  as  from  passing  the  river  the  night 
before,  the  priming  of  their  guns  had  been  wetted.  Thomas 
looked  at  the  musket,  and  said,  ‘ It  never  missed  fire  before.' 
He  and  the  others  then  rushed  forth,  and  bolted  through  the 
cavalry  without  sustaining  any  injury,  saving  a blow  of  the  butt 
end  of  a pistol,  which  Thomas  received  on  the  head  from  a 
man  named  Manby,  from  Rathdrum  ; and  Manby,  it  was  be- 
lieved by  his  own  companions,  would  have  got  out  of  Thomas’s 
way,  but  the  passage  was  very  narrow. 

“ I had  this  account  from  one  of  the  yeomen  who  was  on  the 
spot.  Mr.  Weeks  was  out  shooting  on  the  bogs,  and  had  his 
fowling  piece  loaded  with  duck  shot,  and  had  joined  the  party 
in  quest  of  the  outlaw,  he  fired  at  Thomas  and  wounded  him 
severely  in  the  thigh,  after  been  wounded  he  made  a desperate 
resistance,  but  he  was  despatched.  Ilis  body  was  thrown 
across  a horse’s  back  in  a shockingly  mutilated  state,  and  car- 
ried the  distance  of  eight  miles  to  Rathdrum,  where  they  cut 
off  his  head  and  placed  it  on  the  Flannel  Hall.  Thomas  was 
much  looked  up  to  by  his  party,  and  he  was  known  to  be  a 
very  determined  man  and  a first  rate  shot.  He  was  consider- 
ed by  the  yeomen  to  be  a brave  honourable  fellow.  Harman, 
who  was  in  a complete  state  of  nudity  when  he  broke  through 
the  cavalry,  was  pursued  by  Mr.  Thomas  Manning,  both  were 
men  of  large  stature  and  great  bodily  strength,  but  the  former 
soon  began  to  leave  Manning  behind,  whose  horse  sunk  at 
every  step  in  the  boggy  ground  ; at  length,  after  a chase  of 
three  miles,  and  coming  to  a bridge  extremely  narrow,  Harman 
found  his  passage  likely  to  be  stopped  by  a Mr.  Darby,  who 
was  posted  there  on  horseback  fully  equipped,  having  got  be- 
fore him  by  taking  the  road.  Harman  advanced  boldly  to  him 
with  his  gun  levelled,  which  was  in  the  same  condition  as 
Thomas’s  had  been,  and  cried  out,  ‘ Come  on,  Darby,  you  or  I 
for  it.’  Mr.  Darby  astonished  at  the  strange  apparition  of 
the  naked  desperado,  drew  his  horse  as  close  as  he  could  to  the 
oattlements  of  the  bridge,  and  let  this  ugly  customer  pass  by. 
This  rencounter  took  place  near  to  Harman’s  residence.  He 
succeeded  in  getting  to  a place  of  safety,  and  surrendered 
some  time  afterwards,  was  sent  to  Botany  Bay,  returned  from 
thence  and  went  to  Canada. 

“ About  this  time,  a man  residing  between  Rathdrum  and 
Hacketstown,  got  private  information  that  his  house  was  to  b® 


112 


# 

MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 

robbed  on  a certain  night.  He  gave  notice  to  the  yeomanry 
officers  at  Rathdrum  ; they  were  highly  pleased  at  the  intelli- 
gence, for  they  expected  that  Dwyer  and  some  of  his  party 
would  be  there  ; plans  were  laid  with  great  caution  and  secre- 
cy j they  advanced  to  the  house  in  the  night,  the  men  being 
placed  in  ambush.  A man  named  Williams,  the  best  shot 
amongst  them,  was  placed  inside,  and  ordered  not  to  shoot 
unless  in  great  danger.  One  of  the  robbers  came,  entered  the 
house,  proceeded  to  blow  the  fire  and  to  light  his  candle,  Wil- 
liams fired  and  shot  the  robber  dead  on  the  spot ; he  was  a 
noted  shot  and  had  killed  a man  outside  of  Rathdrum  in  1798, 
and  in  so  wanton  a manner  that  his  captain,  the  celebratec 
Thomas  King,  of  Kingstown,  said  he  was  shocked  at  his  bru- 
tality. The  rest  of  the  robbers  escaped.  When  the  body  oi 
the  robber  was  examined,  instead  of  being  that  of  Dwyer,  it 
proved  to  be  the  body  of  a yeoman  of  the  name  of  Mondy, 
of  the  Hacketstown  corps,  and  was  brought  into  Rathdrum 
By  way  of  exhibiting  the  impartiality  of  military  justice,  they 
placed  the  head  of  the  yeomanry  robber  opposite  to  that  of 
the  rebel  Thomas  on  the  same  building.” 

Extract  from  the  Hibernian  Magazine , Nov.  1803. 

Some  Account  of  Dwyer,  the  Irish  Desparado. 

“ At  the  breaking  out  of  the  late  rebellion,  (Michael  Dwyer) 
being  about  six  or  seven  and  twenty  years  of  age,  ranged  him- 
self under  the  banners  of  insurrection  ; and  though  always 
foremost  in  danger,  had  the  good  fortune  to  retire  unhurt 
through  all  the  battles  of  that  deplorable  contest.  When  the 
rebellion  was  put  down,  Dwyer  withdrew,  accompanied  by  a 
chosen  band,'  into  the  fastnesses  of  his  native  mountains,  where 
lie  has  since  kept  his  ground,  bidding  defiance  to  all  the  par- 
ties sent  out  from  time  to  time  against  him. 

“ On  a certain  night,  three  men,  who  had  before  been 
privates  in  the  Meath  militia,  and  one  of  whom  was  the  first 
t}iat  administered  the  oath  of  an  United  Irishman,  suddenly 
deserted  from  his  gang.  Dwyer  instantly  concluded  that  they 
had  been  tempted  by  the  reward  to  betray  him,  of  which  he 
not  only  soon  after  received  a#coufirmation  from  his  emissaries, 
but  also  intelligence  of  the  night  on  which  they  were  to  set  out 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


113 


for  the  purpose  of  securing  him.  Being  well  acquainted  with 
all  his  haunts,  they  made  little  doubt  of  their  success,  but  were 
waylaid  by  Dwyer,  who  put  them  to  death  with  his  own  hand. 

“ Early  in  the  last  spring,  a survey  was.  taken  of  that  part 
of  the  country,  and  a place  marked  out  for  the  erection  of  a 
barrack,  at  the  entrance  of  a glen,  called  Glenmalore,  which 
it  is  supposed  would  afford  the  facility  of  exploring  the  fast- 
nesses, recesses,  and  caverns  of  the  rebels.  The  work  pro- 
ceeded with  great  rapidity,  and  without  the  smallest  molesta- 
tion, till  the  month  of  June  last,  when  preparations  were 
making  to  roof  and  occupy  the  building.  In  the  night  time, 
however,  when  things  seemed  to  be  in  great  forwardness, 
Dwyer  appeared  at  the  head  of  a strong  party — and  laying  a 
sufficient  train  of  powder,  blew  it  from  the  foundation,  so  that 
there  appeared  scarcely  a vestige  of  it  in  the  morning. 

“ It  must  be  a matter  of  astonishment,  that  an  active,  pow- 
erful, and  vigilant  government,  could  never  entirely  succeed  in 
exterminating  this  banditti  from  these  mountains,  however  dif- 
ficult or  inaccessible  they  may  at  first  slight  appear.  The 
4 rebel,  who  is  intimately  acquainted  with  the  topography  of  the 
place,  has  his  regular  videts  and  scouts  upon  the  qui  vive,  in 
all  the  most  advantageous  points,  who,  on  the  appearance  of 
alarm,  or  the  approach  of  strangers,  blow  their  whistles,  which 
resound  through  the  innumerable  caverns,  and  are  the  signals 
for  a general  muster,  to  those  hardy  desperadoes.  They  are 
generally  superintended  by  the  chief  himself,  or  by  his  brother- 
in-law  of  the.  name  of  Byrne,  a determined  fellow,  in  whom 
alone  he  places  confidence.  They  are  both  great  adepts  at 
disguising  their  faces  and  persons,  and  are  thought  to  pay  fre- 
quent visits  to  the  metropolis, — Dwyer  is  an  active,  vigorous 
fellow,  about  five  feet  nine  inches  high,  with  something  of  a 
stoop  about  the  shoulders.  He  has  a ruddy  complexion,  with 
lively  penetrating  eyes,  and  said  to  be  wonderfully  patient  of 
fatigue,  and  fearless  of  every  kind  of  danger.” 

The  following  account  of  Dwyer  I obtained  from  his  brother 
Hugh  Dwyer.  After  many  fruitless  inquiries  respecting  the 
surviving  friends  and  relatives  of  the  former,  I found  the 
brother  living  in  Dublin  in  Flemming’s-place,  Baggot-street, 
the  owner  and  driver  of  a jaunting  car.  From  this  intelligent, 
well-conducted  person,  I received  the  account  which  is  now 
given  to  the  public. 


114 


* 

MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


“ Michael  Dwyer  was  born  at  Glenbymall,  county  Wicklow, 
near  Baltinglass.*  His  father  was  the  eldest  son  of  -bur  chil- 
dren ; he,  and  all  his  family,  were  of  the  Catholic  religion. 
His  father  held  twenty-four  acres  of  land,  under  Mr.  Hannan 
and  Mr.  Cooke.  Michael  married,  in  the  early  part  of  1798, 
Mary  Doyle,  the  daughter  of  a small  farmer.  He  had  been 
‘out  with  the  boys/  in  1798,  and  had  been  on  his  keeping 
even  previous  to  that  year. 

“ Mr.  Hayden,  an  informer,  a brother-in-law  of  Mr.  Tenni- 
son,  near  Stratford,  told  old  Dwyer,  if  his  son  did  not  sur- 
render, that  all  his  family  would  be  taken  up.  Michael  did 
not  surrender,  and,  accordingly,  they  were  all  taken  up,  and 
put  in  jail  ; the  father,  two  brothers,  and  two  sisters,  were 
kept  in  prison  fifteen  weeks,  as  hostages.  Hugh  Dwyer  took 
no  part  in  ‘ the  troubles/  and  none  of  the  rest  of  the  family. 

“ Michael  Dwyer  was  a well-behaved,  good-natured  young 
man  ; moral  in  his  conduct,  civil  and  obliging  to  his  acquaint- 
ances, and  very  true  to  his  friends  ; by  no  means  quarrelsome, 
but  always  had  been  of  a bold  and  daring  disposition  He 
could  read  and  write  ; he  went  to  school  at  Bushfield.  Vhen 
a young  man,  he  was  very  sober  ; but,  in  his  latter  years 
abroad,  it  was  said  he  was  not  quite  so  much  so  as  he  had 
been  at  home.  During  the  time  he  was  ‘ out/  he  had  a great 
many  escapes  ; one  of  the  narrowest  of  them  was  at  Derna- 
muck,  in  the  glen  of  Email,  on  a very  stormy  night,  when  he, 
and  nine  of  his  comrades,  were  concealed  there.f  Six  of  them 
were  in  one  house,  and  four  in  another,  convenient  to  the 
former  ; information  had  been  given  to  the  magistrates.  At 
the  dawn  of  day,  the  house  in  which  Michael  Dwyer  slept  was 
attacked  by  the  Highlanders  ; Colonel  Macdonald  was  the 
commanding  officer. 

“ When  Dwyer  heard  the  tramp  of  the  soldiers,  he  called  up 
his  friends,  Samuel  M'Alister,  a deserter  of  the  Antrim  militia, 
John  Savage,  and  one  Costello,  a tailor.  Dwyer  asked  the 
soldier  (without  opening  the  door)  if  they  would  let  the  peo- 

* The  notes  of  the  conversation  which  furnishes  these  particulars, 
were  taken  down  at  the  interview  referred  to. 

f The  details  of  this  adventure  have  been  given  in  Hope’s  account 
of  his  communication  with  Dwyer.  1 have  been  induced  to  give  the 
brother’s  version  of  it,  as  a corroboration  of  the  main  incident,  which 
is  one  of  a very  singular  nature. — R.  R.  M. 


' 7 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


1 1*3 


pie  of  the  house  pass  ; it  was  agreed  they  should  be  permitted 
to  do  so  ; no  sooner  were  the  latter  out,  than  firing  com- 
menced on  both  sides.  McAlister’s  arm  was  broken  by  a 
musket  ball,  he  turned  to  Dwyer,  and  said,  ‘ I am  now  useless, 
I cannot  get  off ; when  I present  myself  at  the  door,  do  you 
and  the  others  rush  out,  and  they’ll  fire  at  me.’  This  was 
done,  and  M‘Alister,  and  all,  except  Dwyer,  were  killed,  lie 
jumped  out  of  the  house  ; but  fell  at  the  door  of  the  barn.  A 
ball  went  through  the  collar  of  his  shirt  ; he  got  ‘ clean  off/ 
but  was  almost  naked.  He  was  pursued  by  the  Highlanders, 
and  also  by  another  party  of  soldiers,  who  had  joined  the 
former  ; he  fled  through  the  glen  of  Email,  forded  the  river, 
and  at  Slaney,  the  soldiers  gave  up  the  pursuit,  on  account  of 
the  rapidity  of  the  flood.  Six  of  his  comrades  were  taken  in 
the  other  house  ; one  of  the  name  of  Byrne  turned  informer  ; 
the  five  others  were  hanged.  Byrne  was  accused  of  having 
killed  an  officer  ; to  save  himself  he  offered  to  give  evidence 
against  a man  of  the  name  of  Valentine  Case,  ‘his  gossip.’ 
This  offer  was  accepted,  and  Case  was  ‘ half  hanged  ’ at  Baltin- 
glass  ; he  was  then  taken  down,  dragged  to  the  chapel,  and, 
in  front  of  it,  his  head  was  cut  off.  Byrne  was  employed  tc 
behead  him  ; he  did  so,  carried  the  head,  and  spiked  it  on  the 
market-house. 

“ The  night  before  the  battle  of  Hacketstown,  a vast  num- 
ber of  people  were  assembled,  they  were  not  all  under  Michael 
Dwyer  ; his  brother  saw  them,  and  thought  there  could  not  be 
less  than  fifteen  thousand  men. 

“ In  1803,  he  came  down  to  Robert  Emmet,  when  he  was 
living  in  Butterfield  Lane,  a few  days  before  the  23rd  of  July, 
accompanied  by  Martin  Bourke  and  Hugh  Byrne — Robert 
Emmet  having  written  to  him,  expressing  a desire  to  see  him. 

“ In  December,  1803,  he  surrendered  to  Captain  Hume,* 
who  behaved  well  to  him  ; he  was  conveyed  to  Dublin,  lodged 
in  the  Tower,  and  afterwards  was  confined  in  Kilmainham. 
After  some  months  imprisonment,  he  was  transported  for  life, 
along  with  his  companions,  Hugh  Byrne,  Martin  Bourke, 

* Dwyer  surrendered  on  the  express  condition  of  being  allowed  t« 
emigrate  to  America.  When  he  was  in  Kilmainham,  and  was  inform- 
ed he  was  to  be  transported  to  New  South  Wales,  he  complained 
bitterly  of  the  faith  of  the  government  having  been  broken  with 
him. — R.  R.  M. 


116 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Arthur  Devlin,  and  John  Mearn.  A.  Devlin  died  soon  aftei 
he  was  transported  ; Bourke  and  Mearn  were  still  alive  in 
1843.  Shortly  after  their  arrival  in  Botany  Bay,  a plot  was 
formed,  which  was  directed  against  the  life  of  Dwyer.  He 
was  tried  and  acquitted  ; Governor  Bligh,  however,  sent  him 
to  Norfolk  Island,  and  kept  him  there  for  six  months.  From 
that  place  he  was  sent  to  Yan  Diemen’s  Land  ; he  was  two 
years  there.  When  General  Bligh  died,  Governor  M‘  Quarry 
succeeded  him  ; he  allowed  Dwyer  to  return  to  Sydney,  and 
appointed  him  to  the  situation  of  high  constable,  which  he 
held  for  eleven  years  During  this  time  he  was  in  the  con- 
dition of  a free  man  ; he  held  some  land,  which  he  farmed, 
and  made  a comfortable  livelihood  out  of  it.  He  died  in 
1826.  His  wife,  who  went  with  him  to  Botany  Bay,  still  is 
living  at  Gouldburn.  His  children  did  not  go  out  for  many 
years  after  his  transportation  ; he  sent  for  them  shortly  before 
his  death,  but  when  they  arrived,  he  was  not  living. 

“ His  father  and  his  family,  who  had  suffered  severely  on 
his  account,  in  consequence  of  an  application  to  government, 
through  Mr.  Hume,  got  a sum  of  i£100  as  an  indemnity  for 
the  ruin  which  had  been  brought  on  them.  Governor  M‘Quar- 
ry  either  obtained  permission  for  him  to  return  to  Ireland,  oi 
offered  to  do  so  ; but  it  was  not  his  wish  to  return. 

“ Michael  Dwyer  was  born  in  1770  ; he  died  in  1826,  at  a 
place  called  Liverpool,  in  New  South  Wales.  He  was  about 
live  feet  eleven  inches  and  a half  high  ; stout  made,  and  of 
great  activity.  Those  who  say  that  Michael  Dwyer  was  in  the 
habit  of  robbing,  or  plundering  houses,  say  what  is  not  the 
truth.  He  was  no  plunderer  ; he  never  committed  an  act  of 
cruelty  ; he  saved  the  lives  of  many  ; he  never  suffered  a 
prisoner  to  be  put  to  death.  The  people  under  him  were 
faithful  and  obedient  to  him  ; they  had  entire  confidence  in 
him.  The  thumb  of  his  left  hand  had  been  shot  off ; he  had 
no  other  wound.” 

Such  is  the  account  of  Michael  Dwyer,  given  by  his  brother, 
which  I believe  is  entitled  to  entire  credit.  His  superiority, 
in  every  respect,  to  Holt,  is  too  evident  to  need  observation. 
The  latter  has  been  made  a hero,  with  very  doubtful  claims  to 
that  character  ; the  former,  far  more  deserving  of  that  title, 
has  been  represented,  very  unjustly,  as  a mere  brigand. 

Thomas  Brangan,  of  Irishtown,  I am  informed  by  hii 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


117 


daughter,  was  in  the  habit  of  visiting  the  Depots  in  Dublin 
under  the  name  Williamson.  His  carts  were  used  in  convey- 
ing the  stores  from  place  to  place  ; two  or  three  waggon  loads 
had  been  brought  to  Brangans,  from  Thomas-street  ; and  a 
great  quantity  of  pikes  in  hollow  beams  of  timber.  On  the 
23rd  of  July,  many  men  armed  with  pikes  came  to  Brangans, 
expecting  to  be  called  on  ; the  signal  was  not  given.  The 
sending  up  of  a rocket  at  Irishtown  was  to  be  the  signal  for 
attacking  the  Pigeon  House  ; but  no  attack  was  made. 

When  Emmet’s  attempt  failed,  a reward  was  offered  for 
Brangan’s  apprehension,  under  the  name  of  Williamson — the 
name  by  which  he  was  known  in  the  Depots.  He  then  ab- 
sconded, and  went  to  Dublin,  with  the  intention  of  going  to 
America.  Brangan  was  concealed  a long  time  at  Mrs.  Cuffs, 
a widow  lady  in  Pill-lane  ; he  afterwards  removed  to  Mr. 
Butler’s,  in  Fishamble-street,  the  corner  of  Saul’s  Court.  He 
became  very  ill,  while  he  was  in  concealment  there,  and  sent 
for  Dr.  Brennan,  of  wrestling  notoriety,  who  visited  him  fre- 
quently ; and  when  his  recovery  was  despaired  of,  a Roman 

Catholic  clergyman,  Dr.  B e,  was  sent  for.  Difficulties 

occurred  between  him  and  Dr.  B e,  one  of  the  most  dis- 

tinguished divines  of  that  day,  or  of  the  present,  respecting  a 
quantity  of  military  stores  in  Mary’s  Abbey,  concealed  in  the 
ruined  vaults  of  that  ancient  edifice,  which  had  been  converted 
into  a Depot  by  Emmet.  The  vaults  in  question  are  those 
which  there  is  some  traditional  record  of  their  leading  by  a 
tunnel  passage  under  the  Liflfey,  to  the  vaults  of  Christ  Church, 
a tradition  which  I believe  was  the  subject  of  some  inquiry 
about  two  years  ago  on  the  part  of  Earl  de  Grey.  Brangan 
was  unwilling  that  information  should  be  given  which  he  was 
called  upon  to  sanction,  and  the  result  was  the  necessity  for  an 
application  for  the  special  assistance  of  another  clergyman,  the 
venerable  Dr.  Betagh,  which  application  was  not  unsuccessful. 

The  house  of  Mrs.  Cuff,  in  Pill-lane,  was  the  temporary  asy 
lum  obtained  by  Brangan  for  Russell  on  his  return  to  Dublin, 
after  his  unfortunate  expedition  from  the  north.  The  person 
who  took  the  lodging  for  Russell,  at  Muley’s,  was  a Mr.  Lacey, 
a native  of  Wicklow,  a ’98  man.  Lacey  had  been  with  Rus- 
sell the  morning  he  was  taken,  he  had  also  visited  Emmet 
frequently  at  Harold’s-cross.  At  this  time  Lacey  kept  an  inn 
in  Kevin-street  frequented  chiefly  by  Wicklow  people.  This 


118 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


man  was  the  constant  medium  of  communication  between  Em- 
met and  Brangan.  Shortly  after  the  arrest  of  Emmet,  he 
gave  up  the  inn,  and  seemed  greatly  improved  in  his  circum- 
stances. Brangan  suspected  him,  and  when  Emmet  was 
taken,  being  in  concealment  himself  at  the  time,  he  took 
especial  care  to  keep  the  secret  of  his  place  of  retreat,  and  of 
his  existence  in  the  country  from  Lacey.  When  the  latter 
came  to  his  house  to  inquire  for  him,  Lacey  was  informed  by 
the  family  of  the  fugitive  that  he  had  gone  to  America.  When 
Brangan  heard  of  Emmet’s  arrest,  he  said,  “ Lacey  is  the 
traitor  (Brangan  was  not  the  only  person  who  entertained 
a similar  opinion.) 

Brangan  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  from  Ireland  ; he 
got  out*  of  the  bay  in  a fishing  boat,  and  was  put  on  board  of 
a vessel  bound  for  America.  Whether  he  proceeded  to  Ameri- 
ca, or  had  been  put  on  board  some  vessel  bound  for  Portugal 
from  the  American  vessel,  I have  not  ascertained,  but  in  March, 
1804,  he  wrote  to  his  family  from  Oporto.  After  some  time 
he  proceeded  to  France,  and  got  a commission  in  the  French 
service.  He  rose  to  the  rank  of  Captain  in  the  3rd  Regiment, 
in  that  service  formerly  the  Irish  Brigade.  He  went  through 
the  Peninsular  war,  and  his  family  are  in  possession  of  certifi- 
cates honourable  to  his  courage  from  his  commanding  officers. 
He  lost  his  life  in  a duel  in  France,  in  1811,  and  died  possess- 
ed of  some  little  property.  When  he  quitted  Ireland  he  was 
thirty  years  of  age  ; he  left  a wife  and  four  children  behind 
him. 

“ Mr.  John  Hevey,”  says  Duggan,  “ was  a respectable  brew- 
er, (and  subsequently  a tobacconist),  in  the  city  of  Dublin,  he 
had  been  well  known  to  all  the  leading  people  of  1798.  This 
gentleman  was  persecuted  by  the  agents  of  the  government, 
namely,  Major  Sirr,  Major  Swann,  and  Major  Sands,  commonly 
called  the  three  S.’s.  He  was  tried  in  Kilkenny  and  Dublin, 
and  the  account  of  his  sufferings  has  excited  great  interest. 

“But  he  was  only  beginning  his  sufferings  in  1798.  He 
brought  down  the  vengeance  of  the  Majors  on  him  in  1802, 
when  he  brought  an  action  against  Major  Sirr  for  the  robbery 
of  his  mare.  After  Mr.  R.  Emqiet’s  object  failed,  Mr.  Hevey 
was  arrested  and  detained  a prisoner  in  Kilmainham,  until  the 
general  liberation  of  all  the  state  prisoners,  after  the  death  of 
Mr.  Pitt  The  sufferings  poor  Mr.  Hevey  had  sustained  by  the 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


118 


losses  in  business,  and  by  the  distress  of  mind  and  misery  he 
had  endured,  brought  him  to  ruin,  to  madness,  and  to  beggary. 
I knew  him  in  his  prosperity,  and  was  often  in  his  brewery  in 
Thomas-court,  on  business,  and  I knew  him  in  Kilmainham  a 
state  prisoner,  and  also  after  my  return  from  the  Continent.  I 
knew  him  also  when  he  was  reduced  from  affluence  and  comfort 
to  extreme  poverty.  He  had  many  companions  and  gay  asso- 
ciates among  his  countrymen,  when  he  was  well  off,  but  few 
friends  when  he  wanted  assistance,  and  was  in  great  distress. 
I often  heard  of  sentiments  and  toasts  having  been  given  in 
honour  of  his  triumph  over  the  Major  at  public  entertainments, 
at  the  same  time  poor  Mr.  Hevey  could  not  break  his  fast 
before  he  went  out  in  the  mornings,  with  bad  shoes  and  stock- 
ings, with  a bad  hat  and  coat,  and  when  he  often  returned 
in  the  evening  with  an  empty  stomach.  He  had  a bed  for 
some  time  in  my  little  apartments  until  my  business  failed,  and 
I was  obliged  to  remove  from  town  to  Chapelizod.  Shortly 
after,  he  became  deranged,  and  was  sent  to  the  Lunatic  Hos- 
pital, in  Brunswick-street,  where  he  expired,  and  no  man  knows 
where  he  was  buried.  This  is  but  a slight  sketch  of  Mr.  Hevey, 
the  brewer  of  Thomas-court.  Shortly  before  his  death,  he  ran 
into  the  Lower  Castle  Yard,  and  fell  a breaking  Major  Sirr’s 
windows,  and  immediately  he  was  seized  by  the  Major’s  people, 
and  sent  to  the  Lunatic  Asylum,  where  he  died  a beggar.”* 


CHAPTER  X. 

On  the  29th  of  July,  1803,  two  bills  were  brought  into  Parlia- 
ment and  read  in  both  houses,  the  first,  second,  and  third  time, 

* The  account  of  poor  Hevey,  and  the  feeling  manner  in  which  it 
is  given,  does  great  credit  to  Duggan.  Indeed  I am  disposed  to  think 
that  a man  who  could  express  the  sentiments  he  does  in  the  preceding 
statement,  and  evince  the  propriety  of  feeling  which  is  shewn  in  it  can 
hardly  be  the  person  of  the  same  name,  assumed  or  real,  I have 
spoken  of  in  a former  memoir,  as  the  correspondent  of  the  Major, 
whom  he  truthfully  speaks  of  here  as  the  persecutor  of  poor  Jlievey 
Hevey’s  fellow  citizens  ought  not  to  have  allowed  him  to  perish  in  a 
pauper  mad  house. 


120 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


and  received  the  royal  assent  the  same  day,  the  29th  of  July, 
1803.  The  one  for  suspending  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  in 
Ireland,  the  other  for  enabling  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  with  the 
advice  of  the  Chancellor,  to  try  persons  by  martial  law.  The 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequor,  in  the  debate  on  those  measures, 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  spoke  of  the  attempted  insurrection 
of  the  23rd,  as  “ a violent  and  malignant  rebellion  then  exist- 
ing in  Ireland.”  Mr.  Windham  said  it  was  difficult  for  the 
house  to  decide  what  it  ought  to  do,  as  no  information  of  the 
state  of  the  country  had  been  laid  before  the  house.  Its  capi- 
tal might  be  in  a few  hours  in  possession  of  the  rebels,  and  the 
government  there  might  be  overturned. 

Mr.  Sheridan  said  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  that  the 
capital  should  not  be  in,  or  supposed  to  be,  likely  to  fall  into 
the  hands  of  insurgents  ; and,  therefore,  he  thought  the  pro- 
mulgation of  such  opinions  would  be  giving  encouragement  to 
rebellion,  and  treason,  in  every  part  of  the  United  Kingdom. 
Lord  Castlereagh  said,  it  had  been  insinuated  that  Dublin  had 
been  within  an  ace  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  he 
was  sure  that  no  information  had  reached  this  country  which 
at  all  afforded  any  foundation  for  such  an  assertion.  From  what 
he  himself  knew  on  this  subject  he  could  state  with  confidence, 
that  the  danger  had  been  greatly  exaggerated.  It  had  been 
attempted  to  be  stated  that  government  was  taken  completely 
by  surprise,  that  they  had  not  any  adequate  means  of  prepar- 
ation against  the  insurgents.  He  begged  leave  to  contradict 
this  assertion  in  the  strongest  terms , government  was  aware  sev- 
eral days  before  the  atrocious  crime , which  hod  given  rise  to  the 
present  deliberation , was  perpetrated , that  some  convulsion  was  in 
contemplation , and  their  measures  of  precaution  had  corres- 
ponded to  what  they  conceived  would  be  the  magnitude  of  the 
danger.  The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequor  eulogized  the  con- 
duct of  Mr.  Sheridan,  he  had  covered  himself  with  immortal 
glory,  and  had  secured  to  himself  a name  in  history  which 
would  never  perish. 

Mr.  Windham  expressed  a hope  that  the  honourable  gen- 
tleman, Mr.  Sheridan,  would  not  be  backward  in  supporting 
those  who  were  so  profuse  in  their  expression  of  their  favour- 
able opinions.  Mr.  Sheridan  said  he  was  influenced  solely 
by  the  love  of  his  country — a country  which  in  his  soul  and 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


121 


conscience  lie  believed  contained  the  best,  wisest,  and  happiest 
community  in  the  “ universe.’'1 

in  the  discussion  of  the  National  Defence  Amendment  Bill, 
on  the  4th  of  August,  1803,  Mr.  Sheridan  made  a violent 
speech  in  defence  of  the  ministry,  and  the  war  party  in  the 
house,  which  was  replied  to  by  Mr.  Windham,  who  said,  that 
— “ The  honourable  gentleman  seemed  to  be  actuated  with  all 
the  zeal  of  a new  convert,  or  rather  he  conducted  himself  with 
all  the  precipitancy  of  a raw  recruit,  for  he  had  no  sooner 
fallen  into  the  ranks,  (Mr.  Sheridan  sat  on  the  Treasury 
Bench,)  than  he  fired  off  his  musket  without  waiting  for  the 
word  of  command  j as  the  honourable  gentleman,  however, 
began,  he  must  not  be  surprised  to  find  his  fire  returned. 
After  years  of  war,  in  which  he  and  they  had  possessed  oppo- 
site principles,  and  held  opposite  language  to  those  of  the  ma- 
jority of  the  country,  they  now*  wheeled  suddenly  about,  and 
claimed  great  merit  for  doing  their  duty.  After  years  of  war, 
in  which  the  honourable  gentleman  had  by  his  orations  almost 
set  the  four  quarters  of  the  world  on  fire,  he  now  came  and 
said,  ‘ 1 am  the  only  man  that  can  save  you — 1 will,  with  my 
little  bucket,  my  thimble  full  of  water,  extinguish  this  mighty 
conflagration.’  Mr.  Sheridan  said,  “ The  Right  Hon.  Gen- 
tleman had  accused  him  of  the  precipitancy  of  a raw  recruit, 
but  the  Right  Hon.  Gentleman  was  so  eager  to  return  the 
fire,  that  he  forgot  to  put  a bullet  into  his  piece,  for  he  merely 
heard  the  report,  but  felt  nothing.” 

Colonel  Hutchinson,  on  the  11th  of  August,  moved  an  ad- 
dress to  his  Majesty,  praying  to  have  information  laid  before 
the  house  concerning  the  late  rebellion.  He  said, — “ In  order 
to  make  the  Union  take  deep  root  amongst  them,  there  should 
be  no  distinction  known  between  Irishmen  and  Englishmen.” 
It  had  been  remarked  1782,  by  Lord  Auckland,  now  a 
noble  peer,  “ that  the  British  parliament  might  as  soon  at- 
tempt to  make  the  river  Thames  flow  over  Highgate-hill,  as 
to  make  Ireland  have  a parliament  of  their  own.  He  abhor- 
red the  idea  of  government  having  recourse  to  shedding  of 
blood,  to  prevent  such  unhappy  rebellions  in  Ireland.  There 
were  many  grievances  to  redress.  It  was  insulting  to  be  told 
we  had  the  power  of  redressing  those  grievances.  The  last  act 
of  power  or  the  government  had  been  likewise  held  an  impo«- 
sibility.” 


122 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Sir  William  Elliott  said,  that  with  respect  to  the  late  insur 
rection,  “ the  government  had  received  intimation  from  many 
quarters  in  Ireland,  and  from  gentlemen  of  his  own  'particular 
acquaintance , that  a rebellious  conspiracy  was  going  forward,  to 
which  communication  they  paid  no  attention 

Lord  Castlereagh  defended  the  conduct  of  government,  in 
the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  of  1798,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
insurrection  of  1803.  With  respect  to  the  former,  “ never 

WAS  THERE  A REBELLION  OF  SUCH  EXTENT  PUT  DOWN  WITH  SO 
MUCH  PROMPTITUDE,  OR  SO  LITTLE  DEPARTURE  FROM  CLEMENCY  ! !” 

Mr.  Robert  Williams  said,  he  had  been  seven  years  an  Aid- 
de-camp  in  that  country,  and  never  knew  an  instance  of  the 
guards  having  been  doubled,  but  on  the  evening  of  the  28rd 
of  July  ; they  had  doubled  all  the  guards,  and  had  a powerful 
garrison  under  arms.  “ The  Irish  government  was  not  taken 
by  surprise.” 

“ Lord  Temple  denied  that  the  rebellion  in  Ireland  could  in 
any  respect  be  considered  as  a religious  rebellion,  or  as  a re- 
bellion of  the  cottage  against  the  palace.  If  the  attack  lately 
made  in  Dublin  by  rebels  there,  was  made  by  surprise  on  the 
government,  ministers  deserved  to  be  impeached,*  for  not 
being  aware  of,  or  not  having  known  it  ; and  if  they  had 
known  it,  he  would  ask,  why  the  rebels  were  allowed,  even  for 
an  hour,  to  be  iu  arms  ?” 

On  the  2nd  of  December,  Mr.  Secretary  York  brought  in  a 
bill  for  continuing  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act 
in  Ireland.  He  said,  that  notwithstanding  what  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  conspiracy  said  at  his  death,  his  Majesty  had 
proof  that  the  Irish  rebels  were  connected  with  their  traitorous 
countrymen  in  France,  if  not  directly  with  the  rulers  of  France 
themselves.  These  traitors  in  the  confidence  of  the  French 
government,  came  over  to  Ireland  for  the  very  purpose  of  stir- 
ring up  insurrection.  They  calculated  upon  the  renewal  of 
hostilities  between  this  country  and  France.  Mr.  C.  H. 

* This  doctrine  is  the  most  absurd  one  imaginable.  The  govern- 
ment was  to  be  punished  for  the  supposed  secrecy  of  the  plans  of  the 
conspirators.  This  was  the  doctrine,  however,  of  the  members  of  the 
opposition;  but  not  one  word  was  said  about  impeaching  the  ministry 
for  the  wickedness  of  conniving  at  the  discovered  plans  of  those  con- 
spirators, and  thus  suffering  innocent  people  to  be  inveigled  inte 
them. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


123 


Hutchinson  made  a long  speech  against  the  measure,  and 
voted  for  it. 

The  5th  of  December,  on  the  second  reading  of  the  Irish 
Martial  Law  bill,  Mr.  Secretary  York,  in  reply  to  Mr.  El- 
liott’s objections  to  the  introduction  of  the  bill  in  the  absence 
of  information,  shewing  the  necessity  of  it,  said, — “ The  Irish 
government  were  not  taken  by  surprise  and  unprepared,  on  the 
23rd  of  July,  as  it  had  been  suggested.  There  was  a garrison 
of  four  regiments  of  foot,  besides  the  1 6th  Dragoons,  in  Dub- 
lin, a force  sufficient  to  crush  an  insurrection  ten  times  more 
formidable  than  that  of  the  23rd  of  July.  The  march  of  the 
rebels  was  only  from  their  head-quarters  in  Dirty-lane  to  Cut- 
purse-row.  The  affair  did  not  last  an  hour.  The  peace 
establishment  of  Ireland  was  then  25,000  regulars. 

Colonel  Crawford  said  he  disagreed  with  the  Right  Hon. 
Secretary,  that  the  affair  was  only  a contemptible  riot,  that  all 
proper  precautions  had  been  taken,  and  that  the  government 
was  aware  of  the  intended  insurrection  ; if  so,  how  did  it  hap- 
pen, that  on  that  day  the  Viceroy  went  as  usual  to  his  country 
house,  where  the  Lord  Chancellor  dined  with  him.  It  was 
evident  Lord  Kilwarden  had  no  knowledge  of  it,  or  he  would 
not  have  exposed  himself  as  he  had  done.  He,  Colonel  Craw- 
ford, was  informed,  that  such  was  the  miserable  state  of  pre- 
paration, that  the  regular  troops  had  only  three  cartridges 
each,  and  the  yeomanry  could  get  none  at  all  ; and  that  ten 
men  out  of  every  company  in  the  garrison,  had  been  allowed 
that  day  to  go  into  the  country  to  look  for  work. 

Mr.  W.  Poole  said,  there  were  sixty  rounds  of  ball-cart- 
ridges on  the  23rd  of  July  for  every  man,  in  the  Castle,  and 
in  the  Depot  in  the  Phoenix  Park,  three  millions  of  ball-cart- 
ridges ready  to  be  given  out  on  the  first  alarm.  This,  he 
stated,  from  his  own  official  knowledge  of  the  subject. 

Mr.  Windham  said,  the  contradictory  account  of  the  insur- 
rection given  by  ministers,  was  like  the  answer  of  a student  of 
the  College,  when  asked  whether  the  sun  revolved  round  the 
earth,  or  the  earth  round  the  sun,  said,  sometimes  one  and 
sometimes  the  other.  If  the  Lord  Lieutenant  had  any  know- 
ledge of  the  intended  insurrection,  would  he  have  left  town  that 
night  ? It  was  not  communicated  to  the  Lord  Mayor,  nor  to 
the  Commander  of  the  Forces.  He  would  vote,  however,  for 
the  measure. 


124 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


’ The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  said,  that  instructions  had 
been  given  early  on  the  day  before  the  disturbance  took  place, 
and  to  all  the  necessary  officers.  If  the  Lord  Lieutenant  had 
not  gone  to  his  country  house,  the  city  of  Dublin  might  have 
been  put  into  a state  of  alarm. 

On  the  7th  of  March,  1804,  Sir  John  Wrottesby  moved  for 
the  appointment  of  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  his  Majesty's 
government,  on  the  2 3rd  of  July  last.  Sir  John,  among 
various  proofs  of  the  remissness  of  government,  brought  for- 
ward the  circumstance  of  the  Viceroy  having  been,  at  three 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  23rd  of  July,  guarded  by  one 
officer  and  twelve  men  ; at  seven  o’clock,  by  thirty  men  ; and 
at  eleven  at  night,  by  having  fifteen  hundred  horse  and  foot 
under  arms.  Lord  Castlereagh  said,  Emmet  was  only  backed 
by  about  eighty  rebels.  The  government  knew  an  insurrec- 
tion would  break  out  on  the  23rd  July,  but  not  before  it  was 
dark , (this  was  utterly  at  variance  with  what  his  lordship 
stated  on  a previous  debate ).  With  respect  to  the  men  being 
without  ammunition,  it  was  his  duty  to  state,  that  General 
Fox,  the  Commander-in-chief,  had  ordered  sixty  rounds  to  be 
issued  to  each  man  some  days  before  ; and  if  they  had  not 
that  store  of  cartridges  with  them,  it  certainly  was  not  the 
fault  of  General  Fox. 

Mr.  Secretary  York  stated,  he  imputed  no  blame  to  Gen- 
eral Fox.  The  principle  on  which  his  brother  was  directed  to 
act  was,  that  of  trusting  as  little  as  possible  to  the  rumours  and 
accusations  circulated  against  each  other  by  the  parties  which 
distracted  Ireland.  In  justice,  however,  to  his  brother,  he 
stated,  that  long  before  the  23rd  of  July,  1803,  he  had  ex- 
pressed his  opinion  to  the  government  of  the  expediency  of 
repealing  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act. 

Mr.  Fox  said,  an  honourable  relation  of  his  (Admiral 
Berkely)  gave  notice  of  a motion  concerning  the  recall  from 
Ireland  of  General  Fox,  which,  however,  he  afterwards  de- 
clined bringing  forward,  having  stated,  that  it  was  not  the 
wish  of  that  officer  to  have  any  inquiry  entered  into  concern- 
ing him,  if  a declaration  were  made  on  the  part  of  his  Majes- 
ty’s government,  that  his  conduct  was  approved  of.  Such  a 
declaration  has  been  made,  and  made  in  a manner,  which  to 
him  is  satisfactory.  If  infamy  or  blame,  therefore,  rest  in  any 
quarter,  it  does  not  rest  with  him  : he  stands  clear  of  it,  by 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


125 


the  judgment  which  ministers  have  pronounced  on  his  conduct 
As  no  blame,  therefore,  attaches  to  the  Commander-in-chief, 
do  his  Majesty’s  ministers  now  defend  themselves,  or  the  Lord 
Lieutenant  ? Suppose  it  should  be  said,  that  no  blame  could 
attach  either  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant  or  the  Commander-in- 
chief  ; be  it  so  for  argument.  But  he  (Mr.  Fox)  must  say, 
that  a coolness  did  take  place  between  them,  which  made  it 
impossible  for  both  to  continue  together  in  Ireland  ; and  it  re- 
quired, that  either  the  one  or  the  other  should  retire  from  his 
situation.  It  was  necessary  to  observe,  that  for  many  days 
not  only  previous  to,  but  after  the  23rd  of  July,  they  were 
under  the  best  understanding  with  each  other.  But  as  soon 
as  the  Lord  Lieutenant  found,  that  the  conduct  of  the  Irish 
government,  on  the  occasion  of  the  insurrection,  was  loudly 
complained  of,  and  censured  all  over  England,  he  was  unfortu- 
nately advised  to  throw  the  blame  of  the  transaction  off  him- 
self, and  lay  it  on  the  Commander-in-chief.  It  was  then  cool- 
ness began,  and  then  the  resignation  of  his  honourable  relative 
took  place.  Though  this  retirement  from  his  situation  was 
called  a resignation,  he  would  say,  it  was  not  a voluntary  re- 
signation. The  language  his  relative  used  was  this, I desire 
you  would  recall  me  from  my  command,  if  the  Lord  Lieuten- 
ant say  I ought  to  be  recalled.”  He  was  actually  recalled  ; 
and  he  did  not  come  away  voluntarily.  But  what  was  the 
effect  of  such  recall  ? Nothing  less,  than  giving  the  public  to 
understand,  that  the  Commander-in-chief  had  neglected  his 
duty.  Mr.  Fox  then  complained  of  several  most  illiberal  and 
unfounded  reflections  cast  upon  his  brother  in  the  Dublin 
Journal , (Mr.  Giffard’s  paper)  which  was  as  much  under  the 
control  of  the  Castle,  as  the  Moniteur  was  under  the  direction 
of  the  French  government.  “ When  I see,”  continued  Mr. 
Fox,  “ such  things  as  these  published  in  a government  paper, 
which  dares  not  insert  them  without  authority,  what  inference 
can  I make  than  except,  that  they,  were  designedly  published, 
in  order  to  remove  a great  degree  of  odium  from  one  party  by 
throwing  it  on  another  ?” 

The  Algerine  bills  to  which  the  preceding  discussions  have 
reference,  were  said  to  have  been  rendered  necessary  by  the 
late  troubles  in  Ireland.  These  troubles,  however,  had  been 
suppressed  in  less  than  an  hour,  with  the  loss  of  five  or  six 
men  on  the  part  of  the  king’s  troops,  and  about  iive-and 


126 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


twenty  on  that  of  the  insurgents.  The  public  tranquility,  in 
fact,  could  hardly  have  been  said  to  have  been  disturbed  out 
of  the  immediate  precincts  of  the  emeute,  from  two  points,  not 
calculated  by  their  names  even  to  add  to  the  prestige  of  the 
attempt,  from  the  corner  of  Dirty-lane  to  that  of  Cutpurse- 
row.  But  the  fact  is,  the  introduction  into  Ireland  of  similar 
measures,  was  seldom  in  consequence  of  insurrections,  but  in 
consequence  of  plots  and  conspiracies,  got  up  by  the  adherents 
of  government  to  create  or  to  foment  them.  We  have  the 
clearest  proofs  of  the  fact,  in  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act  in  Ireland,  in  1801,  which  went  through  all  its 
stages  in  one  night,  with  little  opposition,  except  on  the  part 
of  Lords  Moira  and  Holland.  Lord  Grenville,  in  voting  for 
it,  said,  he  never  gave  a vote  with  more  satisfaction  to  his 
conscience.  These  great  British  statesmen  had  two  con- 
sciences, like  Launcelot  Gobbo,  one  made  of  Indian  rubber, 
exceedingly  elastic,  for  stretching  to  any  shape  or  size  on  a 
squeezeable  subject  in  relation  to  Ireland  ; the  other,  of  good 
tough  materials,  like  the  timbers  of  British  ships,  tight  and 
sound,  that  was  brought  into  action  when  any  attempt  was 
made  hostile  to  liberty,  that  was  dangerous  to  Englishmen. 

The  measures  which  are  treated  of  in  the  discussions  noticed 
in  the  preceding  pages,  the  bitter  fruits  of  insurrection,  or 
plausible  pretext  which  insurrection  afforded,  were  followed 
by  acts  in  Ireland  consonant  to  them  in  the  letter  and  the 
spirit  of  their  enactments.  The  prisons  were  filled  with  sus- 
pected criminals.  In  the  Provost  of  Major  Sandys  alone,  in 
the  month  of  August,  1803,  there  were  upwards  of  five  hun- 
dred people  confined,  enduring  sufferings  less  deadly,  but  not 
much  less  dreadful,  than  those  endured  in  the  Black  Hole  of 
Calcutta.  The  12th  of  October,  the  Government  issued  a 
proclamation,  setting  forth  that  Wm.  Dowdall,  of  the  city  of 
Dublin,  gent.  ; John  Allen,  of  do.,  woollen  draper  ; Wm.  H. 
Hamilton,  of  Enniskillen,  'gent.  ; Michael  Quigley,  of  Rath- 
coffy,  bricklayer  ; Owen  Lyons,  of  Maynooth,  shoe-maker  ; 
Thomas  Trenaghan,  of  Crew-hill,  Kildare,  farmer  ; Michael 
Stafford,  of  James’s-street,  baker  ; Thomas  Frayne,  of  Boven, 
Kildare,  farmer  ; Thomas  Wylde,  of  Cork-street,  cotton  manu- 
facturer ; John  Mahon,  of  Cork-street,  man  servant,  who, 
being  charged  with  high  treason,  had  absconded.  A reward 
was  offered  of  J03OO  for  the  arrest  of  each  of  the  following 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


127 


persons,  Messrs.  Dowdall,  Allen,  Hamilton,  Quigley,  Lyons, 
and  Stafford,  and  £200,  for  the  discovery  of  Thomas  Frayne, 
Thomas  Wylde,  and  John  Mahon. 

A reward  of  £1,000  was  likewise  offered  for  the  discovery 
of  the  murderers  of  Lord  Kilwarden,  or  his  nephew,  Mr 
Wolfe  ; and  £50  for  each  of  the  first  hundred  rebels  who  had 
appeared  in  arms  in  Dublin  on  the  23d  of  July,  who  should  be 
discovered  and  prosecuted  to  conviction. 

This  was,  if  not  an  extensive  premium  on  perjury,  certainly 
a very  large  temptation  to  it.  It  produced  the  effect,  I will 
not  say  intended,  but  most  assuredly  that  might  be  expected 
from  it.  A number  of  miscreants  of  the  class  of  Mr.  James 
O’Brien,  again  skulked  into  public  notice,  crept  into  places  ot 
public  resort,  sneaked  into  court,  and  swore  away  the  lives  of 
men,  who,  if  faith  is  to  be  put  in  the  solemn  assurances  of  in- 
dividuals of  the  families  of  their  victims  at  this  distant  date, 
from  the  period  in  question,  were  guiltless  of  the  charges 
brought  against  them.  Two  of  the  worst  of  those  miscreants, 
were  persons  of  the  name  of  Mahaffey  and  Ryan.  A vast 
number,  moreover,  of  gentlemen  of  respectability  were  taken 
up  ; a few  were  liberated,  but  the  majority  were  kept  in  close 
confinement  for  nearly  three  years. 

On  the  14th  of  April,  1801,  Mr.  Pelham  moved  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  the  order  of  the  day  for  considering  “ the 
report  of  the  secret  committee  for  inquiring  into  the  state  of 
Ireland,  and  the  conduct  of  persons  in  England  tending  to 
treason  and  sedition,”  and  then  moved  for  leave  to  bring  in  a 
bill  for  suspending  the  Habeas  Corpus.  Amongst  the  few 
who  opposed  the  bill  on  the  second  reading,  was  Sir  Francis 
Burdett.  “ He  saw  no  difference  between  the  late  and  the 
present  administration  ; he  had  watched  their  blood-tracked 
steps  in  Ireland  ; he  had  witnessed  their  wicked  edicts,  all 
tending  to  destroy  the  remnant  of  the  constitution.  He  wished 
the  house  to  pause  and  reflect  on  what  coercion  had  done  in 
Ireland.”  Mr.  Sheridan  strongly  opposed  the  bill,  Mr.  Law, 
and  Mr.  Spencer  Percival  (the  Attorney  and  Solicitor-Gene- 
ral) strenuously  defended  the  bill.  The  former  said,  “as  an 
honest  man,  he  heartily  voted  for  it.” 

Mr.  Horne  Tooke  said,  “ that  when  he  heard  the  sentiments 
of  the  men  from  whom  the  future  judges  of  the  land  were  to  be 
taken,  giving  their  votes,  as  honest  men,  for  such  measures,  he 


.28 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


trembled  to  think  of  the  country’s  situation,  when  they  should 
sit  upon  the  bench.” 

In  November,  1803,  Mr.  J.  Kiernan,  of  Enniskillen,  was 
sent  up  to  Dublin,  a prisoner,  for  examination,  by  Mr.  Wick- 
ham. A Mr.  Dennison,  a state  prisoner,  who  had  been  con 
lined  for  some  time  in  Kilmainham,  was  discharged  in  the  be- 
ginning of  December,  1803.  Mr.  Lawless,  an  eminent  brewe* 
of  Dublin,  was  arrested  in  November,  and  let  out  on  bail. 
Mr.  Charles  Teeling,  who  had  been  arrested  the  8th  of  No- 
vember, 1803,  was  discharged  about  the  23d  of  November, 
his  brother,  George  Teeling,  who  had  come  to  visit  him,  having 
been  made  a prisoner,  and  detained. 

Messrs.  Philip  Long,  John  Hickson,  John  Hevey,  St.  John 
Mason,  Nicholas  Gray,  James  Tandy,  Henry  Hughes,  Wm. 
H.  Hamilton,  John  Palmer,  Wm.  M‘Dermot,  Daniel  Dolan, 
Daniel  Brophy,  and  Dennis  Cassin,  were  arrested  and  commit- 
ted to  Kilmaiuham  ; and,  in  a house  opposite  that  jail,  Messrs. 
Cloney,  Carthy,  Dickson,  Holmes,  &c.,  were  imprisoned. 

The  conversion  of  national,  scientific,  and  commercial  estab- 
lishments (no  longer  needed  in  Ireland)  to  military  purposes, 
we  have  a curious  account  of,  in  the  London  Chronicle , of 
August  25th  and  27th,  1803.  From  Dublin,  August  21, 
“ The  ci-devant  parliament  house,  and  the  celebrated  academy 
house  in  Grafton-street,  are  converted  into  barracks.  The 
market-house  in  Thomas-street  has  been  lately  fitted  up,  with 
a view  to  impede  the  progress  of  an  enemy  from  the  west  end 
of  the  town,  and  to  command  the  different  avenues  in  that 
quarter  : the  93rd  regiment  has  been  appointed  its  garrison. 
The  arches  of  the  house  are  filled  up,  and  a balcony  is  con- 
structed on  the  first  floor,  upon  which  the  soldiers  can  draw 
up,  and  fire  with  the  best  effect.  The  Royal  Exchange  has 
also  been  purchased  by  government,  for  the  purpose  of  bar- 
racks, and  it  is  intended  to  place  some  cannon  on  that  part  of 
it  which  fronts  Parliament-street,  Essex  Bridge,  and  also  that 
which  is  opposite  to  Castle-street. 

“ Barriers  are  to  be  erected  at  the  entrances  into  Francis- 
street,  Meath-street,  James’s-street,  &c.,  the  whole  city  to  be 
surrounded  by  an  oak  paling  of  considerable  height,  and  gates 
to  be  erected  at  all  the  principal  entrances  into  town.” 

On  the  21st  of  August,  1803,  the  Lord  Mayor  issued  a 
proclamation,  commanding  all  persons,  except  military  men  in 


l 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


129 


their  uniforms,  the  members  of  privy  council  and  judges,  to 
keep  within  their  dwellings  from  nine  o’clock  at  night  until  six 
o’clock  in  the  morning,  and  all  persons  to  affix  to  their  doors  a 
list  of  the  persons  inhabiting  the  same  ; and  any  person  found 
in  a house  not  included  in  that  list,  will  be  treated  as  an  idle 
and  disorderly  person. 

August  16,  1803,  the  Dublin  papers  state,  that  Mr.  Philip 
Long  had  been  arrested,  and  committed  to  Kilmainham  ; also, 
on  the  10th  of  August,  that  a barrister,  Mr.  St.  John  Mason, 
who  had  arrived  on  the  9th,  in  * his  own  carriage  with  four 
horses,  had  been  arrested,  and  sent  to  Dublin. 

In  the  London  Chronicle  of  September  the  3d  and  6th,  1803, 
the  following  is  taken  from  the  Dublin  papers,  dated  the  29th 
of  August  : — 

“ A Mr.  Houlton,  a naval  officer,  was  arrested  in  Dundalk, 
and  brought  up  to  Dublin  in  a chaise  and  four  ; a suit  of 
rebel’s  uniform  was  found  on  him.  When  arrested,  he  was 
dressed  in  his  naval  uniform,  but  this  was  removed,  and  he 
was  arrayed  in  the  rebel  uniform,  and  thus  brought  to  the  Cas- 
tle.” 

The  above  notice  of  Houlton’s  arrest  is  deserving  of  partic- 
ular attention  ; this  man  was  employed  by  the  government  in 
a most  atrocious  conspiracy  against  the  people.  The  particu- 
lars of  it  will  be  found  in  Plowden’s  Post  Union  History,  Yol. 
I.,  p.  223.  A miscreant  of  the  name  of  Houlton,  of  the  broad 
cloth  class,  speculating  on  the  wickedness  and  weakness  of  the 
government,  applied  for  an  interview  with  Mr.  Marsden,  and,  by 
the  latter,  was  brought  before  the  Privy  Council,  Lord  Redes- 
dale  presiding  at  it.  Houlton  said  he  had  private  information 
that  there  were'  several  of  Russell’s  northern  adherents  em- 
barked in  fishermens’  boats  and  some  smuggling  craft,  with  a 
design  of  surprising  the  Pigeon  House.  He  offered  his  services 
to  government  in  any  way  that  they  might  be  made  useful  to 
the  state,  and  accordingly  it  was  determined  by  government  to 
send  him  down  to  the  north,  where  he  was  to  pass  off  as  a 
rebel  general.  Mr.  Houlton  was  equipped  with  a suit  of  rebel 
uniform,  and  a superb  cocked  hat  and  feathers,  provided  by  the 
government,  for  the  latter  alone  they  paid  seven  guineas. 
Houlton  made  no  stipulations  for  reward  ; for  his  expenses  he 
consented  to  receive  LI 00.  Lord  Redesdale,  pleased  with  hia 
modesty,  no  less  thau  his  zeal,  in  the  service  of  government,  in 


130 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


the  first  instance  spoke  of  500  guineas  being  at  his  disposal 
“ When  the  government  had  fully  equipped  Mr.  Houlton  in  hia 
rebel  uniform,  he  was  sent  on  his  mission/’  says  Plowden,  “ to 
Belfast,  to  tempt,  to  proselytize,  to  deceive  and  to  betray.” 
Instructions  were  sent  down  to  Sir  Charles  Ross,  who  then 
commanded  in  Belfast,  to  apprize  him  that  the  rebel  general 
was  a confidential  servant  of  the  Castle,  and  was  not  to  be  in- 
terrupted or  interfered  with,  but  was  to  be  aided  and  assisted 
as  he  should  desire  and  suggest  ; the  express  was  forwarded  by 
an  orderly  dragoon.  Houlton,  however,  had  set  off  in  a post- 
chaise  and  four,  aud  arrived  in  Belfast  long  before  the  dra- 
goon, and  immediately  after  his  arrival,  commenced  business  at 
a tavern  in  the  town,  where  he  talked  treason  in  so  undisguised 
a manner  as  to  excite  astonishment.  Information  was  given  to 
the  commanding  officer,  Sir  Charles  Ross,  the  man  was  arrest- 
ed, and  by  Sir  Charles  Ross’s  orders,  lie  was  dressed  in  his 
rebel  uniform  and  paraded  round  the  town,  and  was  then  com- 
mitted to  jail.  At  length  Sir  Charles  Ross  received  the  in- 
structions of  the  government.  The  plot  was  marred  ; it  only 
remained  to  send  the  ill-starred  informer  back  to  his  employers 
under  a military  escort,  and,  on  his  arrival,  he  was  punished 
for  his  failure,  to  his  utter  astonishment,  by  being  committed 
to  Kilmainham.  There  he  frankly  acquainted  the  state  prison- 
ers with  the  whole  of  his  unlucky  mission  j after  some  time  he 
was  liberated,  and  rewarded  with  an  inconsiderable  appoint- 
ment on  the  coast  of  Africa.  In  the  pamphlet  entitled  “ Pedro 
Zendono,”  this  unfortunate  wretch  is  spoken  of  as  being  in 
confinement  in  Kilmainham  in  1804  ; as  having  been  originally 
brought  forward,  chosen  for  his  mission  by  Dr.  Trevor,  and, 
after  its  failure,  and  his  imprisonment,  as  having  menaced 
Trevor  with  unpleasant  disclosures,  which  caused  his  being 
treated  for  some  time  with  extraordinary  severity. 

In  Major  Sirr’s  correspondence  with  the  informers  of  1198 
and  1803,  it  will  be  found  he  was  in  communication  in  both 
years  with  a midshipman  in  the  navy,  who  went  by  the  name 
of  Morgan. 


MEMOTR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


131 


CHAPTER  XI. 

There  is  probably  but  one  person  living  who  could  give  a cor 
rect  account  of  the  events  which  transpired  the  night  of  the 
23d,  after  the  flight  of  the  leaders,  and  the  route  of  their  fol- 
lowers, so  far  as  regarded  the  principal  person  among  the  for- 
mer. That  person  was  Anne  Devlin,  at  the  period  referred  tor 
a young  woman  of  about  25  or  26  years  of  age,  the  daughter 
of  a man  in  comfortable  circumstances,  for  one  in  his  station 
in  life,  a cow-keeper,  on  a large  scale,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
13  utter  field-lane  ; his  establishment  and  the  land  he  occupied, 
were  in  sight  of  the  house  tenanted  by  Robert  Emmet.  Anne 
Devlin  was  a niece  of  the  Wicklow  outlaw,  or  hero,  Michael 
Dwyer  : her  cousin,  Arthur  Devlin,*  was  one  of  Emmet's 

* On  lately  looking  over  a manuscript  life  of  O’Dwyer,  captain  of  the 
Wicklow  outlaws  of  ’98  I hit  on  a stray  leaf  of  the  biography  of  Rob- 
ert Emmet.  On  the  night  of  defeat  they  retreated  to  his  residence, 
Batterfield-laue,  and  very  early  on  Sunday,  the  24th,  the  most  of  them 
went  to  the  house  of  Brien  Devlin,  whose  residence  was  convenient— 
he  was  the  father  of  that  faithful  young  woman,  Anne  Devlin.  There 
they  spent  the  day,  without  seeming  depressed  in  spirit  by  their  recent 
failure ; nor  did  they  seem  to  have  any  ultimate  object  in  view  such 
as  their  desperate  state  might  suggest.  Resistance  to  the  last ; sur- 
render or  escape  was  not  spoken  of  by  them,  at?  least  in  public.  On 
Monday  Mrs.  Devlin  was  getting  some  milk  churned,  and  some  of  them 
volunteered  to  bear  a hand.  Mr.  Heavy  took  off  his  coat,  got  a white 
apron  from  one  of  Mrs.  Devlin’s  daughters,  and  was  actually  churning 
when  a woman  raised  the  latch  of  the  door  and  walked  in  without 
rapping,  as  she  was  accustomed  to  do.  She  gazed  about  her  with  an 
apparent  air  of  stupid  vacancy ; she  made  some  slight  excuse  for  coming 
in,  and  retired.  She  was  the  wife  of  a yeoman.  Mr.  Grierson,  the 
King’s  printer,  had  a residence  convenient.  She  went  and  told  him 
how  she  had  that  moment  seen  fifty  French  officers  at  Devlin’s. 

Mr  Grierson  had  just  eat  down  to  dinner  with  a couple  of  friends 
that  he  had  previously  invited  to  spend  that  day  with  him  at  his 
country  residence.  He  did  not  believe  all  that  the  woman  told  him, 
but  he  submitted  the  whole  to  his  friends,  and  asked  their  consent,  if 
he  should  not  start  immediately  for  the  Castle  and  give  information 
as  he  received  it.  The  wine  was  going  round,  toasts  were  pledged 
and  thanks  were  sent  to  heaven  for  the  preservation  of  all  the  King’s 
loyal  subjects.  It  was  that,  they  being  in  an  obscure  place  that  would 
not  be  suspected,  they  considered  themselves  quite  safe,  and  would 
net  attempt  to  stir  until  the  silent  hour  of  night.  This  hint  was  adop 


132 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


right  hand  men,  and  a brother  of  her’s  was  likewise  one  of  hi§ 
agents.  When  Emmet  took  the  house  in  Butterfield-lane, 

ted.  The  wine  sparkled  more  vividly  and  became  more  attractive. 
The  butler  in  passing  through  the  hall  heard  part  of  the  woman’s  story; 
and  while  attending  to  his  duties  at  a sideboard  in  the  apartment  when 
the  gentlemen  were  in  an  under  tone  discussing  the  recent  intelligence 
received  of  the  French  officers,  he  had  heard  sufficient  to  enable  him 
to  clearly  comprehend  the  substance  of  the  woman’s  information. 

He  was  well  acquainted  with  Arthur  Devlin,  and  he  lost  no  time  in 
conveying  the  intelligence  to  his  uncle,  Brien  Devlin,  for  him.  There 
was  no  time  to  be  lost.  As  soon  as  it  became  dark  Brien  Devlin  had 
three  horses  ready  for  them,  and  a veteran  of  ’98,  named  Cummins, 
from  one  side  of  Blessington,  undertook  the  guiding  of  them  to  John 
Doyle’s,  of  Ballymore,  near  to  Ballynascorne}^  where  they  remained 
for  that  night  and  next  day,  and  on  Tuesday  evening  went  to  Mrs. 
Rose  Bagnal’s,  of  Ballynascorney,  something  better  than  a mile  from 
Doyle’s,  still  in  the  county  of  Dublin,  and  about  eight  miles  distant 
from  the  seat  of  Government. 

On  the  night  of  Wednesday,  the  27th,  they  left  Mrs  Bagnal’s,  declar- 
ing that  they  would  not  be  the  cause  of  any  person  suffering  on  their 
account.  Their  bivouac  for  this  night  was  in  a small  glen  not  far 
distant  from  Mrs.  Bagnal’s,  where  the  sky  was  the  canvass  of  their  tents, 
and  their  only  tapers  the  brilliants  of  heaven. 

Here  chilled  from  the  night  air  and  dew,  and  no  doubt  suffering 
from  want  of  food,  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  they  made  their  way 
to  a public  house  at  Bohernabreena,  kept  by  William  Kearney,  about 
two  and  a half  miles  nearer  to  Dublin  than  the  place  where  they  had 
spent  the  night.  After  taking  such  refreshments  as  the  place  afforded 
they  still  remained,  some  of  them  testing  the  comparative  properties 
of  Kearney’s  Parliamentarian  and  his  home-brewed  mountain  dew 
— when  Robinson,  the  barony  constable  of  Upper  Cross,  who  had 
been  all  that  morning  endeavouring  to  get  on  their  trail,  now  Stepped 
into  Kearney’s  amongst  them ; he  certainly  did  not  expect  to  meet 
them  there,  and  he  was  near  paying  a large  price  for  his  morning 
visit  but  for  the  host,  who  protected  him  from  Quigley’s  ire.  Kearney 
may  be  said  to  be  one  of  themselves,  he  having  fought  through  the 
the  battles  of  ’98,  and  was  a particular  friend  of  Stopford.  He  let 
them  know  who  this  unwelcome  visitor  was,  and  saw  him  away  from 
danger. 

In  Kearney’s  house  there  was  a small  upper  room,  with  a very  nar- 
row stairs  leading  to  it.  It  had  scarcely  the  appearance  of  an  apart- 
ment used  for  ordinary  purposes.  It  was  a cockloft,  and  had  no 
window  but  a skylight.  The  greater  number  of  the  staff,  particularly 
such  as  had  on  their  uniform,  were  in  this  room.  About  eleven  o’clock, 
as  one  of  the  men  was  looking  out  through  the  skylight,  he  perceived 
a military  party,  composed  of  army  and  yeomen,  something  more  than 
500  strong.  The  latter  were  commanded  by  Mr.  La  Touche,  Captain 
of  the  Rathfarnham  Mounted  Corps  of  Yeomen,  and  Mr.  R.  Shaw  aa 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


133 


Anne  Devlin  was  sent  by  her  father  to  assist  in  taking  care  of 
it,  and  act  as  servant  to  Mr.  Emmet.  It  was  not  without  much 


second  in  command.  They  were  returning  from  Mrs.  Bagnal’s,  where 
they  had  been  seeking  for  the  refugees.  When  they  were  perceived 
they  were  too  close  upon  them  to  even  make  an  attempt  at  escape. 
The  officers  then  formed  a cordon  about  the  house,  but  their  lines  were 
at  a tolerable  distance  from  it.  They  had  now  no  alternative  left  but 
to  surrender  at  discretion,  or  fight  as  long  as  they  could  stand.  The 
house  was  slated,  and  had  tolerably  good  walls,  but  very  low;  and, 
as  I observed,  had  no  windows  to  fire  out  through.  Badly  as  they 
were  situated  for  defence  against  such  superiority,  they  resolved  not 
to  surrender  with  life.  The  party  consisted  of  Mr.  Emmet,  Heavy, 
Quigley,  Stopford,  Mahon,  Wyld,  Cummins,  two  Parrots  (brothers) 
Phepoe,  and  a person  under  an  assumed  name,  supposed  to  be  Aylmer ; 
Arthur  Devlin,  John  Neil,  a brother-in  law  to  O'Dwyer,  and  Byrne, 
who  deserted  from  the  Castle  guard  on  the  23rd  inst. 

The  only  noise  made  was  the  throwing  up  of  the  hammers  of  three 
blunderbusses,  and  renewing  the  priming  in  their  pans.  Arthur  Dev- 
lin knelt  down  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  with  the  muzzle  of  his  blun- 
derbuss covering  the  head  of  the  narrow  stairs,  his  left  hand  steadily 
supporting  the  piece,  and  his  finger  laid  on  the  trigger.  All  was  now 
as  silent  as  death.  Kearney  and  his  wife  stood  on  the  floor  below,  as 
mute  as  Egyptian  mummies.  Mr.  La  Touche  and  Mr.  Shaw  entered, 
and  some  of  their  men  drew  a little  closer  to  the  house.  Mr.  Shaw 
said,  “Well,  Kearney,  have  you  got  any  strangers  here?’*  “No,  Sir,” 
was  the  reply ; “ the  house  is  not  large,  and  you  can  easily  see  through 
it.”  Mr.  Shaw  looked  into  a tap  room  whose  door  was  partly  open, 
and  then,  throwing  a look  all  round,  he  observed  the  narrow  stairs 
leading  to  the  apartment  where  the  objects  of  his  inquiry  lay  crouched 
for  the  time  like  tigers  in  their  lair.  Immediately  before  the  gentle- 
men entered  Kearney  perceived  two  or  three  baskets  at  the  door, 
which  were  used  for  bringing  turf  down  from  the  mountains  by  being 
suspended  across  a horse’s  back.  These  he  laid  hold  of,  and  threw  one 
of  them  on  the  first  step  of  the  stairs,  and  each  of  the  others  over  it  in 
a careless  and  disorderly  manner,  to  give  that  passage  the  appearance 
of  not  being  in  frequent  use  Mr.  S.  still  pointing  upwards,  asked  is 
there  any  one  up  here.  “ No,  Sir,”  said  Kearney,  with  an  astonishing 
firmness,  “ we  make  no  use  of  that  place  but  to  throw  some  light  lum- 
ber on  it — it  is  not  able  to  bear  anything  heavy  on  it.”  Mr.  S.  had  at 
this  time  laid  one  foot  on  the  first  step,  and  was  rising  the  second  to 
ascend,  when  Mrs.  Kearney  caught  the  skirt  of  his  coat,  and,  with  a 
gentle  pluck,  said — “ Oh,  Sir,  if  yon  go  up  there  you  will  fall  down 
through  r,  and  be  killed.”  Had  he  advanced  another  step  her  last 
sentence  would  have  been  fulfilled,  for  he  would  have  received  Dev- 
lin’s fire  through  the  head,  and  the  future  Sir  R.’s  fate  would  hava 
been  sudden  and  awful ; and  the  family  in  all  probability  might  hava 
remained  since  without  a title.  Beyond  dispute,  it  was  to  Kearney 
and  his  family  that  that  gentleman  owed  his  life;  and  strange  are  tha 


134 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


difficulty  I found  out  her  place  of  abode  in  the  year  1842.  ShA 
was  then  living  in  Jolin’s-lane,  in  a stable-yard,  the  first  gateway 
in  the  lane,  on  the  right  hand  side,  leading  from  New  Row,  and 
next  to  the  rear  of  the  premises  formerly  occupied  by  Mr 
Henry  O’Hara. 

Her  husband,  a decent  poor  man  of  the  name  of  Cambell, 
as  well  as  herself,  I found  had  knowledge  of  my  family,  and  I 
needed  no  other  introduction.  Mrs.  Cambell,  whom  1 will  con- 
tinue to  call  by  her  best  known*  name,  Anne  Devlin,  is  now 
far  advanced  in  years,  contributing  by  hard  labour,  to  the  sup- 
port of  her  family.  Will  the  prestige  of  the  heroine  fade  away 
when  it  is  told  that  she  is  a common  washerwoman,  living  in 
a miserable  hovel,  utterly  unnoticed  by,  and  unknown,  except 
among  the  poor  of  her  own  class. 

“ On  the  23d  of  July,  at  about  eleven  o’clock  at  night,”  says 
Anne  Devlin,  “ Robert  Emmet,  Nicholas  Stafford,  Michael 
Quigley,' Thomas  Wylde,  John  Mahon,  John  Hevey,  and  the 
two  Parrotts,  from  Nass,  came  to  the  house  at  Butterfield- 

vicissitudes  to  be  met  with  on  the  pathway  of  life,  the  same  Wm. 
Kearney,  his  brother,  and  father,  an  octogenarian,  were  executed  in 
1815  on  circumstantial  evidence  tendered  against  them  for  the  sup- 
posed murder  of  a ploughman  to  one  of  the  S.  family.  I say  supposed, 
for  the  missing  man  was  never  found  dead  or  alive  since.  The  two 
gentlemen  now  retired,  and  marched  off  their  party,  and  as  soon  as  the 
place  was  cleared  the  besieged  garrison  marched  off  in  the  direction 
of  Mrs.  Bagnal’s  again.  On  this  evening,  that  faithful  and  neglected 
Anne  Devlin,  with  Miss  Wyld,  sister  to  Thomas  Wyld,  took  a jingle 
and  drove  out  with  letters  to  them.  They  were  sitting  on  a sunny 
bank,  a short  distance  above  Mrs  Bagnal’s  when  the  two  young  women 
approached  them.  A council  had  been  held,  and  it  was  decided  that 
each  of  them  should  do  the  best  he  could  for  himself.  Neil,  O’Dwyer’s 
brother  in-law  pressed  Mr.  Emmet  to  go  with  him  to  Ismail,  and  that 
O’Dwyer  would  protect  him  until  an  opportunity  would  be  afforded 
him  of  getting  out  of  the  country.  His  staff  hailed  the  proposal,  and 
Byrne,  the  deserter,  being  a Wicklow  man,  volunteered  to  assist  Neil 
as  guide  and  bod}T  guard.  But  Mr.  Emmet  would  not  hear  of  it. 
“ No,”  said  he,  “ I could  not  for  any  consideration  go  near  him  after  our 
defeat.”  He  divided  some  money  with  a few  of  them  that  joined  there 
then.  He  then  got  into  the  jingle,  with  him  Devlin  and  Miss  Wyld,  and 
after  a feeling  farewell,  they  drove  off  in  the  direction  of  Dublin.  He 
parted  with  them  a little  outside  of  Rathfarnham.  At  night  the  rest 
of  his  companions,  after  shaking  hands  with  each  other  in  the  most 
cordial  manner,  and  with  a manly  farewell,  parted. — From  a Dublin 
Newspaper  of  recent  date. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


135 


lane.”  Anne  Devlin  saw  them  outside  of  the  house  in  the 
yard  ; she  was  at  that  moment  sending  off  a man  on  horse- 
back  with  ammunition  in  a sack,  and  bottles  filled  with  pow- 
der. Anne  called  out,  “ Who’s  there  ?”  Robert  Emmet, 
answered,  “ It’s  me,  Anne.”  She  said,  “ Oh,  bad  welcome  to 
you,  is  the  world  lost  by  you,  you  cowards,  that  you  are,  to 
lead  the  people  to  destruction,  and  then  to  leave  them.” 
Robert  Emmet  said,  “ Don’t  blame  me,  the  fault  is  not  mine.” 
They  then  came  in,  Quigley  was  present,  but  they  did  not  up- 
braid him,  Emmet  and  the  others  told  Anne  afterwards  that 
Quigley  was  the  cause  of  the  failure. 

Michael  Quigley  was  constantly  in  the  store  in  Thomas- 
street.  On  the  23d  his  conduct  was  thought  extraordinary, 
he  rushed  into  the  Depot  shortly  before  nine  o’clock,  and  said 
he  had  been  looking  dowm  Dirty-lane  and  saw  the  army 
coming,  he  ran  in,  exclaiming,  “ all  is  lost,  the  army  is  coming.” 
Robert  Emmet  said,  “ if  that  be  the  case  we  may  as  well  die 
in  the  streets  as  cooped  up  here.”  It  was  then  he  rushed  out, 
and  the  route  took  place.  Robert  Emmet  ran  down  Patrick- 
street,  and  the  Coombe,  crying  out  “ turn  out,”  “ turn  out  ;” 
but  no  one  came  out.  He  was  attacked  by  some  soldiers  on 
the  Coombe,  but  got  off.  They  stopt  at  Butterfield-lane  that 
night  and  next  day,  and,  at  night,  about  ten  o’clock,  fled  to 
the  mountains,  when  they  got  information  that  the  house  was 
to  be  searched.  Anne’s  father,  who  kept  a dairy  close  by,  got 
horses  for  three  of  them,  and  went  with  them. 

Rose  Hope,  the  wife  of  James  Hope,  had  been  there  keep- 
ing the  house  also.*  The  reason  of  their  stopping  there  that 
night  was,  that  Emmet  expected  Dwyer  and  the  mountaineers 
down  in  the  morning  by  break  of  day,  but  Dwyer  had  not  got 
Emmet’s  previous  letter,  and  had  heard  of  Emmet’s  defeat  only 
the  next  day,  and,  therefore,  did  not  come.  Mr.  Emmet  and 
his  companions  first  went  to  Doyle’s  in  the  mountains,  and 


* Rose  Hope  resided  also  at  Butterfield-lane,  and  assisted  in  keep- 
ing the  house  for  Mr.  Emmet;  she  was  then  nursing  a baby,  her  other 
children  were  in  Dublin,  and  she  had  to  go  back  and  forwards  be- 
tween Butterfield-lane  and  the  place  where  her  children  were  taken 
care  of.  Anne  Devlin  was  in  the  same  capacity  in  the  house  in 
Butterfield-lane  at  different  periods.  Rose  Hope  was  a Presbyterian 
but  had  four  of  her  children  baptized  by  a Roman  Catholic  Clergy 
*nan. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


136 

thence  to  the  Widow  Bagnal’s.  Anne  Devlin  and  Miss 
Wylde,  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Mahon,  two  or  three  days  after 
went  up  to  the  mountains  in  a jingle  with  letters  for  them. 
They  found  Robert  Emmet  and  his  associates  at  the  Widow 
Bagnal’s  sitting  on  the  side  of  the  hill,  some  of  them  were  in 
their  uniform,  for  they  had  no  other  clothes. 

Robert  Emmet  insisted  on  coming  back  with  Anne  and  her 
companions,  he  parted  with  them  before  they  came  to  Rath- 
farnham,  but  Anne  Devlin  knows  not  where  he  went  that 
night,  but  in  a day  or  two  after  he  sent  for  her  to  take  a let- 
ter to  Miss  Curran,  he  was  then  staying  at  Mrs.  Palmers,  at 
Harold’s-cross. 

Major  Sirr  had  positive  information  of  Robert  Emmet’s 
place  of  concealment  at  Harold’s-cross,  he  was  directed  to  give 
a single  rap  at  the  door,  and  was  informed  that  he  would  find 
Mr.  Emmet  in  the  parlour.  She,  (Anne  Devlin),  overheard 
a conversation,  while  in  confinement  in  Kilmainham,  in  which 
it  was  stated  that  the  Major’s  informer  was  a person  who  had 
been  with  Robert  Emmet  in  the  morning.*  Biddy  Palmer 
was  very  intimate  with  him,  but  she  would  never  have  been 
untrue  to  him.  The  day  after  the  gentleman  went  away  from 
Butter  field-lane  a troop  of  yeomen  came  with  a magistrate, 
and  searched  the  house.  Every  place  was  ransacked  from  top 
to  bottom.  As  for  Anne  Devlin  she  was  seized  on  when  they 
first  rushed  in,  as  if  they  were  going  to  tear  down  the  house. 
She  was  kept  below  by  three  or  four  of  the  yeomen  with  their 
fixed  bayonets  pointed  at  her,  and  so  close  to  her  body  that 
she  could  feel  their  points.  When  the  others  came  down  she 
was  examined.  She  said  she  knew  nothing  in  the  world  about 
the  gentleman,  except  that  she  was  the  servant  maid,  where 
they  came  from,  and  where  they  went  to,  she  knew  nothing 
about,  and  so  long  as  her  wages  were  paid  she  cared  to  know 
nothing  else  about  them. 

The  magistrate  pressed  her  to  tell  the  truth,  he  threatened 
her  with  death  if  she  did  not  tell  ; she  persisted  in  asserting 
her  total  ignorance  of  Mr.  Ellis's  acts  and  movements,  and  of 
those  of  all  the  other  gentlemen.  At  length  the  magistrate 
gave  the  word  to  hang  her,  and  she  was  dragged  into  the 
court  yard  to  be  executed.  There  was  a common  car  there, 
they  tilted  up  the  shafts  and  fixed  a rope  from  the  back  band 
* The  allusion,  I believe,  is  to  a person  of  tlxe  name  of  Lacey. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


131 


>iat  goes  across  the  shafts,  and  while  these  preparations  were 
making  for  her  execution,  the  yeomen  kept  her  standing 
against  the  wall  of  the  house,  prodding  her  with  their  bay 
onets  in  the  arms  and  shoulders,  till  she  was  all  over  covered 
with  blood,  (a  young  woman  then  of  about  twenty-six  years 
of  age),  and  saying  to  her  at  every  thrust  of  the  bayonet, 
“ Will  you  confess  now  ; will  you  tell  now  where  is  Mr.  El- 
lis ?”  Her  constant  answer  was,  “ I have  nothing  to  tell,  I 
will  tell  nothing  1 ! !” 

The  rope  was  at  length  put  about  her  neck  ; she  was  drag- 
ged to  the  place  where  the  car  was  converted  into  a gallows  ; 
she  was  placed  under  it,  and  the  end  of  the  rope  was  passed 
over  the  back-band.  The  question  was  put  to  her  for  the  last 
time,  “ Will  you  confess  where  Mr.  Ellis  is  ?”  Her  answer 
was,  “ You  may  murder  me,  you  villains  ; but  not  one  word 
about  him  will  you  ever  get  from  me.”  She  had  just  time  to 
say,  “ The  Lord  Jesus  have  mercy  on  my  soul,”  when  a tre- 
mendous shout  was  raised  by  the  yeomen  : the  rope  was  pulled 
by  all  of  them,  except  those  who  held  down  the  back  part  of 
the  car,  and  in  an  instant,  she  was  suspended  by  the  neck. 
After  she  had  been  thus  suspended  for  two  or  three  minutes, 
her  feet  touched  the  ground,  and  a savage  yell  of  laughter  re- 
called her  to  her  senses.  The  rope  round  her  neck  was  loosen- 
ed, and  her  life  was  spared  : she  was  let  olf  with  half  hanging. 
She  was  then  sent  to  town,  and  brought  before  Major  Sirr. 

No  sooner  was  she  brought  before  Major  Sirr,  than  he,  in 
the  most  civil  and  coaxing  manner,  endeavoured  to  prevail  on 
her  to  give  information  respecting  Robert  Emmet’s  place  of 
concealment.  The  question  continually  put  to  her  was,  “ Well, 
Anne,  all  we  want  to  know  is,  where  did  he  go  to  from  But- 
terfield-lane  ?”  He  said  he  would  undertake  to  obtain  for  her 
the  sum  (he  did  not  call  it  reward)  of  £500,  which,  he  added, 
“ was  a fine  fortune  for  a young  woman,”  only  to  tell  against 
persons  who  were  not  her  relations  ; that  all  the  others  of 
them  had  confessed  the  truth,  (which  was  not  true,)  and  that 
they  were  sent  home  liberated,  (which  was  also  a lie). 

The  author  said  to  her  with  becoming  gravity, — “ You  took 
the  money,  of  course.”  The  look  the  woman  gave  was  one 
that  would  have  made  an  admirable  subject  for  a painter — a 
regard  in  which  wonder,  indignation,  and  misgiving  of  the 
seriousness  of  the  person  who  addressed  her,  were  blended  ; — 


188 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


“ Me  ! take  the  money — the  price  of  Mr.  Robert’s  blood  1 
No  ; I spurned  the  rascal’s  offer.” 

The  Major  continued  coaxing,  and  trying  to  persuade  her  to 
confess.  He  said,  every  thing  had  been  told  to  him  by  one  of 
her  associates.  Nay,  what’s  more,  he  repeated  word  for  word 
what  she  had  said  to  Mr.  Robert  the  night  of  the  23d,  when 
he  came  back  to  Butterfield-lane — “ Bad  welcome  to  you,” 
&c.  One  of  the  persons  present  with  him  then,  must  have  un- 
doubtedly been  an  informer.  After  she  had  been  some  time 
in  Kilmainham,  Mr.  Emmet  was  arrested,  and  sent  to  that 
prison.  Dr.  Trevor  had  frequently  talked  to  her  about  him  ; 
but  she  never  “let  on”  that  she  had  any  acquaintance  with 
him.  At  this  time  she  was  kept  in  solitary  confinement  for 
refusing  to  give  information.  One  day  the  doctor  came  and 
spoke  to  her  in  a very  good-natured  way,  and  said  she  must 
have  some  indulgence,  she  must  be  permitted  to  take  exercise 
in  the  yard.  The  turnkey  was  ordered  to  take  her  to  the 
yard,  and  he  accordingly  did  so  ; but  when  the  yard  door  was 
open,  who  should  she  see  walking  very  fast  up  and  down  the 
yard,  but  Mr.  Robert.  “ She  thought  she  would  have  drop- 
ped.” She  saw  the  faces  of  people  watching  her,  at  a grated 
window  that  looked  into  the  yard,  and  her  only  dread  was, 
that  Mr.  Robert,  on  recognizing  her,  would  speak  to  her  ; but 
she  kept  her  face  away,  and  walked  up  and  down  on  the  other 
side  ; and  when  they  had  crossed  one  another  several  times,  at 
last  they  met  at  the  end.  She  took  care,  when  his  eyes  met 
her’s,  to  have  a frown  on  her  face,  and  her  finger  raised  to  her 
lips.  He  passed  on  as  if  he  had  never  seen  her  ; but  he  knew 
her  well,  and  the  half  smile  that  came  over  his  face,  and  passed 
off  in  a moment,  could  hardly  have  been  observed,  except  by 
one  who  knew  every  turn  of  his  countenance.  The  doctor’s 
plot  failed  ; she  was  taken  back  to  her  cell,  and  there  was  no 
more  taking  of  air  or  exercise  then  for  her. 

She  was  in  Kilmainham,  a close  prisoner,  when  Robert  Em- 
met was  executed.  • She  was  kept  locked  up  in  a solitary  cell ; 
!and  indeed  always,  with  a few  exceptions,  was  kept  so  during 
her  confinement  the  first  year.  The  day  after  his  execution,  she 
was  taken  from  jail  to  the  Castle  to  be  examined,  through 
Thomas-street.  The  jailor  had  given  orders  to  stop  the  coach 
at  the  scaffold  Mfhere  Robert  Emmet  was  executed.  It  was 
stopped  there,  and  she  was  forced  to  look  at  his  blood,  which 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


139 

was  Still  plain  enough  to  be  seen  sprinkled  over  the  deal 
boards. 

At  the  latter  end  of  her  confinement,  some  gentlemen  be- 
longing to  the  Castle  had  come  to  the  jail  and  seen  her  in  her 
cell.  She  told  them  her  sad  story,  and  it  was  told  by  them  to 
the  Lord  Lieutenant.  From  that  time  her  treatment  was  al- 
together different  : she  was  not  only  allowed  the  range  of  the 
women’s  ward,  but  was  permitted  to  go  outside  of  the  prison, 
and  three  or  four  times,  accompanied  by  her  sister  and  Mrs. 
Dwyer  and  one  of  the  turnkeys,  was  taken  to  the  Spa  at  Lu- 
can, for  the  benefit  of  her  health  ; for  she  was  then  crippled 
in  her  limbs,  more  dead  than  alive,  hardly  able  to  move  hand 
or  foot. 

At  length  Mr.  Pitt  died  : it  was  a joyful  day  for  Ireland. 
The  prisons  were  thrown  open,  where  many  an  honest  person 
had  lain  since  the  month  of  July,  1803. 

The  whole  family  of  the  Devlins,  with  the  exception  of  a 
boy,  James  Devlin,  and  a girl  of  tender  years,  had  been 
thrown  into  prison  at  the  same  time  that  Anne  Devlin  was  ar- 
rested. The  old  man,  Bryan  Devlin,  his  wife,  son  and  daugh- 
ter, were  at  one  time  all  inmates  of  Kilmainham  jail.  By  Dr. 
Trevor’s  orders,  Anne  Devlin  was  kept  constantly  in  solitary 
confinement  ; and  the  plea  for  the  continuance  of  this  rigorous 
treatment  was,  the  abusive  language  which  the  prisoner  never 
failed  to  address  to  Dr.  Trevor,  when  he  made  his  appearance 
at  the  door  of  her  cell.  She  admits  that  this  was  the  fact  ; 
that  she  knew  he  was  every  thing  that  was  vile  and  bad,  and 
“ it  eased  her  mind  to  tell  him  what  she  thought.”  On  some 
occasions,  when  he  left  the  prisoner,  the  wife  of  the  jailor,  an 
Englishwoman,  used  to  come  to  her  cell,  let  her  out  privately, 
and  bring  her  to  her  own  apartments  for  an  hour  or  two  at  a 
time,  and  give  her  wine  and  nourishing  things.  This  kept  her 
alive,  and  helped  her  to  recover  her  senses.  Without  the  kind- 
ness of  the  jailor’s  wife,  she  never  could  have  recovered.  On 
one  occasion,  Dr.  Trevor  came  unexpectedly,  and  discovered 
that  she  had  been  let  out  of  her  cell.  His  rage  was  dreadful. 
He  cursed  her,  and  she  returned  his  maledictions,  curse  for 
curse. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1804,  on  some  pretence  of  enforcing 
sanatory  regulations,  Anne  Devlin  was  removed  from  the  new 
prison  at  Kilmainham,  where  her  father  was  then  confined,  and 


140 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


sent  to  the  old  jail,  and  after  some  time  was  brought  back  to 
Kilmainham.  Some  communications  between  the  father  and 
daughter  had  been  discovered,  and  in  this  way  an  end  was  put 
to  them.  The  poor  old  man  had  still  one  comfort  left  to  him. 
A young  lad,  his  favourite  child,  had  been  permitted  for  some 
time  to  remain  in  his  cell  with  him.  An  order  came  from  Dr. 
Trevor  in  the  month  of  March,  1805,  to  separate  father  and 
child.  The  latter  then  sick  in  fever,  was  torn  from  him  one 
night,  and  forced  to  walk  more  than  a mile  to  the  other  pri- 
son x)  and  the  pretence  for  this  removal  was,  that  the  boy  had 
visited  his  sister  in  the  old  prison,  and  this  was  an  infringe- 
ment of  the  sauatory  regulations  of  the  prison.  The  boy  was 
sent  to  the  old  jail,  and,  as  Dr.  Trevor  asserted,  was  humanely 
permitted  to  remain  with  his  sister  Anne.  The  poor  boy  had 
no  where  to  go  ; his  father  and  mother,  and  nearly  all  his  rel- 
atives were  in  jail.  He  had  not  been  long  removed,  when  he 
died  in  the  old  jail,  under  Dr.  Trevor’s  care.  Mr.  Edward 
Kennedy,  one  of  the  state  prisoners,  characterized  the  occur- 
rence in  question,  as  “ a very  foul  transaction.”  Dr.  Trevor,  in 
his  reply  to  the  charge,  brought  forward  his  man,  George  Dunn, 
the  jailor,  to  swear  an  affidavit  for  him,  as  he  was  wont  to  do 
on  any  occasion  when  the  doctor’s  credit  was  damaged  or  en- 
dangered.* He  likewise  produced  a turnkey  and  a jail  apo- 
thecary, to  swear  to  his  humanity.  The  latter  swore,  that  after 
the  death  of  the  boy,  when  Dr.  Trevor  came  into  the  cell, 
Anne  Devlin  was  violent  in  her  abuse  ; she  cursed  the  doctor 
when  he  spoke  to  her  of  examining  the  dead  body  of  her  brother. 

The  state  prisoners  of  Kilmainham  jail,  addressed  a memo- 
rial to  the  Viceroy,  Lord  Hardwick,  the  12th  of  August,  1804, 
complaining  of  the  hardships  they  suffered,  and  of  the  barba- 
rous and  tyrannical  conduct  of  the  Inspector  of  Prisons,  and 
Superintendent  in  particular  of  Kilmainham,  Dr.  Trevor.  This 
memorial  was  signed  by  fourteen  of  them  ; amongst  others,  by 
Messrs.  Patton,  Hickson,  Tandy,  Long  and  Mason.  The  fol- 
lowing passage  refers  to  the  treatment  of  Anne  Devlin  : — • 
“ His  treatment  of  all,  but  especially  of  one  unfortunate  state 
prisoner,  a female,  is  shocking  to  humanity,  and  exceeds  credi- 
bility. He  drives,  through  exasperation,  the  mind  to  madness, 
of  which  instances  have  already  occurred.”f 

* Vide  Dr.  Trevor’s  Statement,  p.  22. 
f Memoir  of  St.  J.  Mason’s  imprisonment,  p.  11.  Dublin:  1807. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


141 


Mr.  James  Tandy  states,  during  his  imprisonment,  “ two  of 
the  state  prisoners  were  discharged  in  a state  of  the  most  vio- 
lent delirium  and  a third,  from  the  cruelty  of  incarceration, 
was  for  a length  of  time  in  a strait  waistcoat.* 

The  extraordinary  suflferings  endured,  and  the  courage  and 
fidelity  displayed  by  this  young  woman,  have  few  parallels, 
even  in  the  history  of  those  times  which  tried  people’s  souls, 
and  called  forth  the  best,  occasionally,  as  well  as  the  basest  of 
human  feelings.  She  was  tortured,  frightfully  maltreated,  her 
person  goaded  and  pricked  with  bayonets,  hung  up  by  the 
neck,  and  was  only  spared  to  be  exposed  to  temptations,  to  be 
subjected  to  new  and  worse  horrors  than  any  she  had  under- 
gone, to  suffer  solitary  confinement,  to  be  daily  tormented  with 
threats  of  further  privations,  till  her  health  broke  down  and 
her  mind  was  shattered,  and  after  years  of  suffering  in  the 
same  prison,  when  others  of ‘her  family  were  confined  without 
any  communication  with  them,  she  was  turned  adrift  on  the 
world,  without  a house  to  return  to,  or  friends  or  relations  to 
succour  or  to  shelter  her.  And  yet,  this  noble  creature  pre- 
served through  all  her  suflferings,  and  through  forty  subsequent 
years,  the  same  devoted  feelings  of  attachment  to  that  being, 
and  his  memory,  which  she  had  exhibited  under  the  torture,  in 
her  solitary  cell  in  Kilmainham  jail,  in  her  communications 
with  the  terrorists,  and  the  petty  tyrants  of  the  Castle  and  the 
jail. 

And  yet,  the  heroism  of  this  woman  is  a matter  for  Irishmen 
of  any  rank,  aye,  of  the  highest  rank  in  the  land,  to  be  proud 
of.  The  true  nobility  of  nature  displayed  by  this  poor  crea- 
ture, of  plebeian  origin,  under  all  her  suflferings  ; the  courage 
exhibited  in  the  face  of  death,  in  the  midst  of  torture,  of  this 
low-born  woman  ; the  fidelity  and  attachment  of  this  menial 
servant  to  a beloved  master,  proof  against  all  fears,  superior  to 
all  threats  and  temptations, — will  not  be  forgotton.  The  day 
will  come,  when  the  name  of  Anne  Devlin, f the  poor  neglected 
creature  who  now  drags  out  a miserable  existence,  struggling 

* Appeal  to  the  Public.  By  James  Tandy,  p.  72.  Dublin:  1807. 

f Anne  Devlin  the  faithful  servant  of  Robert  Emmet,  has  been  now 
(1866)  dead  about  one  year,  having  ended  her  days  in  great  poverty. 
She  was  buried  in  Glasneven  Cemetery  near  the  column  recently  erect- 
ed to  O’Connell.  A few  persons  who  appreciated  her  humble  heroism 
have  placed  a monument  over  her  remains. 


142 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


with  infirmity  and  poverty,  will  be  spoken  of  with  feelings  of 
kindness,  not  unmixed  with  admiration. 

In  the  summer  of  1843,  accompanied  by  Anne  Devlin,  I 
proceeded  to  Butterfield-lane,  to  ascertain  the  fact  of  the  ex- 
istence, or  non-existence,  of  the  house  in  which  Robert  Emmet 
had  resided  for  some  months,  in  1803.  For  a length  of  time 
our  search  was  fruitless.  The  recollection  of  a locality,  at  the 
expiration  of  forty  years,  is  a very  dim  sort  of  reminiscence. 
There  was  no  house  in  the  lane,  the  exterior  of  which,  remind- 
ed my  conductress  of  her  old  scene  of  suffering.  At  lengthy 
her  eye  caught  an  old  range  of  buildings  at  some  distance,  like 
the  offices  of  a farm-house.  This  she  at  once  recognized  as 
part  of  the  premises  of  her  father,  and  she  soon  was  able  to 
point  out  the  well-known  fields  around  it,  which  had  once  been 
in  her  father’s  possession.  The  house,  alongside  of  which  we 
were  standing,  on  the  right-hand  side  of  the  lane  going  from 
Rathfarnham-road,  she  said  must  be  the  house  of  Mr.  Emmet, 
though  the  entrance  was  entirely  altered  ; however,  the  posi- 
tion of  an  adjoining  house  left  little  doubt  on  her  mind.  We 
knocked  at  the  door,  and  I found  the  house  was  inhabited  by 
a lady  of  my  acquaintance,  the  daughter  of  a Protestant 
clergyman,  who  had  been,  strange  to  say,  the  college  friend 
and  most  intimate  acquaintance  of  Robert  Emmet. 

The  lady  of  the  house,  in  whom  I discovered  an  acquaint- 
ance, left  us  in  no  doubt  on  the  subject  of  the  locality — we 
were  in  the  house  that  had  been  tenanted  by  Robert  Emmet. 
The  scene  that  ensued  is  one  more  easily  conceived  than  de- 
scribed. We  were  conducted  over  the  house  ; my  aged  com- 
panion at  first  in  silence,  and  then,  as  if  slowly  awaking  from 
a dream,  rubbing  her  dim  eyes,  and  here  and  there  standing 
for  some  moments  at  some  recognized  spot.  On  the  ground 
floor,  she  pointed  out  a small  room,  on  the  left-hand  of  the  en- 
trance, “ that’s  the  room  where  Mr.  Dowdall  and  Mr.  Hamil 
ton  used  to  sleep.”  The  entrance  has  been  changed  from 
about  the  centre  to  the  right-hand  end  ; the  window  of  a small 
room  there  has  been  converted  into  the  door-way,  and  the 
room  itself  into  tho  hall.  “ This,”  said  Anne  Devlin,  “ was 
my  room,  I know  it  well,  my  matrass  used  to  be  in  that  cor- 
ner.” There  was  one  place,  every  corner  and  cranny  of  which 
she  seemed  to  have  a familiar  acquaintance  with,  and  that  was 
the  kitchen.  On  the  upper  floor,  the  principal  bed-room  at 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


143 


the  present  time,  attracted  her  particular  attention  ; she  stood 
for  some  time  gazing  into  the  room  from  the  door-way  : I 
asked  her  whose  room  it  had  been  ? it  was  a good  while  before 
I got  an  answer  in  words,  but  her  trembling  hands,  and  the 
few  tears,  which  came  from  a deep  source,  and  spoke  of  sor 
row  of  an  old  date,  left  no  necessity  to  repeat  that  question — 
it  was  the  room  of  Robert  Emmet  : another  on  the  same  floor 
was  that  of  Russell. 

They  slept  on  matrasses  on  the  floor,  there  was  scarcely  any 
furniture  in  the  house  ; they  often  went  out  after  dark,  seldom 
or  never  in  the  day  time.  They  were  always  in  good  spirits, 
and  Mr.  Hamilton  used  often  to  sing,  he  was  a very  good 
singer  ; Mr.  Robert  sometimes  hummed  a tune,  but  he  was  no 
great  singer,  but  he  was  the  best  and  kindest  hearted  of  all  the 
persons  she  had  ever  known  : he  was  too  good  for-  many  of 
those  who  were  about  him.  Of  Russell  she  spoke  in  terms 
hardly  less  favourable  than  those  in  which  she  expressed  her 
opinions  of  Emmet.  She  mentioned  the  names  of  some  gentle- 
men who  occasionally  visited  them,  some  of  whom  are  still 
living.  At  the  rear  of  the  house,  in  the  court-yard,  she  point- 
ed out  the  spot  where  she  had  undergone  the  punishment  of 
half-hanging,  and,  while  she  did  so,  there  was  no  appearance 
of  emotions,  such  at  least  as  one  might  expect  recalled  terror 
might  produce,  but  there  were  very  evident  manifestations  of 
feelings  of  another  kind,  of  as  lively  a remembrance  of  the 
wrongs  and  outrages  that  had  been  inflicted  on  her,  as  if  they 
had  been  endured  but  the  day  before,  and  of  as  keen  a sense 
of  those  indignities  and  cruelties,  as  if  her  cowardly  assailants 
had  been  before  her,  and  those  withered  hands  of  her’s  had 
power  to  grapple  with  them. 

The  exterior  of  the  house  she  could  not  recognize,  some  of 
the  windows  had  been  altered,  an  addition  had  been  built  to  it 
at  one  end,  the  wall  round  the  court-yard  is  new,  and  the  outer 
gate,  near  the  garden  wall,  was  not  where  it  formerly  stood. 
A considerable  quantity  of  ammunition  and  some  pikes,  on  the 
night  of  the  23d,  or  the  night  following,  were  buried  in  the 
adjoining  fields,  but  the  precise  spot  where,  she  had  no  re- 
collection. 

It  only  now  remains  for  me  to  remind  my  Irish  readers  that 
Anne  Devlin  is  living  in  poverty,  and  that  those  (whatever 
may  be  their  politics)  who  think  that  fortitude  in  the  midst  of 


144 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


terrors,  and  unshaken  fidelity  to  a master  in  the  time  of  ad 
versity,  are  manifestations  of  noble  qualities,  and  worthy  of 
commendation,  may  also  remember  that  they  are  entitled  t> 
some  recompense.  No  reward  can  compensate  their  possessor 
for  her  sufferings,  but  some  assistance  may  contribute  to  her 
comfort  for  the  short  time  she  has  to  live.  The  only  assist- 
ance she  ever  got  from  any  person,  from  the  day  of  Robert 
Emmet’s  death,  was  subsequently  to  her  liberation,  when  a 
sum  of  money,  somewhere  about  ten  pounds,  was  subscribed 
for  her,  she  knows  not  by  whom,  but  it  came  into  her  hands 
through  Mr.  Edward  Kennedy,  a timber  merchant  of  New- 
street,  who  had  been  confined  in  Kilmainham. 

Trevor  was  one  of  those  men  who,  in  bad  times,  rose  from 
obscurity,  and  sustain  themselves  in  their  new  position,  on  the 
surface  of  society,  by  means  which,  at  other  periods,  would 
drag  down  the  reputation  of  any  persons,  living  under  a well- 
ordered  government,  to  the  lowest  depths  of  obloquy  and  in- 
famy. This  man  had  qualities  infinitely  baser  than  Sirr’s  ; he 
was  cruel,  vindictive,  sordid,  and  perfidious  : his  misdeeds  had 
been  frequently  complained  of  to  the  government,  the  memori- 
als against  him  were  seldom  noticed.  His  services  had  been 
acceptable  to  the  state,  and  they  had  been  amply  recom- 
pensed. He  held  a variety  of  offices — he  was  supervisor  of 
state  prisons,  physician  of  ditto,  an  agent  of  transports — he 
was  likewise  a justice  of  the  peace,  and  he  exercised  the  func- 
tions of  a suttler,  a spy,  an  informer,  and  of  inquisitor-general 
in  Kilmainham  jail.  He  was  continually  hatching  plots  to 
entrap  prisoners,  in  their  unguarded  moments,  into  admissions 
of  guilt,  or  the  implication  of  others  in  it  ; he  contrived  a plot 
to  involve  the  friends  of  the  unfortunate  Robert  Emmet  in  the 
alleged  guilt  of  endeavouring  to  effect  his  escape,  and  when 
his  dupes  were  made  acquainted  with  the  design,  “ he  station- 
ed a man  that  went  by  the  name  of  lame  Kearney,  a robber, 
in  a waste  place,  over  the  range  of  the  apartments  of  the 
state  prisoners,  where  he  (Kearney)  was  regularly  posted 
for  a fortnight,  during  which  he  bored  holes  in  the  ceiling, 
to  look  down  upon  the  prisoners,  and  to  catch  their  observa- 
tions. “ The  ear  of  Dionysius  was  not  a fable  ”*  On  another 
occasion  he  employed  two  men  of  the  second  class  of  state 
prisoners,  Doyle  and  White,  to  suggest  an  attempt  at  prison 

* Pedro  Zenono,  Inquisitor  of  Kilmainham.  Dublin,  1807,  p 24. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


145 


breaking,  with  the  view  of  bringing  in  the  military,  and  leav- 
ing them  “ to  do  their  duty”  towards  those  who  should  be 
caught  in  the  attempt.  The  plot  was  only  counteracted  by 
the  disclosure  of  it,  by  Doyle,  to  the  prisoners,  and  the  unfor- 
tuuate  man  was  punished  for  so  doing,  by  Dr.  Trevor,  by 
being  immediately  removed  in  irons,  and  sent  on  board  the 
transport  ship.  On  another  occasion,  at  six  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  the  dungeons  and  apartments  of  all  the  state  prison- 
ers were  burst  open,  the  gaoler  went  round  with  a guard  of 
soldiers,  with  fixed  bayonets,  and  one  of  the  latter  was  posted 
in  each  cell  or  room,  holding  their  muskets  over  each  prisoner 
as  he  lay  in  bed,  without  uttering  a syllable,  and,  when  this 
ceremony  had  been  gone  through  in  every  cell  or  apartment, 
the  gaoler  re-appeared,  and  searched  each  prisoner’s  effects, 
and  carried  away  all  his  papers.  These  papers  were  delivered 
to  Dr.  Trevor,  inspected  on  the  pretence  of  searching  for 
treasonable  papers,  but  in  reality  for  the  purpose  of  discover- 
ing the  original,  in  manuscript,  of  a ludicrous  song  written,  of 
which  he  was  the  subject,  which  had  become  a street  ballad, 
for  the  warbling  of  which  some  old  syrens,  not  “syrens  of  old,” 
were  sent  to  jail  for  three  months. 

On  another  occasion,  some  of  the  state  prisoners  had  trans- 
gressed one  of  the  regulations  of  the  jail,  of  trivial  importance. 
Mr.  Geo.  Dunn  behaved  brutally  on  this  occasion  to  the 
prisoners,  and,  amongst  others,  to  Mr.  Hickson  ; the  jailer 
was  knocked  down,  in  sight  of  his  patron,  by  Mr.  Hickson,  a 
gentleman  as  little  likely  to  be  guilty  of  any  act  of  unprovoked 
violence  as  any  man  I know.  Trevor  immediately  sent  off  for 
the  High  Sheriff  of  the  county,  Mr.  Luke  White,  who  soon  ar- 
rived, and  entered  the  prison  with  a file  of  armed  soldiers. 
The  conduct  of  Mr.  Luke  White  to  his  fellow-citizens  in  their 
unfortunate  position  was  rude,  arrogant,  unfeeling,  and  un- 
manly. An  investigation  had  been  ordered  by  the  orders  of 
the  Viceroy.  The  Chief  Justice  Downes,  Judge  Day,  and 
Mr.  Justice  Osborne,  were  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  com- 
plaints of  the  prisoners.  The  report  of  the  judges,  though  it 
stated  that  the  grievances  complained  of  were  exaggerated, 
recommended  various  alterations  and  ameliorations  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  prisoners,  in  fact  it  was  evident,  even  011  the  face 
of  the  report,  that  these  gentlemen,  for  the  majority  of  them 
were  such,  were  treated  with  the  most  unnecessary  severity. 


146 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


The  details  of  their  sufferings  are  heart-sickening  ; the  com- 
mon sink  overflowed  the  cells  of  some  of  them,  they  were  kept, 
except  during  two  hours  in  the  day,  locked  up  in  their  cells, 
and  the  place  which  was  used  for  certain  purposes,  wak  the 
same  to  which  they  were  led,  one  after  the  other,  in  rotation, 
to  their  meals.  All  their  hardships  they  attributed  to  the 
capricious  cruelty  and  vindictive  disposition  of  Dr.  Trevor. 
The  probability  is  the  government  knew  nothing,  and  cared 
nothing,  about  their  treatment. 

The  government  put  these  gentlemen  in  jail,  the  most  of 
them  on  suspicion,  and  several  of  them  most  assuredly  totally 
innocent  of  participation  in  Emmet’s  crime. 

Dr.  Trevor  was  the  servant  of  that  government,  and  for  his 
guilt  that  government  was  answerable. 

Mr.  Marsden,  the  under-secretary  in  1803,  in  a communica- 
tion to  Dr.  Trevor,  dated  July  19,  1808,  made  the  govern- 
ment responsible  for  his  acts,  by  stating,  that  “ he  should  be 
always  ready  to  bear  testimony  to  his  ability,  integrity,  and 
usefulness,  in  his  care  and  management  of  the  jail  and  its 
prisoners,  persuaded  that,  had  he  discharged  his  duties  with 
less  propriety,  he  would  have  had  fewer  enemies.”  Lord 
Castlereagh  likewise  made  the  government  responsible  for 
Dr.  Trevor’s  conduct  during  the  former  rebellion,  by  the  fol- 
lowing communication,  dated  from  Downing-street,  August 
18,  1808. 

“ Sir, — I have  to  acknowledge  your  letter  of  the  4th  inst., 
and  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  from  the  opportunities  I had 
of  being  acquainted  with  your  conduct  in  the  management  of 
Kilmainham  prison,  in  the  year  1198,  that  it  met  with  the 
entire  approbation  of  the  Irish  government  at  that  period.* 

“ I am,  Sir, 

“ Your  most  obedient,  humble  servt., 

“ Castlereagh. 

“ Dr.  Edward  Trevor.” 

Trevor  was  an  irritable  vindictive  man  ; and  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  some  of  his  prisoners  were  irritable,  and  perhaps, 
unreasonable  in  their  conduct  under  that  irritation.  Bernard 
Code,  and  John  Hevey,  had  suffered  enough  from  persecution 
* Dr.  Trevor’s  Statement,  page  24. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


147 


at  various  times,  to  render  men  not  only  irritable,  but  insane. 
The  former  I knew  well,  he  was  wholly  unconnected  with 
Emmet’s  affair.  Duggan  informed  me  that  he  and  Condon 
applied  to  Coile  to  know  if  he  would  take  a part  in  the  “ busi- 
ness,” and  Barney  Coile  said,  “ I will  act  constitutionally.” 
St.  John  Mason,  moreover,  the  cousin  of  Robert  Emmet,  was 
in  no  wise  implicated  in  the  conspiracy  ; this  fact  is  admitted 
by  every  person  connected  with  it  with  whom  I am  acquaint- 
ed ; and  yet  this  gentleman  was  one  of  the  state  prisoners  who 
suffered  the  greatest  hardships  ; at  one  time  he  was  three 
months  locked  up  in  his  cell,  and  shut  out  from  all  communi- 
cation with  his  fellow  prisoners.  And  Dr.  Trevor,  forsooth, 
complains,  in  his  pamphlet,  that  this  gentleman’s  temper  was 
irritable.  When  he  was  in  solitary  confinement,  conscious  of 
his  innocence,  but  sensible,  at  the  same  time,  of  the  wrongs 
done  to  him,  of  the  ruin  of  his  prospects  at  the  onset  of  his 
career,  of  the  injuries  heaped  on  his  character,  of  the  insults 
daily  offered  to  his  person,  when  he  was  encaged  like  a wild 
beast  ; treated  like  a felon,  or  worse  than  a felon,  for  the 
hatchman,  who  was  charged  with  locking  and  unlocking  the 
doors  of  his  cell,  when  his  food  was  flung  to  him,  was  a con- 
victed murderer  ; it  was  expected,  forsooth,  by  Dr.  Trevor, 
and  Mr.  Marsden,  when  their  victim  was  enraged  and  phren- 
zied  with  such  treatment,  “ when  his  brain  was  on  fire,  and 
every  fiend  of  hell  was  let  loose  on  his  heart,  he  should  then, 
it  seems,  have  placed  himself  before  his  mirror,  he  should  have 
taught  the  stream  of  agony  to  flow  decorously  down  his  fore- 
head. He  should  have,  composed  his  features  to  harmony,  he 
should  have  writhed  with  grace,  and  groaned  with  melody.” 


CHAPTER  XII. 

y 

When  Emmet  fled  to  the  mountains,  he  found  the  Wicklow 
insurgents  bent  on  prosecuting  their  plans,  and  making  an  im- 
mediate  attack  on  some  of  the  principal  towns  in  that  county, 
Emmet,  to  his  credit,  being  then  convinced  of  the.hopelessnesa 
of  the  struggle,  had  determined  to  withhold  his  sanction  from 


148 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


any  further  effort,  convinced,  as  he  then  was,  that  it  could  only 
lead  to  the  effusion  of  blood,  but  to  no  successful  issue.  His 
friends  pressed  him  to  take  immediate  measures  for  effecting 
his  escape,  but,  unfortunately,  he  resisted  their  solicitations  ; 
he  had  resolved  on  seeing  one  person  before  he  could  make  up 
his  mind  to  leave  the  country,  and  that  person  was  dearer  to 
him  than  life — Sa  rah  Curran,  the  youngest  daughter  of  the 
celebrated  advocate  John  Philpot  Curran.  With  the  hope  of 
obtaining  an  interview  with  her,  if  possible,  before  his  intended 
departure,  of  corresponding  with  her,  and  of  seeing  her  pass 
by  Harold’s-cross,  which  was  the  road  from  her  father’s  coun- 
try-house, near  Rathfarnham,  to  Dublin,  he  returned  to  his  old 
lodgings  at  Mrs.  Palmer’s.  During  the  time  he  remained 
there,  he  drew  up  a paper  which  he  intended  to  have  transmit 
ted  to  the  govern  ment,  in  the  hope  of  inducing  it  to  put  a stop 
to  the  prosecutions  and  executions  which  were  then  going  on. 
The  rough  draught  of  this  paper  was  found  in  the  room  he  oc- 
cupied when  he  was  arrested. 

The  contents  were  as  follows  : — “ it  may  appear  strange, 
that  a person  avowing  himself  to  be  an  enemy  of  the  present 
government,  and  engaged  in  a conspiracy  for  its  overthrow, 
should  presume  to  suggest  an  opinion  to  that  government  on 
any  part  of  its  conduct,  or  could  hope  that  advice,  coming 
from  such  authority,  might  be  received  with  attention.  The 
writer  of  this,  however,  does  not  mean  to  offer  an  opinion  on 
any  point  on  which  he  must,  of  necessity,  feel  differently  from 
any  of  those  whom  he  addresses,  and  on  which,  therefore  his 
conduct  might  be  doubted.  His  intention  is  to  confine  himself 
entirely  to  those  points  on  which,  however  widely  he  may  dif 
fer  from  them  in  others,  he  has  no  hesitation  in  declaring,  that 
as  a man  he  feels  the  same  interest  with  the  merciful  part,  and 
as  an  Irishman,  with  at  least  the  English  part  of  the  present 
administration  ; and,  at  the  same  time,  to  communicate  to 
them,  in  the  most  precise  terms,  that  line  of  conduct  which  he 
may  hereafter  be  compelled  to  adopt,  and  which,  however 
painful  it  must  under  any  circumstances  be,  would  become 
doubly  so  if  he  was  not  conscious  of  having  tried  to  avoid  it 
by  the  most  distinct  notification.  On  the  two  first  of  these 
points,  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  undersigned,  for  the  reason 
he  has  already  mentioned,  to  do  more  than  state,  what  govern- 
ment itself  must  acknowledge — that  of  the  present  conspiracy 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


140 


It  knows,  (comparatively  speaking)  nothing.  That  instead  of 
creating  terror  in  its  enemies,  or  confidence  in  its  friends,  it 
will  ouly  serve,  by  the  scantiness  of  its  information,  to  furnish 
additional  grounds  of  invective  to  those  who  are  but  too  ready 
to  censure  it  for  a want  of  intelligence,  which  no  sagacity 
could  have  enabled  them  to  obtain.  That  if  it  is  not  able  to 
terrify  by  a display  of  its  discoveries,  it  cannot  hope  to  crush 
by  the  weight  of  its  punishments.  Is  it  only  now  we  are  to 
learn,  that  entering  into  conspiracy  exposes  us  to  be  hanged  ? 
Are  the  scattered  instances  which  now  will  be  brought  forward 
necessary  to  exemplify  the  statute  ? If  the  numerous  and 
striking  examples  which  have  already  preceded  were  insuffi- 
cient— if  government  can,  neither  by  novelty  of  punishment 
nor  the  multitude  of  its  victims,  impress  us  with  terror,  can  it 
hope  to  injure  the  body  of  a conspiracy  so  impenetrably  woven 
as  the  present,  by  cutting  off  a few  threads  from  the  end 
of  it  ! 

“ That  with  respect  to  the  second  point,  no  system,  however 
it  may  change  the  nature,  can  affect  the  period  of  the  contest 
that  is  to  take  place  ; as  to  which,  the  exertions  of  the  United 
Irishmen  will  be  guided  only  by  their  own  opinion  of  the  eligi* 
bility  of  the  moment  for  effecting  the  emancipation  of  their 
country. 

“ That  administration ” 

On  the  25th  of  August  he  was  arrested  at  Mrs.  Palmer’s, 
at  Har old’s-cross,  at  about  seven  o’clock  in  the  evening,  by 
Major  Sirr,  who,  according  to  the  newspaper  accounts,  “ did 
not  know  his  person  till  he  was  brought  to  the  Castle,  where, 
he  was  identified  by  a gentleman  of  the  College”*  The  writers 
of  those  accounts  kuew  little  of  the  11  finesse”  of  an  Irish 
Fouche,  and  the  police  office  refinement  of  his  conduct  towards 
his  informers  on  such  occasions.f  He  played  the  same  game 
precisely  in  Russell’s  case,  at  a later  period. 

* Dr.  Elrington,  Provost  of  Trinity  College , had  been  previously 
applied  to  by  the  Major,  through  a lady,  for  a description  of  Emmet’s 
person,  and  that  description  was  furnished  by  him ! ! ! A Provost 
scanning  the  features  of  the  students  of  the  College  over  which  he 
presided,  and  furnishing  the  agents  of  police  with  the  results  of  his 
observation,  is  a new  proceeding. 

* In  1841,  the  remains  of  Major  Sirr,  the  assassin  of  “ Lord  Edward," 
were  deposited  in  St.  Werburgh’s  churchyard,  the  spot  is  marked  oul 


150 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


The  Major’s  account  of  the  arrest  of  Emmet,  as  subsequent* 
ly  given  in  evidence  on  his  trial,  was  to  the  following  effect. 
On  the  evening  of  the  25th  of  August,  he  went  to  the  house 
of  one  Palmer,  at  Harold’s  Cross  ; had  heard  there  wap  a 
stranger  in  the  back  parlour  ; rode  there  accompanied  by  a 
man  on  foot,  who  knocked  at  the  door  ; on  its  being  opened, 
by  a little  girl,  the  daughter  of  Mrs.  Palmer,  the  Major 
alighted,  and  ran  immediately  into  the  back  parlour  ; he  desir- 
ed the  woman  and  the  little  girl  to  withdraw,  and  then  asked 
the  prisoner  his  name,  he  said  his  name  was  Cunningham.  The 
man  who  accompanied  the  Major,  was  then  left  in  charge  of 
the  prisoner  by  the  Major,  while  he  went  into  the  next  room 
to  make  inquiries  of  Mrs.  Palmer,  who  said  the  prisoner’s 
name  was  Hewitt.  The  Major  went  back  and  asked  him  how 
long  he  had  been  there,  he  said  he  came  that  morning.  He 
had  attempted  to  escape  before  the  Major  returned,  for  he  was 
bloody,  and  the  man  said  he  had  knocked  him  down  with  a 
pistol.  The  Major  then  went  to  Mrs.  Palmer,  who  said  the 
prisoner  had  lodged  there  for  a month.  He  judged  he  was  a 
person  of  importance.  When  the  Major  first  went  into  the 
back  parlour  there  was  a paper  on  a chair  which  he  seized,  (the 
paper  intended  to  have  been  transmitted  to  the  government). 
The  Major  then  went  to  the  canal  bridge  for  a guard,  having 

in  the  East  corner  by  a broken  flag  with  a short  inscription,  and  sha- 
ded by  a melancholy  tree.  The  stone  does  not  exactly  state  that  the 
town  Major  of  ’98  was  buried  under  it,  and  appears  to  have  been 
originaly  placed  over  the  corpse  of  his  father  who  preceded  him  in  that 
office,  and  was  also  distinguished  by  his  bad  character,  a fact  unknown 
to  the  biographers  of  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald.  A more  infamous  tool 
than  Henry  Charles  Sirr,  was  probably  never  employed  by  any  gov- 
ernment, the  bare  relation  of  his  atrocities  would  far  exceed  the  wild- 
est fiction  which  ever  emanated  from  the  brain  of  the  most  morbid 
romancist.  The  horrors  of  Continental  cruelties,  and  secret  tortures, 
depicted  in  the  terrible  pages  of  Lewis,  Radcliffe,  or  Ainsworth,  dwindle 
into  insignificance  when  contrasted  with  the  perpetrations  of  Sirr  and 
his  bloodstained  associates  during  the  Irish  reign  of  terror.  “ It  was 
at  that  sad  crisis.”  said  Curran,  that  the  defendant,  from  an  obscure 
individual  started  into  notice  and  consequence.  It  is  in  the  hot  bed 
of  public  calamity,  that  such  portentous  and  inauspicious  products  are 
accelerated  without  being  matured.  From  being  a town  Major  a 
name  scarcely  legible  in  the  list  of  public  incumbrances,  he  became  at 
once  invested  with  all  the  real  powers  of  the  most’absolute  authority 
The  life  and  liberty  of  every  man  seemed  to  be  given  up  to  his  dis 
posal.  “ The  Streets  of  Dublin,"  from  the  Irish  Quarterly  Review. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


151 


desired  them  to  be  in  readiness  as  he  passed  by.  He  planted 
a sentry  over  the  prisoner,  and  desired  the  non-commissioned 
officer  to  surround  the  house  with  sentries,  while  he  searched 
it.  I then  examined  Mrs.  Palmer  and  took  down  her  account 
of  the  prisoner,  during  which  time  I heard  a noise,  as  if  an 
escape  was  attempted.  I instantly  ran  to  the  back  of  the 
house,  as  the  most  likely  part  for  him  to  get  out  at  ; I saw  him 
going  off,  and  ordered  a sentinel  to  fire,  and  then  pursued  my- 
self, regardless  of  the  order.  The  sentry  snapped,  but  the 
musket  did  not  go  off.  I overtook  the  prisoner,  and  he  said, 
“ I surrender.”  I searched  him,  and  found  some  papers  upon 
him. 

On  the  Major’s  expressing  concern  at  the  necessity  of  the 
prisoner’s  being  treated  so  roughly,  he  (the  prisoner)  observed 
“ that  all  was  fair  in  war.”  The  prisoner,  when  brought  to  the 
Castle,  acknowledged  that  his  name  was  Emmet.* 

In  the  remarkable  series  of  papers  published  in  the  “ Dublin 
and  London  Magazine,”  of  1825,  entitled,  “Robert  Emmet  and 
his  Contemporaries,”  to  which  I have  already  referred,  there 
is  an  account  of  one  of  the  latter,  who  is  called  by  his  Chris- 
tian name  Malachy,  who  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  fore- 
most persons  in  preparing  the  minds  of  the  Wicklow  men  for 
another  struggle,  previous  to  Robert  Emmet’s  operations.  The 
father  of  this  Malachy,  and  of  another  son  Bryan,  the  author 
states,  lived  in  the  County  Wicklow,  and,  I infer,  from  his  ac- 
count, some  where  in  the  vicinity  of  Enniskerry.  His  position 
was  that  of  a country  gentleman,  and  his  sons  appear  to  have 
been  employed  in  superintending  his  affairs.  The  family  were 
Catholics,  and  possessed  much  influence  over  the  poor  of  their 
persuasion  in  the  neighbourhood.  Their  place  of  residence  was 
dignified  with  the  name  of  Castle  ; but  is  described  as  a 
“ Castle  rack-rent”  in  its  condition  and  its  appearance.  The 
face  of  Malachy,  the  author  says,  was  one  which  once  beheld 
could  never  be  forgotton.  He  is  represented  as  a bold,  plau- 
sible and  talented  man,  of  a remarkably  fine  and  symmetrical 
person,  and  a most  forbidding  aspect  ; his  face  was  seamed,  or 
rather  harrowed  into  prominent  ridges  with  the  small  pox  ; 
and  his  features  were  large,  coarse,  and  strongly  marked.  He 
always  dressed  in  the  height  of  fashion,  and  was  particularly 
neat  in  his  attire.  The  other  brother,  Bryan,  was  a sot,  bu* 
* Ridgeway’s  Report  cf  the  Trial  of  Robert  Emmet,  page  75. 


152 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


in  every  other  respect,  but  that  of  temperance,  was  a bettei 
man  than  Malachy. 

Previous  to  the  outbreak,  an  act  of  treachery,  ascribed  by 
the  author  to  Malachy,  led  to  the  arrest  of  some  of  his  com- 
panions in  Wicklow.  On  the  night  of  the  23rd,  he  is  repre- 
sented as  one  of  the  few  leaders  who  came  dressed  in  the  rebel 
uniform,  and  accompanied  Robert  Emmet  from  the  Depot  to 
the  Market-house  in  Thomas-street.  Malachy  is  stated  to  have 
been  very  desirous  to  have  tired  the  other  rockets  which  were 
to  be  the  signals  for  those  who  were  waiting  to  join  Emmet’s 
party,  in  the  Barley-fields,  (now  Mountjoy-square),  the  Coal- 
quay,  and  other  places.  Emmet  is  said  to  have  prevented  his 
doing  so,  saying  let  no  lives  be  unnecessarily  lost.  Bryan  is 
represented,  on  the  night  of  the  23rd,  as  having  fallen  in 
Thomas-street,  and  Malachy  in  disguise  having  been  taken  pri- 
soner. But  he  had  not  been  long  in  prison  when  he  was  lib- 
erated, and  met  the  writer  of  the  account  in  question.  He 
stated  that  he  had  some  very  important  information  to  com- 
municate to  Emmet,  and  got  his  address  from  the  former.  But 
this  person  had  no  sooner  given  it,  than  it  flashed  across  his 
mind  there  was  treachery  at  work,  that  Malachy’s  release  from 
prison  was  for  no  good  purpose.  He,  accordingly,  lost  little 
time  in  proceeding  to  Harold’s  Cross,  after  he  parted  with  Mal- 
achy, but,  on  his  arrival,  he  saw  crowds  round  the  house,  and 
military  in  front  of  it,  and  soon  after  Emmet  was  led  forth, 
“ betraying  no  signs  of  fear  or  perturbation,  but  evincing  the 
same  calm  and  dignified  aspect  which  ever  distinguished  this 
extraordinary  young  man.” 

Leonard,  the  old  gardener  of  Dr.  Emmet,  told  me  the  in- 
former against  Mr.  Emmet  was  generally  supposed  by  the 
friends  of  the  latter  to  have  been  one  of  the  state  prisoners,  of 
the  name  of  Malachy,  who  was  let  out  of  Newgate,  where  he 
was  confined,  for  the  purpose  of  finding  out  Emmet’s  retreat  ; 
and  that  Malachy  got  information  from  a French  emigrant, 
who  was  acquainted  with  Robert  Emmet,  of  his  being  at  Har- 
old’s Cross.  There  is  an  account  in  the  Dublin  papers  of  the 
arrest  of  a French  emigrant  on  the  night  after  the  outbreak  in 
Dame-street,  by  Major  Sirr. 

The  London  Chronicle , of  October  the  8th  and  10th,  1803, 
cites  the  following  paragraph  from  the  Dublin  papers  of  the 
4th  of  October. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


153 


u Malachy  Delany,  Esq.,  of  the  County  of  Kildare,  who  was 
tried  aud  acquitted  at  the  last  assizes  of  the  County,  and  ar- 
rested on  Friday  last,  in  consequence  of  information  given  to 
Major  Sirr,  and  committed  to  Kilmainham  jail.” 

The  reader  is  furnished  with  all  the  information  which  1 am 
able  to  lay  before  him  respecting  the  person  referred  to,  as  1 
presume,  by  Leonard,  and  in  the  publications  above  cited. 

There  was  a gentleman  of  the  name  of  Carty,  or  Carthy, 

arrested  soou  after  the  outbreak  in  J uly,  of  whom  Mr.  II , 

one  of  the  state  prisoners,  made  mention  to  me,  in  an  account 
of  some  of  the  persons  in  confinement  whom  he  had  previously 
met  at  Mr  Long’s,  in  Crow-street.  This  gentleman  informed 
me,  that  some 'time  previous  to  the  23d  of  July,  he  had  sup- 
ped at  Philip  Long’s  with  Emmet,  Cloney,  Carthy,  Allen, 
Gray,  and  Hughes.  Carthy  had  been  engaged  in  the  former 
rebellion  ; he  was  a sort  of  a gentleman.  Trevor,  in  Kilmain- 
ham, when  in  jail,  one  day  was,  in  conversation  with  Mr. 

H , very  desirous  of  getting  an  admission  from  him  of  his 

knowledge  of  the  parties  engaged  in  Emmet’s  business.  Mr. 
H — — was  protesting  his  ignorance  of  the  plans  of  the  former 
when  Trevor,  in  a whisper  said,  “ With  whom  did  you  sup  at 
Long’s  on  such  a night  ?” — naming  the  particular  occasion 

above  referred  to.  Mr.  H was  astonished,  and  well 

might  be  so.  Carthy  was  then  kept  in  confinement  in  a house 
where  informers  used  to  be  domiciled  in  1798  ; but  in  1803 
many  persons  of  a very  different  kind  had  been  confined  there  : 
this  place  was  called  the  “ Stag  House  it  was  opposite  to 
Kilmainham  jail.  Carty,  however,  was  not  suspected,  but  an- 
other individual  was,  who  was  then  confined  in  the  jail.  A 
convict  of  the  name  of  Darby  used  to  wait  on  the  state  prison- 
ers ; this  man  told  some  of  them  that  a certain  person  in  the 
jail,  on  a particular  day,  had  been  writing  a statement  for  Dr. 
Trevor,  containing  information  respecting  the  insurrection. 
The  person  was  invited  into  their  rooms,  and  Nicholas  Gray, 
after  the  punch  had  circulated  freely,  took  the  paper  from  his 
pocket  ! 

Mr.  Leonard  M'Nally,  the  barrister,  is  said  by  some  others 
— on  what  grounds  I know  not — to  be  the  person  from  whom 
the  information  of  Emmet’s  place  of  concealment  was  obtained. 
In  times  like  those  which  are  referred  to,  when  treason  in  all 
its  motley  forms  is  in  active  operation,  it  necessarily  happens 


154 


MEMOIR  or  ROBERT  EMMET. 


that  men,  bewildered  by  the  proofs  of  perfidy  which  are  con* 
stantly  brought  before  them,  without  knowing  from  what 
quarter  the  treachery  proceeds,  in  proportion  as  they  have 
been  credulous,  become  distrustful,  and  fly  from  one  extreme 
to  another.  Hence,  their  suspicions  are  often  groundless,  and 
the  parties  who  have  violated  confidence  often  remain  not  only 
undiscovered,  but  unsuspected,  while  those  who  have  continued 
faithful  and  only  solicitous  about  the  consciousness  of  their 
fidelity  are  looked  upon  with  doubt,  and  not  unfrequently  with 
something  more. 

It  may  tend  to  turn  those  ill-founded  suspicions  to  a quarter 
where  perfidy,  duly  recognized  and  recompensed,  is  officially 
recorded,  to  show  who  were  the  parties  who  were  receivers  of 
6ecret-service  money  in  1802-3.  The  following  are  some  of 
the  items  in  the  secret-service  money  list  : — 


February  6,  1802,  Major  Sirr,  for  John  Beckett, 
three  others,  and  Dan  Car — in  full  of  their 
claims  oh  Government,  - - - <£328  8 

February  20,  1802,  Major  Sirr,  for  Mrs.  O’Brien 
John  Neile,  Francis  Devlin,  and  two  others 
— in  full  of  their  claims,  - - - 300  0 

May  2,  1803,  Mr.  Marsden,  for  Quigley,  40  0 

June  13,  1803,  Major  Sirr,  for  Heydeu,  22  15 

August  25,  1803,  Mr.  Pollock,  for  L.  M.,  110  0 

September  14,  1803,  Mr.  Marsden,  for  L M.,  100  0 

October  13,  1803,  Dr  Trevor,  for  Ryan  and 

Mahaffey,  - 100  0 

October  15,  Major  Sirr,  for  informer  for  Howley 

and  Condon,  - - - 66  It 

November  1,  Finlay  and  Co.,  account  of  Richard 

Jones,  , - - 1000  0 


9 


0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

6 

0 


The  last-mentioned  item,  there  can  be  little  doubt,  was  the 
reward  for  the  apprehension  of  Robert  Emmet,  paid  into  Fin- 
lay’s Bank  to  the  account  of  the  person  named,  Richard 
Jones,  to  be  handed  over  by  him  to  the  informer.  The  cir- 
cumstance of  lodging  the  money  in  this  case  in  the  hands  of  a 
banker  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the  informer  was  not  a 
person  in  an  humble  rank  of  life.  There  are  persons  who 
would  be  able  to  state  who  the  gentleman  was,  of  the  name  of 


MEMOIR  OF  RO-BKRT  EMMET. 


155 


Richard  Jones,  who  had  an  account  open  in  Finlay’s  Bank,  in 
1803.  Who  the  informer  was,  remains  unknown.  The  only 
object  in  desiring  that  the  name  of  the  informer  should  be 
known  is,  that  the  names  of  persons  suspected  unjustly  should 
be  rescued  from  that  unfouuded  suspicion. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Previous  to  the  trial  of  Robert  Emmet,  an  attempt  was. 
made  to  effect  his  escape  from  prison.  Arrangements  had: 
been  made,  in  the  event  of  the  success  of  this  attempt,  to  have 
been  conveyed  on  board  a vessel  called  the  Erin,  from  which 
he  was  to  have  been  landed  at  some  continental  port. 

The  principal  agent  through  whom  the  negotiations  were 
carried  on  in  Kilmainham,  was  Mr.  St.  John  Mason,  the 
cousin  of  Robert  Emmet.  From  this  gentleman  I received 
the  following  information  of  that  attempt  and  its  failure.  The 
documents  which  are  subjoined  to  his  account,  disclose  the 
whole  proceedings  of  the  persons  who  were  parties  to  the  pro- 
posed attempt.  One  of  these  documents,  bearing  the  signa- 
ture of  “ Yerax,”  there  can  be  no  impropriety  now  in  stating, 
was  written  by  Mr.  St.  John  Mason.  It  is  needless  to  offer 
any  comment  on  the  barbarity  of  the  conduct  of  those  persons 
who  suffered  the  hopes  of  the  unfortunate  prisoner  to  be  raised, 
and  when  they  had  been  wound  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  ex- 
pectation, dashed  them  to  the  ground,  and  claimed  the  merit 
of  a faithful  adherence  to  their  duty.  Where  could  this  wick- 
edness have  been  perpetrated  and  rewarded,  except  in 
Ireland  ? 

“ Mr.  St.  John  Mason  informs  me,  that  he  received  a note 
from  Robert  Emmet,  stating,  that  he  wished  him  to  offer 
George  Dunu,  a sum  of  money,  from  .£500  to  £1000,  on  the 
condition  of  his  favouring  and  effecting  his  (Robert  Emmet’s) 
escape. 

“ Mason  made  a communication  to  G.  Dunn,  to  which  the 
latter  agreed.  The  idea  originated  with  Trevor  and  George 
Dunn,  and  by  some  means — (by  the  means  of  the  turn- 


156 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMmET. 


key  M'Sally,  I am  informed  bv  another  of  the  state  prisoners} 
— were  communicated  to  Emmet.  Mason  wrote  to  Robert 
Emmet  to  recommend  him  to  have  the  money  not  given  at 
once  to  Dunn,  but  to  have  it  secured  to  him,  and  not  to  think 
of  Dunn’s  accompanying  him.  The  project  fell  to  the  ground  ; 
all  the  letters  of  Mason  were  sent  to  the  Secretary  of  State.” 

Extract  from  “ The  Times”  December  9,  1841  : 
Robert  Emmet  and  the  Gaoler  of  Kilmainham. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Times. 

“ Paris,  Decp.mber  2 d. 

“ Sir — The  London  newspapers  which  arrived  here  on 
Monday,  contained  the  following  article  : — 

“ ‘ Extract  of  a letter  from  Dublin,  November  27.  Mr.  G. 
Dunn,  the  Governor  of  Kilmainham  Prison,  Dublin,  for  the 
last  forty  years,  expired  on  Thursday,  leaving  a numerous 
family  behind  him.  When  Emmet  was  under  his  charge  for 
high  treason,  an  immense  sum  of  money,  by  way  of  bribe,  with 
an  offer  of  a free  passage  to  America,  was  made  him,  if  he  al 
lowed  his  prisoner  to  go  free  ; but  the  honesty  of  Mr.  Dunn 
spurned  the  bribe.’ 

“ Mr.  George  Dunn,  the  person  above-mentioned,  had  not 
been  the  Governor  of  Kilmainham  Prison,  Dublin,  for  the  last 
forty  years.  The  rest  about  Robert  Emmet  is  pure  invention. 
The  facts  which  suggested  this  posthumous  praise  of  George 
Dunn  are  these  : — 

“ Robert  Emmet  was  taken  from  the  bar  of  the  Court- 
house, Green-street,  Dublin,  to  the  prison  of  Newgate,  at  (if  I 
remember  rightly)  about  nine  o’clock  at  night,  of  the  — of 
October,  1803,  after  having  been  sentenced  to  death.  Im- 
mediately on  his  entrance  within  the  walls  of  the  prison,  the 
then  governor  (Gregg)  either  from  precaution,  excess  of  zeal, 
or  stimulated  by  a brutal  disposition,  loaded  him  with  irons, 
and,  I believe,  placed  him  in  a cell.  At  half-past  twelve 
o’clock,  however,  an  order  arrived  from  the  Secretary  of  State 
(the  late  Mr.  Wickham)  that  the  prisoner  be  removed  to  Kil- 
mainham jail,  ostensibly  to  bring  him  nearer  to  the  intended 
place  of  execution  (Thomas-street,  opposite  Bridgefoot-street), 
but  in  reality  for  safe  keeping. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


151 


“ The  governor  of  Kilmainham  prison  at  that  day,  was  a 
person  named  Dunn,  uncle  of  him  mentioned  in  the  above  ex- 
tract, who  was  then  only  a turnkey.  Dunn,  the  governor,  was 
a man  apparently  rough  and  savage,  but  at  bottom,  humane 
and  kind.  Robert  Emmet  had  scarcely  been  committed  to 
his  custody,  when  his  eyes  fell  upon  the  fetters  with  which  the 
prisoner  (a  slight  young  man)  was  loaded.  The  tears  burst 
from  his  eyes  ; for  he  saw  that  the  irons  had  cut  through  the 
silk  stockings  worn  by  Emmet,  and  to  the  bone — his  ancles 
were  bathed  with  blood. 

“ Dunn’s  kindness  did  not  stop  here.  He  ordered  refresh- 
ments for  his  ill-fated,  but  deeply-interesting  charge,  of  which 
he  stood  much  in  need,  after  a trial  of  eleven  hours,  during  the 
whole  of  which  time  he  stood,  and  not  having,  from  an  early 
hour  in  the  morning  that  preceded  it,  tasted  food.  He  order- 
ed him  to  be  placed  in  one  of  the  best  rooms  of  the  prison,  and 
directed  that  every  comfort  he  desired  should  be  supplied  him, 
and  continued  his  kindness  up  to  the  moment  when  the  prison- 
er, thanking  him  for  his  humanity,  left  the  prison  for  the 
8caffold. 

“ I wish  not  to  refer  to  certain  incidents  in  the  after  life  of 
George  Dunn,  now  so  indiscreetly  brought  before  the  public. 
It  will  be  enough  for  me  to  remind  your  readers,  that  his  name 
occurred  in  the  proceedings  against  Brock  and  Pelham  in  the 
first  Mayoralty  or  Shrievalty  of  Alderman  Matthew  Wood,  of 
London.  The  alleged  offer  of  a bribe  to  that  or  any  other 
person,  to  connive  at  the  prisoner’s  escape,  is  obviously  an  un- 
truth. In  the  first  place,  Emmet  was  removed  unexpectedly 
and  after  midnight  from  Newgate  to  the  custody  of  Dunn  the 
elder,  and  brought  out  for  execution  only  ten  hours  afterwards. 
(Justice  was  promptly  executed  in  those  days.)  No  time  re- 
mained, therefore,  for  tampering  with  the  jailer  after  the  fact 
of  the  prisoner’s  removal  to  Kilmainham  could  have  become 
known  to  his  friends  ; and  in  reality,  the  nearest  friends  and 

connexions  of  Robert  Emmet  (Mr.  H , the  barrister,  Mr. 

P , and  others)  capable  of  making  that  effort,  were  them- 

selves inmates  of  Kilmainham  jail,  on  suspicion  of  guilty  know- 
ledge of  the  conspiracy  which  burst  forth  into  insurrection  on 

the  23d  of  July  previously 

“ I have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir,  &c., 

“ B.  W.” 


158 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Extract  from  “ The,  Times ,”  February „ 1843. 
Robert  Emmet  and  the  Gaoler  of  Kiljiainham. 


“ To  the  Editor  of  1 the  Times? 

“ Bath,  February  12,  1842. 

“ Sir, — The  writer  of  this  letter  begs  leave  to  state,  that  in 
several  recent  numbers  of  The  Times,  certain  extracts  from 
Dublin  newspapers  have  been  inserted,  concerning  the  unfortu- 
nate Robert  Emmet  and  the  late  George  Dunn,  jailer  of  Kil- 
mainham,  to  the  following  effect  : — 

“ ‘ That  when  Robert  Emmet  was  under  the  charge  of  Mr. 
Dunn,  for  high  treason,  an  immense  sum  of  money,  by  way  of 
bribe,  with  an  offer  of  a free  passage  to  America,  was  made 
him,  if  he  allowed  his  prisoner  to  go  free  ; but  the  honesty  of 
Mr.  Dunn  spurned  the  bribe.’ 

“ Those  extracts  having  so  appeared  in  The  Times,  and 
being,  substantially,  perversions  of  facts,  it  is  respectfully  sub- 
mitted, that  in  fairness,  the  truth  should  be  spread  commen- 
surately  with  the  mis-statement  ; and  that  it  should  likewise 
go  forth  to  the  public  through  the  same  great  organ  of  intelli- 
gence, and  its  vast  circulation,  whereby  that  mis-statement  had 
been  already  so  widely  diffused. 

“ The  matter  of  present  consideration  is,  the  conduct  of 
George  Dunn,  as  to  the  attempted  escape  of  Robert  Emmet, 
in  relation  to  which,  manifold  have  been  the  laudations  squan- 
dered upon  the  memory  of  Dunn.  The  following  is  the 
truth  : — 

“ A proposition  was  unquestionably  made  to  George  Dunn, 
and  a certain  sum  of  money — a bribe,  no  doubt — was  offered, 
for  his  aid  and  instrumentality  towards  effecting  the  escape  of 
Robert  Emmet.  But,  contrary  to  the  statements  in  the  news- 
papers, that  proposition  and  that  bribe  were  not  ‘ spurned  at 
by  Dunn.’  The  proposition  was  entertained,  and  a positive 
assurance  given  by  him,  that  he  would  1 do  every  thing  in  his 
power  to  effect  the  escape.’  There  is  no  individual  living,  nor 
has- there  ever  been  any  other,  save  Dunn  himself,  who  had 
personally  known,  or  who  at  present  knows  those  facts,  but  he 
who  now  states  them,  and  who  freely  admits,  as  he  has  always 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


159 


admitted,  that  he  did  make  that  proposition.  No  third  person 
was  ever  present,  no  money  was  ever  paid  to  Dunn,  and  no 
offer  was  ever  made  of  a free  passage  to  America.  But,  in 
fact,  throughout  the  transaction,  Dunn,  so  far  from  acting  with 
integrity,  practised  the  foulest  perfidy.  The  transaction  itself 
occurred,  not  after  the  trial  of  Emmet,  but  several  days  before 
it  ; and  Dunn  had  neither  the  power  nor  the  means  of  accom- 
plishing the  escape,  though  he  had  given  reason  to  suppose 
that  he  possessed  both,  and  had,  with  the  semblance  of  sin- 
cerity, faithfully  promised,  if  possible,  to  effect  it.  He  was,  in 
fact,  at  the  time,  neither  the  jailer  of  Kilmainham,  nor  even 
the  confidential  turnkey  at  the  entrance  gate  : he  was  merely 
the  turnkey  and  attendant  of  the  interior  department  where 
the  state  prisoners  were  confined.  But  even  if  he  had  been 
the  jailer,  he  could  not  have  effected  the  escape  ; for  there  was 
another  person,  since  dead,  who,  in  the  guise,  and  under  the 
* covert  and  convenient-seeming,’  of  a doctor,  had  a paramount 
authority  in  the  prison — a man  who  appeared  there  a!s  the  in- 
spector (or  rather  the  haunting  spectre)  of  the  jail — an  incubus 
sojourning  therein*  day  and  night,  about  sixteen  hours'  out  of 
the  twenty-four,  and  who,  also  acting  as  the  government  over- 
seer or  superintendent  of  the  state  prisoners,  commanded  even 
the  jailer. 

“The  jailer  at  that  time  was  John  Dunn  ; and  though  a 
namesake,  was  not  the  uncle  of,  nor  in  any  way  related  to, 
George  Dunn  : the  former  having  been  a native  of  a mid- 
land county  in  England,  the  latter  of  Berwick-upon-Tweed. 
On  the  death  of  John  Dunn,  two  persons,  named  Stephenson 
and  Simpson,  successively  filled  the  jailership  previously  to 
George  Dunn.  He  could  not,  therefore,  as  jailer,  have  had 
the  custody  of  Robert  Emmet,  and  could  not,  consequently, 
have  had  the  ability  ascribed  to  him  of  effecting  the  escape  ; 
and  in  his  own  station,  such  was  impossible,  though  his  inability 
was  not  then  so  well  known  as  afterwards. 

“ But  properly  to  understand  this  question,  which  is  actually 
one  of  official  intrigue  and  peculation,  it  is  requisite,  in  regard 
to  the  machinations  which,  in  conjunction  with  others,  Dunn 
practised  on  the  attempted  escape  of  Robert  Emmet,  again  to 
refer  to  the  personage  already  alluded  to,  as  the  superin- 
tendent of  the  state  prisoners,  and  who  was  at  that  period 


160 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


well  kuown  as  the  celebrated  Pedro  Zendono,  the  inquisitoi 
of  Kilmainham. 

“ Of  this  man’s  inhuman  conduct  towards  the  state  prison- 
ers, this  writer  had  bitter  knowledge  and  experience  for  more 
than  two  years  ; which  brutal  Conduct  has,  before  three  of  the 
supreme  judges,  been  verified  by  the  solemn  oaths  of  more 
than  twenty  state  prisoners,  and  afterwards,  by  the  exertions 
of  this  writer,  became  the  subject  of  parliamentary  investiga- 
tion by  Sheridan.  And  the  deeds  of  this  prison  tyrant,  to- 
gether with  those  of  his  helpmate  Dunn,  are  now  among  the 
records  of  parliament. 

“ This  individual,  to  whom  Downshire  had  the  honour  of 
giving  birth,  having  become  enamoured  of  a handsome  female, 
certain  circumstances  made  it  desirable  that  the  young  woman 
should  speedily  become  a wife  ; and  he  accordingly  bestowed 
her  upon  his  brother  soldier,  George  Dunn,  then  a pedestrian 
campaigner  in  a militia  regiment  ; with  the  condition,  however, 
that  the  lover  and  the  husband  of  this  spotless  wife,  should 
alike  participate  in  her  favours  ; and  also  with  the  further 
stipulation,  that  the  lover  should,  on  the  first  occasion  which 
offered,  obtain  a post  for  me  husband  in  the  jail  of  Kilmain- 
ham, and  if  possible,  have  him  in  time  advanced  to  the  jailer- 
ship. 

“ Those  little  interchangeable  acts  of  friendship  having  con- 
tinued during  the  life  of  the  happy  lady,  both  without  aud 
within  the  prison — where  the  bower  of  bliss  was  the  sheriff’s 
execution-room, — George  Dunn  accordingly  became  the  turn- 
key of  the  state  prisoners,  and,  in  fulness  of  time,  the  jailer  of 
Kilmainham. 

“ At  the  period  of  the  present  transaction,  George  Dunn, 
though  only  a turnkey,  was,  from  his  position  in  the  prison, 
admitted  to  the  honours  of  the  sittings  with  the  Grand  Inqui- 
sitor and  the  nominal  jailer,  John  Dunn,  who,  though  other- 
wise a good  man,  then  weakly  lent  himself  to  the  machina- 
tions of  the  other  parties.  Accordingly,  about  one  week  be- 
fore the  trial  of  Robert  Emmet,  it  was  planned  that  George 
Duun  should  have  a conversation  with  him  respecting  his 
escape.  Whereupon,  several  communications,  by  open  slips  of 
paper,  iu  the  hand-writing  of  Robert  Emmet,  was  conveyed  to 
this  writer,  and  answers  returned  by  an  under  turnkey,  a con- 
victed felon,  whom  the  inquisitor  craftily  used  as  the  bearer  in- 


MEMOIR  0*  ROBERT  EMMET. 


161 


stead  of  Dunn  : in  one  of  which  slips  of  paper,  Robert  Em- 
met requested  this  writer,  then  in  an  adjoining  cell,  to  apply 
to  George  Dunn,  specifically  naming  him,  and  in  conspicuous 
characters,  and  to  olfer  him  a certain  sum  of  money,  as  stated 
in  such  slip  of  paper,  if  he  (Dunn)  would  effect  his  liberation  ; 
the  sum  so  offered,  to  be  well  and  faithfully  secured  to  Dunn, 
and  payable  only  when  the  liberation  should  have  been  effected. 

“The  writer  of  this  paper  saw  the  peril  and  difficulty,  not 
only  of  the  attempt  itself  on  the  part  of  Robert  Emmet,  but 
he  also  saw  his  own  peril  in  making  the  application.  He  saw 
that  he  was  about  to  commit  himself,  as  principal  in  a case  of 
high  treason,  the  consequences  of  which  were  not,  and  could 
not  be  unknown  to  him.  However,  upon  receiving  that  par- 
ticular communication,  he  did  not,  for  a single  moment,  hesi- 
tate as  to  what  he  should  do  ; and  the  very  first  opportunity 
wE‘|h  offered,  he  made  the  application. 

“ In  doing  so,  he  admits  his  legal  guilt ; but  as  to  any 
moral  guilt,  he  feels  but  little  compunction.  His  only  regret 
is,  that  he  failed  in  the  attempt.  What  were  his  motives  ? 
Robert  Emmet  was  his  first  cousin,  and  the  ties  of  nature  are 
not  easily  broken.  He  had  a great  and  noble  heart.  He 
shared  with  the  rest  of  his  family,  those  transcendant  talents, 
which  have  acquired  for  the  name  of  Emmet  an  imperishable 
renown.  But,  above  all,  he  was  then  upon  the  threshold  of 
the  grave,  the  finger  of  death  was  almost  upon  him  ; and 
where  lives  the  man,  having  a human  heart  within  him,  who 
would  not,  under  such  circumstances,  have  made  a similar  at- 
tempt ? If  the  writer  of  this  was  a criminal,  he  feels  proud 
that  he  was  equally  so  with  a Hutchinson  and  Wilson. 

“ However,  Dunn  received  the  proposition,  including  the 
specification  of  the  sum  which  would  be  given,  in  a way  which 
showed,  as  soon  after  proved,  that  he  had  been  previously 
trained  by  his  employer  to  expect  it.  He  entertained  that 
proposition,  and  he  treacherously  promised  to  effect  the  escape. 

“ The  sum  of  money  which  had  been  actually  offered  to 
Dunn,  is,  in  the  Dublin  extracts,  magnified  into  that  of  <£6000, 
as  a strengthening  proof  of  his  incorruptible  integrity.  But, 
if  only  oue-fourth  of  that  sum  had  been  stated,  it  would  have 
come  nearer  to  the  truth.  However,  the  mere  amount  is  not 
the  question — the  treachery  of  Dunn  is  the  point ; and,  ex- 
cept as  regards  that,  the  refusal  or  non-refusal  of  any  sum  is 


162 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


altogether  immaterial.  He  was  to  receive  his  reward  onlj 
upon  the  condition  of  accomplishing  a particular  object — and 
that  object,  he  well  knew,  was  impracticable  ; so  that,  even 
if  he  had  refused  the  bribe — ( which  he  did  not) — where 
would  have  been  his  merit  ? He  would  then  have  refused  a 
reward,  which  he  knew  that  he  never  could  obtain,  except  by 
the  performance  of  a condition  which  he  also  knew  that  he 
never  could  accomplish. 

“But,  in  promotion  of  the  plans  concerted  by  the  trium- 
virate, the  inquisitor,  knowing  the  relationship  between  Rob- 
ert Emmet  and  this  writer,  permitted  a degree  of  intercourse 
to  exist  between  them.  He  permitted  the  correspondence 
already  stated.  He  permitted  Robert  Emmet  to  receive  from 
this  writer,  through  Dunn,  a supply  of  clothes,  which  were  in 
fact  those  that  he  wore  upon  his  trial.  He  also  permitted 
him,  under  the  conduct  of  Dunn,  to  stop  in  the  passage  lead- 
ing to  this  writer’s  cell,  which  was  purposely  in  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  his  kinsman  : and,  with  the  eye  and  ear  of 
Dunn  vigilantly  watching,  he  permitted  Robert  Emmet  to  con- 
verse from  the  passage,  and  to  shake  hands  with  this  writer 
through  the  grated  window  of  his  cell.  And  all  this  was 
done,  not  from  any  uncongenial  kindness  of  the  inquisitor,  but 
as  a snare,  not  only  for  discovering  whether  any  allusion  would 
be  made  to  the  insurrection,  as  showing  the  privity  thereto  of 
this  writer,  but  also  to  provoke,  in  the  presence  of  Dunn,  some 
proposition  as  to  the  escape,  which  they  would  wrest  into  a 
proof  of  a conspiracy  and  plot  between  the  prisoners,  which 
their  own  previous  conspiracy  had  laboured  to  effect. 

“ In  furtherance  of  their  schemes,  the  correspondence  which 
by  slips  of  paper  was  perfidiously  permitted  to  pass  between 
the  two  prisoners,  through  the  convict  turnkey,  was,  in  efery 
stage,  daily  waylaid,  and  conveyed  by  the  overseer  to  Mr. 
Chief  Secretary  Wickham,  and  Alexander  Marsden,  the  Un- 
der-secretary. And  without  referring  to  other  proofs  thereof, 
that  correspondence  was  afterwards,  in  their  defence,  by  them 
presented  through  the  Castle  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
printed  in  its  proceedings. 

“ The  cravings  of  the  Cerberi  were  soon  after  fully  satisfied 
by  that  sort  of  pabulum  which  they  sought  for  their  safe  keep- 
ing of  the  prison-gates.  For  the  overseer,  according  to  par- 
liamentary documents,  swore  before  the  three  judges  who  sal 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


162 


in  the  prison  upon  the  commission  obtained  from  Government 
bj  this  writer,  that  he  (the  overseer J had  prevailed  upon  the 
Government  to  increase  the  salary  of  George  Dunn,  on  ac- 
count of  his  fidelity,  in  preventing  this  writer  from  effecting 
the  escape  of  Robert  Emmet.  Thus  did  those  conspirators 
take  advantage  of  their  own  wrong  for  purposes  of  pecuniary 
fraud  and  personal  aggrandizement.  And  as  to  the  overseer, 
he  by  means  of  the  present  transaction  and  other  acts  equally 
base,  and  likewise  by  a long  course  of  prison  peculation,  from 
having  been  an  obscure  and  needy  adventurer,  became  a man 
of  wealth. 

“ But  as  to  George  Dunn’s  conduct  in  this  transaction,  it  is 
plain  that  he  was  not  the  man  of  probity,  the  incorruptible 
servant  of  justice,  which  the  newspaper  extracts  report  him  to 
have  been.  But,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  was  a confederate, 
leagued  with  the  other  parties,  for  inveigling  Robert  Emmet 
and  this  present  writer  into  a perilous  conspiracy  ; and,  with 
the  blackest  perfidy,  that  he  was  all  along  plotting  and  work- 
ing for  his  own  aggrandizement,  and  that  of  his  unprincipled 
employer — of  that  base  individual  who  was  the  prime  instigator 
of  the  transaction,  the  pivot  upon  which  the  machinery  moved 
— that  salaried  and  sycophantic  peculator,  who,  as  the  chief 
inquisitor  of  the  prison,  conspired  with  and  delegated  his 
Mosca,  his  familiar,  to  decoy  his  victims  iqto  a snare,  in  pro- 
motion of  his  own  infamous  objects  ; and  that  on  this  occasion 
George  Dunn  was  merely  his  working  instrument — the  rope  in 
the  hands  of  the  hangman. 

“ One  word  more,  and  in  conclusion,  concerning  the  insur- 
rection in  which  poor  R.  Emmet  was  involved,  and  also  con- 
cerning himself.  That  insurrection  must  indeed  be  viewed 
only  with  absolute  and  unqualified  condemnation.  But  as  to 
Robert  Emmet  individually,  it  will  surely  be  admitted  that 
even  in  the  midst  of  error  he  was  great,  in  principle  untainted, 
in  courage  dauntless.  And,  when  upon  his  trial,  with  the 
grave  already  open  to  receive  him,  that  the  burst  of  eloquence 
with  which  he  shook  the  very  court  wherein  he  stood,  and 
caused  not  alone  ‘that  viper  whom  his  father  nourished  ’ to 
quail  beneath  the  lash,  but  likewise  forced  even  that  ‘ remnant 
of  humanity,’  one  of  those  who  tried  him,  to  tremble  on  the 
judgment-seat,  was,  under  all  the  circumstances,  an  effort  almost 
superhuman — a prodigy  ; not  only  when  he  hurled  upon  then} 


164 


MEMOIR  OP  ROBERT  EMMET. 


that  withering  defiance  and  memorable  castigation,  but  also 
when  he  advocated  the  grounds  upon  which  he  had  acted — ex- 
hibiting altogether  a concentration  of  moral  integrity,  talent, 
and  intrepidity  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  the  world. 

“ Verax.” 

COPY  OF  DISPATCH  FROM  HIS  GRACE  THE  LORD  LIEUTEN- 
ANT OF  IRELAND;  CONTAINING  THE  CASE  OF  MR.  ST.  JOHN 
MASON;  WITH  AN  APPENDIX. 

Ordered , by  the  House  of  Commons , to  be  printed,  June  2,  1812. 

11  Dublin  Castle,  Dec.  1,  1811. 

“ Dear  Sir — Having  been  directed  to  furnish  such  informa- 
tion as  1 could  collect,  relative  to  the  causes  of  the  arrest  and 
imprisonment  of  St.  John  Mason,  in  1803,  and  for  some  time 
after,  I proceeded  to  investigate  the  case  with  all  the  diligence 
in  my  power  ; but  I found  few  original  papers  on  the  subject  ; 
no  official  project  or  memorandum,  and  even  the  information 
collected  by  inquiry  has  been  in  many  parts  very  vague  and 
unsatisfactory.  Nor  can  this  appear  surprising  when  it  is  re- 
collected, that  he  was  arrested  during  the  suspension  of  the 
Habeas  Corpus  Act,  and  while  the  country  was  in  a state  of 
insurrection,  and  that  since  his  arrest  a period  of  eight  years 
has  elapsed  ; that  in  that  time  there  have  been  seven  Chief 
Secretaries,  three  Under-Secretaries,  and  three  Attornies- 
General  ; that  notwithstanding  changes  of  administration,  and 
former  complaints  and  inquiries  as  to  his  treatment  in  prison, 
Mr.  Mason  has  now,  for  the  first  time,  desired  a scrutiny  into 
the  causes  of  his  arrest  and  detention  (at  least  to  my  know- 
ledge) whereby  that  part  of  the  subject  has  been  forgot.  The 
case,  as  far  as  I have  been  able  to  discover  it,  was  this  : — 

“ St.  John  Mason  was  first  cousin  to  Robert  Emmet  ; his 
trial  is  in  print,  and  the  reading  of  it  might  be  no  bad  prepara- 
tion for  any  gentleman  who  wished  to  understand  the  state  of 
Dublin  at  that  time,  and  the  views  and  feelings  of  govern- 
ment : Emmet’s  concern  in  the  insurrection  of  July  23,  1803, 
appeared  by  the  papers  which  on  that  night  were  found  in  the 
Rebel  Depot  in  Mass-lane,  and  sent  to  the  Castle,  some  of 
which  were  proved  on  his  trial  ; so  far  the  government  was 
fully  informed  ; but  what  the  extent  of  their  information  in 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


165 


other  respects  was,  it  is  perhaps  impossible  now  to  discover  : 
we  must  endeavour  to  ascertain  the  facts,  and  suppose  them  to 
have  been  known  at  the  time. 

“ For  some  months  previous  to  the  insurrection,  Emmet  had 
lived  in  or  near  Dublin,  occupied  chiefly  in  preparations  for 
that  event.  At  the  time  of  the  insurrection,  and  for  some 
time  before,  but  how  long  does  not  appear,  St.  John  Mason, 
the  first  cousin  and  intimate  friend  of  Emmet,  resided  at  Sea 
Point,  a genteel  boarding-house,  about  four  miles  from  the 
city,  to  which  he  probably  had  made  frequent  visits,  though 
this  does  not  appear  : I cannot  find  any  evidence  of  any  inter- 
course having  taken  place  between  them  during  this  time  ; but 
it  seems  natural,  that  in  the  alarm  and  doubt,  and  suspense 
which  followed  the  23d  July,  it  should  have  been  at  least 
strongly  suspected  that  such  intercourse  had  existed.  Mason 
certainly  took  no  part  in  the  murders  in  Thomas-street  ; the 
insurrection  in  that  quarter  took  place  about  nine  o’clock  in 
the  evening,  at  which  time  he  was  in  a large  company  at  the 

house  of  a very  respectable  gentleman  who  resided  about 

miles  from  town,  and from  Sea  Point.  Even  this,  how- 

ever, did  not  tend  to  exempt  him  from  all  suspicion,  as  it  was 
generally  said  that  the  company  were  surprised  at  his  not 
coming  till  eight  o’clock,  (though  a dinner-party)  and  at  his 
arriving  there,  not  from  Sea  Point,  but  from  town.  On  that 
night  Mason  lay  at  Sea  Point  ; on  the  next  or  the  following 
night  he  lay  at  an  hotel  in  James-street,  almost  adjoinging  the 
spot  where  the  insurrection  had  broken  out,  and  from  thence 
proceeded  by  various  modes  of  travelling  as  far  as  Nenagh, 
that  being  the  direct  way  to  Kerry,  where  Mason’s  connec- 
tions lay  j there  he  was  arrested  (it  does  not  appear  on  what 

day)  by , a Magistrate  of  the  County,  in  consequence, 

as  he  states,  of  an  order  for  that  purpose  from  the  then  Under 
Secretary.  In  Mason’s  letter-case  were  found  some  letters, 
particularly  one  directed  to  him,  concerning  which  he  express- 
ed considerable  anxiety,  saying,  that  it  was  from  a female  in 
London.  This  letter  the  magistrate  read,  and  forwarded  with 
the  rest,  and  the  prisoner,  to  the  Castle.  It  cannot  be  found, 
but  the  magistrate’s  account  of  it  is,  that  it  purported  to  be 
from  a woman,  but  was  expressed  as  if  it  had  some  covered 
meaning  ; mentioned  a longing  till  her  nails  should  grow  so 
long  as  to  tear  flesh  and  draw  blood,  and  in  more  than  one 


166 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


place  expressed  a wisli  to  draw  blood.  On  the  whole,  the 
magistrate  states  his  opinion  to  have  been  at  the  time,  that 
the  letter  was  written  by  Emmet. 

Mr.  Mason  was  transmitted  to  Dublin,  where,  on  the  9th  of 
August,  he  was  under  the  Chief  Secretary’s  warrant  com- 
mitted to  Kilmainham. 

[See  the  Magistrate’s  Statement,  Appendix,  No.  I.] 

“ In  the  latter  end  of  August  Robert  Emmet  was  taken, 
and  committed  to  the  same  prison. 

“ George  Dunn,  an  Englishman,  formerly  one  of  the  under- 
keepers, and  a confidential  attendant  on  the  state  prisoners, 
and  now  the  chief  keeper  ot  Kilmainham,  swears,  That  about 
the  5th  of  September,  (being  at  that  time  one  of  the  under- 
keepers) he  was  applied  to  by  Mr.  St.  John  Mason  to  procure 
the  escape  of  Emmet,  then  also  a prisoner  in  Kilmainham 
jail,  for  which  he  promised  him  the  sum  of  five  hundred 
pounds  ; adding,  that  should  Emmet  get  clear  off,  he  (Dunn) 
would  receive  one  thousand  pounds  in  all,  and  that  he  should 
be  kept  harmless.  Dunn  further  swears,  that  conceiving  it 
his  duty  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  execution  of  such  a plan, 
and  that  the  best  mode  of  doing  so  was  not  immediately  to 
reject  Mason’s  proposal,  he  promised  to  consider  it ; but  in  the 
mean  time  communicated  with  his  ‘ superiors  in  office,’  and,  in 
consequence  of  the  directions  he  received,  had  another  inter- 
view with  Mason,  and  said  he  would  endeavour  to  comply  with 
his  request  ; upon  which  Mason  gave  him  a note  to  deliver  to 
Emmet,  which  note  he  withheld,  but  communicated  the  con- 
tents to  Emmet,  and  it  was  ultimately  handed  to  Mr.  Wick- 
ham. 

“ Dunn  also  swears,  that  Mason  then  proposed,  with  which 
Dunn  seemed  to  comply,  that  he  should  procure  the  key  from 
Mr.  John  Dunn,  the  then  keeper,  while  at  dinner,  and  so  let 
Emmet  escape,  and  inform  Emmet  thereof,  that  he  might  take 
such  steps  as  he  thought  necessary,  which  he  accordingly  did; 
that  Emmet  then  gave  him  a note  to  Mr.  Mason  to  procure 
clothes  for  the  purpose  of  disguise,  which  note  he  was  directed 
to  show  to  Mr.  John  Dunn  the  keeper,  and  afterwards  deliv- 
ered it  to  Mason,  who  said  * * * would  be  with  him  the 
following  day,  and  would  procure  what  was  desired  : that 
Mason  gave  him  (Dunn)  several  things  to  carry  to  Emmet, 
which  he  immediately  showed  to  his  superiors,  and  then  deliv 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


161 


ered  them  to  Emmet,  except  some  articles  which  were  consid- 
ered improper  to  be  conveyed  to  him. 

“ Dunn  further  swears,  that  he  afterwards  informed  Mason, 
that  it  would  be  out  of  his  power  to  effect  Emmet’s  escape,  as 
Mr.  John  Dunn,  the  then  keeper,  remained  entirely  in  that 
part  of  the  prison  ; upon  which  Mason  gave  him  a guinea 
note  as  a reward  (which  he  also  handed  to  his  superiors).  At 
the  same  time,  Dunn  swears,  that  Mason  requested  him  to  in- 
struct * * * a person  whom  he  supposed  would  be  produced 
on  Emmet’s  trial,  how  to  act  according  to  the  directions  Mason 
then  gave  Dunn,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  her  giving 
evidence. 

“ Emmet  was  tried  on  the  19th,  and  executed  on  the  20th 
of  September.  After  his  trial,  he  wrote  a letter  to  Mr.  Wick- 
ham, then  Chief  Secretary,  evidently  not  with  any  hope  of 
pardon  or  respite,  but  apparently  dictated  by  a sense  of  jus- 
tice, and  by  that  sentiment  of  magnanimity  with  which,  what- 
ever his  crimes  may  have  been,  he  certainly  conducted  himself 
on  that  solemn  occasion.  In  that  letter  he  declared,  that  it 
had  been  his  intention  not  only  to  have  acknowledged  the  de- 
licacy with  which  he  had  been  personally  treated,  but  to  have 
done  the  most  public  justice  to  the  mildness  of  the  then  ad- 
ministration of  his  country,  and  at  the  same  time  to  have  ac- 
quitted them,  as  far  as  rested  with  him,  of  any  charge  of  re- 
missness in  not  having  previously  detected  a conspiracy,  which 
from  its  closeness,  he  knew  it  was  impossible  to  have  done. 

“ That  Emmet  had  Mason  then  in  his  thoughts  cannot  be 
proved  ; but  it  can  scarcely  be  supposed  that  he  would  have 
unnecessarily  used  such  language  if  he  had  been  satisfied  of 
the  innocence  of  so  near  a relative,  confined,  to  his  knowledge, 
in  the  same  prison. 

( Signed ) “ J.  S.  Townsend.” 

No.  I. 

Copy  of  the  Examination  of  the  Magistrate , Chief  Secretary's 
Office,  Dublin  Castle , September  26,  1811. 

“Arrested  Mr.  John  Mason  in  1803,  in  consequence  of  a 
letter  from  this  office  from  Mr.  Marsden,  as  witness  thinks,  and 
thinks  he  showed  Mason  the  letter  brought  to  him  by  a yeo- 
man of  the  name  of  , found  Mason  in  an  inn  at  Nenagfy 


168 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


and  took  him  ; he  appeared  at  first  very  much  frightened 
He  searched  him,  found  nothing  on  his  person,  nor  in  his  desk 
or  letter-case,  which  he  opened ; but  wished  much  to  get  one 
particular  letter,  which  he  said  was  from  a girl  in  London. 
Witness  desired  to  see  it,  and  on  reading  thought  it  a sort  ol 
disguise,  probably  from  Emmet,  written  in  too  ambiguous  a 
manner  ; kept  no  copy.  It  purported  to  be  from  a woman, 
and  one  of  the  expressions  was,  of  a longing  till  her  nails 
should  grow  so  long  as  to  tear  flesh  and  draw  blood,  and  re- 
peated several  times,  ‘ Oh,  how  I long  to  draw  blood.’  Wit- 
ness sent  it  to  the  Castle  with  the  rest,  and  observed  on  it  in 
his  letter  ; read  none  of  the  others,  but  sent  the  whole  sealed 
up.  He  returned  witness  thanks  for  his  kind  treatment  in  the 
morning,  having  passed  the  night  in  custody. 

“ Witness  asked  if  he  could  account  why  he  had  been  taken 
up  ; he  said  he  had  been  quizzing  some  ladies  as  Sea  Point 
with  politics,  and  supposed  they  had  reported  of  him  ; he  said 
he  had  lain  in  a hotel  in  James-street  a night  or  two  after  the 
23rd  of  July,  and  had  travelled  in  various  ways  to  Nenagh. 

“ Witness  knows  he  was  at  Sea  Point  on  the  night  of  23rd 
July,  1803. 

tl  He  was  civil  to  witness,  but,  as  he  has  heard,  quarrelled 
with  every  person  in  whose  custody  he  was  after. 

“ In  some  time  after  * * * * told  witness  that  a man 
from  Kerry  had  informed  him,  that  the  people  there  were 
ready  to  rise  but  for  the  arrest  of  their  Colonel  by  witness. 

“ Witness  had  a relation  of  his  own  name  who  held  a place 
in  the  Revenues  in  Kerry,  and  wrote  to  witness  to  get  him  re- 
moved, as  he  expected  to  be  murdered  for  his  name,  on  ac- 
count of  witness  having  arrested  Mason.” 

No.  II. 

Copy  of  original  Note  in  the  hand-writing  of  Mr.  St.  John 
Mason  ; — now  in  the  Chief  Secretary's  Office. 

“ You  must  relinquish  every  idea  of  not  going  alone,  or 
nothing  can  be  done.  I see  no  reason  why  G.  (George  Dunn) 
should  go  ; on  the  contrary,  consider  it  would  be  most  impru- 
dent and  impolitic,  and  the  delay  of  discovery  may  be  for  the 
hour  even  by  his  staying.  I have  a friend  at  Booterstown, 
who  will  be  here  to-morrow  If  he  can,  I know  he  will  pro* 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET.  109 

'jure  a blue  coat  that  will  do,  but  it  cannot  be  brought  here. 
Surely  you  would  be  less  liable  to  discovery  by  being  alone, 
wherever  you  went  for  two  nights.  The  only  possible  reason 
you  can  have  for  not  having  G.  stay,  is  on  account  of  R.  and 
A.  In  short  give  up  that  idea,  or  the  whole  will  be  imprac- 
ticable. G.  will  be  safe  by  remaining  (not  so  if  he  goes)  ; it 
may  be  unpleasant  to  him  at  first  ; but  he  has  nothing  to  do 
but  to  persist  in  his  negligence  and  brave  it. 

“You  must  go  singly  ; consider  the  clue  to  discovery  in 
G.  A.  R.  and  E.  wife  of  one  connection,  of  another,  and  so 
on,  &c.  Prepare,  therefore,  to  go  alone. 

“You  say,  if  you  could  all  be  safe  for  two  nights  ; suppose 
I grant  all  but  the  1 if.’  But  I say  the  difficulty  of  conceal- 
ment, even  afterwards,  would  be  ten-fold  for  each  person  ; once 
more  I conjure  you  not  to  think  of  it. 

“ September,  1803.” 

No.  HI. 

Copy  of  an  original  note  in  the  handwriting  of  Mr.  R.  Emmet , 
now  in  the  Chief  Secretary’s  Office. 

“ Ask  G.  at  what  time  Mr.  D.  dines,  and  if  he  leaves  any 
one  at  the  door  then.  Though  it  might  be  a little  early,  yet, 
as  he  is  longer  away  then  than  at  any  other  time,  it  would 
better  enable  us  all  to  go  out,  and,  with  the  change  of  dress, 
would  not  be  noticed.  If  it  cannot  be  done  then,  he  must 
watch  the  first  opportunity  after  dinner  that  Mr.  D.  goes  down 
the  house,  and  let  me  out  immediately  ; I will  be  ready  at  the 
moment.  Don’t  let  him  wait  till  the  guards  are  doubled,  if 
he  can  avoid  it,  but,  if  he  cannot  do  it  before,  let  him  be  on 
the  watch  then,  as  D.  will  probably  go  to  give  them  instruc- 
tions when  placing  them  in  the  yards,  as  he  did  last  night.  I 
am  anxious  not  to  defer  it  till  to-morrow,  as  I heard  the  offi- 
cers who  came  the  rounds  consulting  with  him  about  placing 
the  sentries  for  better  security,  and  think  I heard  them  men- 
tion me  in  the  Hall.  D.  also  came  in  at  one  o’clock  last  night, 
under  pretence  that  he  thought  he  heard  me  calling.  If  it  is 
delayed  till  to-morrow,  it  must  be  done  at  dinner-time.  If 
sentries  are  placed  in  the  hall  by  day,  the  only  way  will  be, 
whenever  D.  goes  down,  let  G.  whistle  ‘ God  save  the  King' 
in  the  passage,  and  I will  immediately  ask  to  go  to  the  neces> 


no 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


sary,  and  will  change  my  clothes  there  instantly  ; but,  in  this 
case  G.  must  previously  convey  them  there.  Send  for  a pair 
of  silver  spectacles,  (No.  5 fits  my  sight)  which  will  facilitate 
the  disguise  ; after  I am  gone,  G.  must  convey  the  clothes  I 
wore  away. 

“ Sept.  1803.” 

No.  IY. 

Copy  of  a letter  from  Mr.  Robert  Emmet  to  the  Right 
Hon.  William  Wickham. 

11  Sept.  10,  1803. 

“ Sir, — Had  I been  permitted  to  proceed  with  my  vindica- 
tion, it  was  my  intention  not  only  to  have  acknowledged  the 
delicacy  which  I feel,  with  gratitude,  that  I have  been  person- 
ally treated,  but  also  to  have  done  the  most  public  justice  to 
the  mildness  of  the  present  administration  of  this  country,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  to  have  acquitted  them,  as  far  as  rested  with 
me  of  any  charge  of  remissness  in  not  having  previously  detect- 
ed a conspiracy,  which  from  its  closeness,  I know  it  was  impos- 
sible to  have  done  ; I confess  that  I should  have  preferred  this 
mode,  if  it  had  been  permitted,  as  it  would  thereby  have  en- 
abled me  to  clear  myself  from  an  imputation  under  which  I 
might,  in  consequence,  lie,  and  to  have  stated  why  such  an  ad- 
ministration did  not  prevent,  but,  under  the  peculiar  situation 
of  this  country,  perhaps  rather  accelerated,  my  determination 
to  make  an  effort  for  the  overthrow  of  a government  of  which 
I do  not  think  equally  high. 

“ However,  as  I have  been  deprived  of  that  opportunity,  I 
think  it  right  now  to  make  an  acknowledgement  which  justice 
requires  of  me  as  a man,  and  which  I do  not  feel  in  the  least 
derogatory  from  my  decided  principles  as  an  Irishman. 

“ I am,  &c., 

(Signed)  “ Robert  Emmet. 

“ Rt.  Hon.  W.  Wickham, 

“ &c.  &c.  &c.” 

No.  Y. 

Copy  of  a letter  from  Mr.  George  Dunn,  to  Dr.  Trevor  ; 
with  Dunn's  affidavit  annexed. 

“ Sir, — Your  having  required  from  me  an  exact  statement 
of  my  conduct,  relative  to  the  intended  escape  of  Mr.  Emmet 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


m 


and  Mr.  Russell,  prisoners  confined  in  Kilmainham  jail,  in  the 
year  1803,  and  since  executed,  I take  the  liberty  of  submitting 
the  following  facts,  the  authenticity  and  accuracy  of  which  1 
am  ready  to  verify  upon  oath. 

“ In  that  year,  about  the  5th  of  September,  I was  applied 
to  by  Mr.  St.  John  Mason,  a prisoner  then  confined  in  Kil- 
mainham, and  since  liberated,  to  procure  from  prison  the  escape 
of  Mr.  Emmet,  for  which  he  promised  me  the  sum  of  five  hund- 
red pounds  ; and  if  Mr.  Emmet  should,  in  consequence,  get 
clear  off  (meaning  his  escape  from  prison)  I should  receive  a 
thousand  pounds  in  all,  and  that  he  would  keep  me  harmless. 
Conceiving  it  my  duty  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  execution  of 
such  a plan,  and  that  the  best  mode  of  doing  so  was  not  to 
immediately  reject  his  proposal  (by  which  I should  be  preclud- 
ed from  all  further  information)  I told  him  I would  consider 
upon  what  he  mentioned.  I immediately  informed  you  there- 
of, and  received  your  directions  how  I should  act,  in  conse- 
quence of  which,  I had  another  interview  with  Mr.  Mason, 
and  said,  I would  endeavour  to  comply  with  the  request ; upon 
which  he  gave  me  a note  to  deliver  to  Mr.  Emmet,  which  I 
gave  to  you,  the  contents  of  which  I have  no  doubt  but  you 
recollect  ; and  which,  you  since  informed  me,  you  handed  to 
Mr.  Secretary  Wickham.  Mr.  Mason  then  proposed  (with 
which  I seemed  to  comply)  that  I should  procure  the  key  from 
Mr.  Dunn,  the  then  keeper,  while  at  dinner,  and  then  let  Mr. 
Emmet  escape  ; and  to  inform  him  (Mr.  Emmet)  thereof,  that 
he  might  take  such  steps  as  he  thought  necessary,  which  I 
accordingly  did,  and  Mr.  Emmet  gave  me  a note  to  Mr.  Mason, 
to  procure  clothes  for  the  purpose  of  disguise  ; which  note  I 
showed,  by  your  directions,  to  Mr.  Dunn,  the  keeper.  I after- 
wards delivered  it  to  Mr.  Mason,  who  informed  me,  that  * * 
*****  would  be  with  him  the  following  day,  and  pro- 
cure what  was  desired.  *In  two  days  after,  Mr.  Mason  gave 
me  several  things  to  carry  to  Mr.  Emmet,  which  I immediately 
showed  to  you,  and  then  delivered  them,  except  some  articles 
which  you  mentioned  to  me  were  improper  to  be  conveyed  ta 
him. 

“ I then  informed  Mr.  Mason,  that  it  would  be  out  of  my 
power  to  effect  Mr.  Emmet’s  escape,  as  Mr.  Johu  Dunn,  the 
keeper,  remained  entirely  in  that  part  of  the  prison  ; upon 
winch  Mr.  Mason  gave  me  a guinea  note,  which  I handed  to 


173 


MEMOIR  OP  ROBERT  EMMET. 


you,  and  instructed , a pcrso  1 whom  he  supposed  would 

be  produced  on  Mr.  Emmet’s  trial,  how  to  act  according  tc 
the  directions  he  then  gave  on  that  occasion,  for  the  purpose 
of  preventing  her  to  go,  or  to  give  evidence. 

(Signed)  “ Geo.  Dunn.” 

The  parts  omitted  in  this  memoir  are  those  portions  of  the 
documents  which  relate  to  the  attempts  made  to  elfect  Russell’s 
escape,  which  have  been  inserted  in  Russell’s  memoir. 

Haviug  inserted  the  information  of  the  secret  informer  of 
the  government,  which  represents  Mr.  Mason  as  a person  long 
connected  with  treasonable  proceedings,  I think  it  due  to  Mr. 
Mason  to  insert  his  petition  to  the  House  of  Commons,  in 
1811,  and  a duty  to  my  countrymen,  thus  to  show  the  evident 
refutation  of  the  foul  calumnies  against  him,  and  to  exhibit  a 
specimen  of  the  information  on  which  the  lives  and  liberties 
of  Irishmen  have  been  taken  out  of  the  protection  of  the  law, 
and  made  to  depend  on  the  fantasies  and  caprices  of  a minor 
functionary  of  the  Irish  government. 

No.  vrn. 

Copy  of  an  Extract  in  Book  from  the,  letter  signed 

Mason  has  associated  much  and  intimately  with  the  Irish 
rebels  ; he  is  a native  of  Kerry  ; was  in  Dublin  College,  and 
graduated  in  1797.  Was  one  of  a Committee  then  held  at  a 
printing-office  in  Exchequer-street,  when  he  with  * * * * 0f 
Kerry,  and  * * * * 0f  Tipperary,  were  deputed  agents  to 
Kerry  ; the  former  was  the  county  representative,  the  two 
latter  the  colonel  and  adjutant  general,  by  the  request  of  A. 
O’Connor  and  Emmet. 

On  the  arrest  at  Oliver  Bond’s,  Mason went  to 

Wales,  and  lived  near  Tenby.  Mason  soon  after  entered  his 
name  on  the  Inns  of  Court.  In  summer,  1800,  he  made  a 

visit  at  Fort  George.  He  then  went to  Hamburgh  ; 

thence  to  the  Hague.  * * *,  * * * *,  * * *,  * * * *, 
* * *,  * * *,  * * * *,  were  at  Liverpool  with  the  crew 
of  the  Hoche,  disguised  as  Frenchmen.  Mason,  at  the  desire 

of , went  there,  supplied  them  with  money,  met  them  in 

London,  contrived  to  have  them  first  exchanged,  and  pay  their 
expenses  to  Dover  ; and  when  it  was  known  that  they  were 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


IT? 

there,  but  their  persons  not  known,  Mason  caused  some  French 
men  to  pass  for  them,  who  thereupon  were  sent  to  Ireland, 
where  the  stratagem  was  discovered  too  late.  Mason  has  some 
fortune. 

From  the  Hague  he  went  tc  Coblentz,  from  thence  to  Lon- 
don, by  Embden  ; there  he  lodged,  first,  in  Marlborough-street, 
then  in  Kentish  town,  and  last,  in  Crown-street,  Westminister, 

associating  with  several  disaffected  persons,  particularly , 

, , , , , . With  the  last  he  was 

at  Cheltenham  last  summer  (1802)  ; was  a relation  of  Robert 
Emmet,  and  his  class-fellow  in  College  ; is  cautious  and  timid. 

MR.  MASON’S  PETITION,  PRESENTED  BY  MR.  SHERIDAN,  26th 

June,  1811. 

The  Petition  of  St.  John  Mason , Esq.,  as  presented  to  tJu 
House  of  Commons , May  It,  1811,  by  the  Right  Hon 
R.  B.  Sheridan. 

“ To  the  Honourable  the  Commons  of  the  United  Kingdoms 

of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  in  Parliament  assembled, 

“ The  humble  Petition  of  St.  John  Mason, 
u Most  respectfully  sheweth, 

“ That  your  Petitioner  was  admitted  a member  of  the  Irish 
Bar,  in  Trinity  Term,  1808. 

“ That,  in  August  thereof,  your  Petitioner  was,  when  on 
circuit,  arrested  at  the  distance  of  seventy  miles  from  Dublin, 
to  which  he  was  directly  conveyed,  and  committed  to  the  pri- 
son of  Kilmainham,  where  your  Petitioner  was  detained  in 
close  and  rigid  custody,  for  more  than  two  years. 

“ That  the  instrument,  by  virtue  of  which  your  Petitioner 
had  been  so  committed,  was  a State-warrant,  signed  by  Mr. 
Wickham,  then  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  under  the  Earl  of 
Hardwicke’s  Administration,  and  by  his  Excellency’s  com- 
mand, containing  a sweeping  and  general  charge  of  treason  ; 
and  that  said  warrant  did  not  specify  that  said  charge  was 
founded  on  any  information  given  upon  oath. 

“ That  your  Petitioner  and  his  friends  have  applied  to  the 
Irish  government,  in  every  shape,  b)th  personally  and  other- 


174 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


wise,  respecting  its  oppressive  treatment  of  your  Petitioner  ; 
soliciting  Examination , and  claimiug  to  be  informed  of  the 
cause  of  your  Petitioner’s  having  been  so  deprived  of  his  liberty 
for  more  than  two  years  : but,  that  all  such  applications  have 
been  wholly  unavailing,  in  consequence,  as  your  Petitioner 
doth  firmly,  but  most  respectfully,  assert  to  this  honourable 
House,  of  the  absolute  inability  of  that  government  to  state, 
with  truth,  any  just  cause  whatsoever  for  such  rigorous  and 
unjust  imprisonment  of  your  Petitioner. 

“ That,  as  it  is  impossible  for  your  Petitioner  to  prove  the 
negative  of  an  undefined  and  unspecified  charge,  your  Petitioner 
can,  in  general  terms  only,  most  solemnly  declare  his  inno- 
cence ; — to  establish  which,  your  Petitioner  had,  also,  during 
his  imprisonment,  when  he  was  at  the  mercy  of  vile  and  cor- 
rupt informers,  repeatedly,  but  in  vain,  demanded  from  the 
said  government  of  Ireland,  that  Right  which  the  Constitution 
gives  to  every  subject  of  the  land,  against  whom  accusation 
has  been  laid,  namely,  a Trial  by  the  Laws  of  his  country  ! 

“ That  the  infringement  and  suppression  of  justice,  which 
had  been  exercised  in  the  case  of  your  Petitioner,  not  coming 
within  the  scope  or  cognizance  of  any  legal  tribunal,  your  Pe- 
titioner begs  leave,  with  the  most  becoming  respect,  to  ap- 
proach this  honourable  House  for  Constitutional  redress  ; and, 
as  an  injured  subject  of  this  realm,  in  whose  person  the  general 
rights  of  the  community  have  been  violated,  humbly  appeal 
against  such  violation  and  suppression  of  justice  ; — and,  forti- 
fied as  well  by  the  rectitude  of  his  conduct,  as  by  a firm  confi- 
dence in  the  protecting  justice  of  this  honourable  House,  your 
Petitioner  begs  permission  to  present  his  complaint  against 
that  Officer  of  the  State,  under  whose  government  such  viola- 
tion had  been  committed  ; and  whom  your  Petitioner,  how- 
ever elevated  might  have  been  the  trust  and  station  to  which 
that  Officer  had  been  exalted,  cannot  constitutionally  consider 
as  divested  of  responsibility  for  the  acts  of  that  trust,  as  exer- 
cised during  his  administration  in  Ireland  ; — which  said  com- 
plaint your  Petitioner  most  humbly  begs  to  present  to  thia 
honourable  House,  as  his  duty,  in  the  last  resort,  to  society 
and  to  himself,  challenging  all  inquiry , and  defying  all  imputa- 
tion on  his  probity  and  honour. 

“ That  your  Petitioner  doth,  therefore,  distinctly  and  di- 
rectly charge  the  government  of  the  Earl  of  Hardwieke,  whe? 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET.  175 

that  noble  Earl  was  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  with  Injus- 
tice  and  Oppression,  by  having,  in  the  person  of  your  Peti- 
tioner, abused,  to  the  injury  and  destruction  of  the  subject,  the 
discretionary  powers  of  that  trust,  which  had  been  granted  for 
his  protection  ; and  further,  that  the  said  Earl  of  Hardwicke 
has  since  continued  to  deny  to  your  Petitioner  that  humble 
measure  of  justice,  an  acknowledgment  of  his  innocence , of  which 
your  Petitioner  cannot  but  think  his  Lordship  is  now  con- 
vinced. And  your  Petitioner  now  humbly  prays  that  this 
honourable  House,  which  your  Petitioner  looks  up  to,  as  the 
Grand  Depositary  and  Guardian  of  the  Public  Rights,  ac- 
cording to  the  structure  of  the  Constitution,  will  be  graciously 
pleased  to  grant  to  your  Petitioner,  who  is  now  in  humble  at- 
tendance, awaiting  the  pleasure  of  this  honourable  House,  such 
means  and  opportunities  of  substantiating  his  said  allegations, 
as  may,  in  its  wisdom,  appear  best  calculated  for  the  attain- 
ment of  such  his  object,  and  for  the  accomplishment  of  justice  ; 
— your  Petitioner  so  praying,  not  only  for  the  purpose  of  vin- 
dicating his  character,  but  also  under  the  protection  of  this 
honourable  House,  of  guarding , by  his  humble  efforts,  the  rights 
of  the  subject  against  similar  infractions  ; which  rights  have 
been  so  unconstitutionally  violated  in  the  person  of  the  indi- 
vidual, your  humble  Petitioner. 

“ And  your  Petitioner  shall,  &c.,  &c. 

“ St.  John  Mason” 


CHAPTER  X I Y . 

On  Monday,  September  19,  1803,  at  the  special  commis- 
sion before  Lord  Nor  bury,  Mr.  Baron  George,  and  Mr.  Baron 
Daly,  Robert  Emmet  was  put  on  his  trial,  on  a charge  of  high 
treason,  under  25  Edward  III.  The  counsel  assigned  him 
were  Messrs.  Ball,  Burrowes,  and  M'Nally. 

The  Attorney-general,  Mr.  Standish  O’Grady,  opened  the 
indictment.  In  the  learned  gentleman’s  address  to  the  jury, 
the  establishment  of  the  prisoner’s  guilt  seemed  not  to  be  a 
matter  of  more  importance  than  the  defence  of  the  government 


176 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


from  the  appearance  of  surprisal,  or  the  suspicion  of  having 
suffered  a conspiracy,  “ serious  in  its  unsounded  depth  and  un- 
known extent,”  to  have  assumed  a more  formidable  shape  than 
a double  policy  and  a feeble  executive  were  calculated  to  deal 
with.  In  fact,  in  the  speeches  of  the  Attorney-general,  the 
Solicitor-general,  and  the  King’s  Counsel,  Air.  Plunket,  the 
hearers  were  perpetually,  though,  of  course,  unintentionally, 
reminded  of  the  squabble  between  the  Governor  and  the 
General. 

The  Attorney-general,  in  the  course  of  his  able  address, 
said  : — “ Perhaps  at  former  periods  some  allowance  might  be 
made  for  the  heated  imaginations  of  enthusiasts  ; perhaps  an 
extravagant  love  of  liberty  might  for  a moment  supersede  a 
rational  understanding,  and  might  be  induced,  for  want  of  suf- 
ficient experience  or  capacity,  to  look  for  that  liberty  in  revo- 
lution. But  it  is  not  the  road  to  liberty.  It  throws  the  mass 
of  the  people  into  agitation,  only  to  bring  the  worst  and  most 
profligate  to  the  surface.  It  originates  in  anarchy,  proceeds 
in  bloodshed,  and  ends  in  cruel  and  unrelenting  despotism. . . . 
Gentlemen,  I do  not  wish  to  undertake  to  speak  in  the  pro- 
phetic. But  when  I consider  the  vigilance  and  firmness  of  his 
Majesty’s  Government,  the  spirit  and  discipline  of  M's  Majes- 
ty’s troops,  and  that  armed  valour  and  loyalty  which,  from 
one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other,  has  raised  itself  for  the 
purpose  of  crushing  domestic  treason,  and,  if  necessary,  of 
meeting  and  repelling  a foreign  foe,  I do  not  think  it  unreason- 
able to  indulge  a sanguine  hope  that  the  continuance  of  the 
same  conduct  upon  the  part  of  government,  and  of  the  same 
exertions  upon  the  part  of  the  people,  will  long  preserve  the 

nation  free,  happy,  and  independent Gentlemen,  upon 

former  occasions,  persons  were  brought  to  the  bar  of  this 
court,  implicated  in  the  rebellion,  in  various,  though  inferior 
degrees.  But  if  I am  rightly  instructed,  we  have  now  brought 
to  the  bar  of  justice,  not  a person  who  had  been  seduced  by 
others,  but  a gentleman  to  whom  the  rebellion  may  be  traced 

as  the  origin,  the  life,  and  soul  of  it I do  sincerely 

lament  with  him  (the  prisoner),  that  some  of  those  who  have 
been  hitherto  brought  to  justice,  were  comparatively  speaking, 
insignificant  persons.  They  were  not,  I admit,  prime  movers 
of  this  treason  ; but  I trust  the  commission  may  not  pass  ovef 
without  some  distinguished  examples.”. . . . 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


ir. 


At  the  conclusion  of  a speech  of  considerable  length,  th« 
jury  were  told  to  give  the  prisoner  the  full  benefit  3f  any  de- 
fence  he  might  make,  and  dispassionately  consider  the  nature 
of  his  vindication 

“ EXAMINATION  OF  WITNESSES. 

“ Joseph  Rawlins,  Esq.,  being  sworn,  deposed  to  a know- 
ledge of  the  prisoner,  and  recollected  having  been  in  his  com 
pany  some  time  in  the  month  of  December  last,  when  he  un- 
derstood from  him  that  he  had  been  to  see  his  brother  at 
Brussels  On  his  cross-examination,  the  witness  said,  that  in 
conversations  with  him  on  the  subject  of  continental  politics, 
the  prisoner  avowed  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Austrian 
Netherlands  execrated  Buonaparte's  government  ; and,  from 
the  whole  of  the  prisoner's  conversation,  the  witness  had  rea- 
son to  believe  that  he  highly  condemned  Buonaparte's  conduct 
and  government. 

“ Mr.  George  Tyrrel,  an  attorney,  proved  the  execution,  in 
the  month  of  June  last,  of  the  lease  of  a house  in  Butterfield- 
lane,  Rathfarnham,  from  Michael  Frayne  to  the  prisoner,  who 
assumed  on  the  occasion  the  name  of  Ellis.  Mr.  Tyrrel  was 
one  of  the  subscribing  witnesses  to  the  lease,  aud  a person 
named  William  Dowdall  was  the  other. 

“Michael  Frayne,  who  leased  the  above-mentioned  house  to 
the  prisoner,  proved  also  to  that  fact,  and  that  he  gave  him 
possession  of  it  on  the  23rd  of  April  preceding,  that  the  pr* 
soner  and  Dowdall  lived  in  the  most  sequestered  manner,  an i 
apparently  anxious  of  concealment. 

“John  Fleming,  a native  of  the  County  of  Kildare,  sworn 
deposed  that  on  the  23  rd  of  July,  and  for  the  year  previous 
thereto,  he  had  been  ostler  at  the  White  Bull  Inn,  Thomas 
street,  kept  by  a person  named  Dillon.  The  house  was  con- 
venient to  Marshal-lane,  where  the  rebel  Depot  was,  and  to 
which  the  witness  had  free  and  constant  access — having  been 
in  the  confidence  of  the  conspirators,  and  employed  to  bring 
them  ammunition  and  other  things.  He  saw  the  persons  there 
making  pike-handles,  and  heading  them  with  the  iron  part  ; 
he  also  saw  the  blunderbusses,  firelocks,  and  pistols  in  the  De- 
pot : and  saw  ball-cartridges  making  there.  Here  the  wit- 
ness identified  the  prisoner  at  the  bar,  whom  he  saw  in  the 
Depot  for  the  first  time  on  he  Tuesday  morning  after  the  ex- 


118 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


plosion  in  Patrick-street — (that  explosion  took  place  on  Satur 
day,  the  16th  of  July).  The  witness  had  opened  the  gate  of 
the  inn-yard,  which  opened  into  Marshal-lane,  to  let  out  Quig- 
ley, when  he  saw  the  prisoner,  accompanied  by  a person  of  tha 
name  of  Palmer  ; the  latter  got  some  sacks  from  the  witness, 
to  convey  ammunition  to  the  stores,  and  the  prisoner  went 
into  the  Depot,  where  he  continued  almost  constantly  until 
the  evening  of  the  23rd  of  July,  directing  the  preparations 
for  the  insurrection,  and  having  the  chief  authority.  He 
heard  the  prisoner  read  a little  sketch,  as  the  witness  called  it, 
purporting  that  every  officer,  non-commissioned  officer,  and 
private  should  have  equally  everything  they  got,  and  have  the 
game  laws  as  in  France.  Being  asked  what  it  was  they  were 
to  share,  the  prisoner  replied,  ‘ what  they  got  when  they  were 
to  take  Ireland  or  Dublin.’  He  saw  green  uniform  jackets 
making  in  the  Depot  by  different  tailors,  one  of  whom  was 
named  Colgau.  He  saw  one  uniform  in  particular — a green 
coat,  laced  on  the  sleeves  and  skirts,  &c.  and  gold  epaulets, 
like  a general’s  dress.  He  saw  the  prisoner  take  it  out  of  a 
desk  one  day  and  show  it  to  all  present — (here  the  witness 
identified  the  desk,  which  was  in  court)  ; he  also  saw  the 
prisoner,  at  different  times,  take  out  papers,  and  put  papers 
back  into  the  desk  ; there  was  none  other  in  the  store.  Quig- 
ley used,  also,  sometimes  to  go  to  the  desk.  On  the  evening 
of  the  23rd  July,  witness  saw  the  prisoner  dressed  in  the  uni- 
form above  described,  with  white  waistcoat  and  pantaloons, 
new  boots  and  cocked  hat,  and  white  feather.  He  had  also  a 
sash  on  him,  and  was  armed  with  a sword  and  case  of  pistols. 
The  prisoner  called  for  a big  coat,  but  did  not  get  it,  to  dis- 
guise his  uniform,  as  he  said,  until  he  went  to  the  party  that 
was  to  attack  the  Castle.  Quigley  and  a person  named  Staf- 
ford had  uniforms  like  that  of  Emmet,  but  had  only  one 
epaulet.  Quigley  had  a white  feather,  and  Stafford  a green 
one.  Stafford  was  a baker  in  Thomas-street.  About  nine 
o’clock,  the  prisoner  drew  his  sword,  and  called  out  to  ‘ Come 
on,  my  boys.’  He  sallied  out  of  the  Depot,  accompanied  by 
Quigley  and  Stafford  and  about  fifty  men,  as  well  as  he  could 
judge,  armed  with  pikes,  blunderbusses,  pistols,  &c.  They 
entered  Dirty-lane,  and  went  from  thence  into  Thomas-street 
The  prisoner  was  in  the  centre  of  the  party.  They  began  tc 
fire  in  Dirty-lane,  and  also  when  they  got  into  Thomas-street 


MEMOfS  OF  ROBERT  EMM  El.  17$ 

The  witness  was  with  the  party.  The  prisoner  went  into  the 
stores  by  the  name  of  Ellis.  He  was  considered  by  all  of 
them  as  the  general  and  head  of  the  business  ; the  witness 
heard  him  called  by  the  title  of  general.  In  and  out'  of  the 
Depot  it  was  said  that  they  were  preparing  to  assist  the1 
French  when  they  should  land.  Quigley  went  into  the  Depot, 
by  the  name  of  Graham. 

“Terence  Colgan,  the  tailor  named  in  the  foregoing  evi- 
dence, being  sworn,  deposed  that  on  the  Sunday  previous  to> 
the  insurrection,  he  came  to  town  from  Lucan,  where  he  lived;; 
having  met  with  a friend,  they  went  to  Dillon’s,  the  White- 
Bull  Inn,  in  Thomas-street,  and  drank,  until  the  witness,  over- 
come with  liquor,  fell  asleep,  when  he  was  conveyed  in  this 
state  of  insensibility  into  the  Depot  in  Marshal-lane  ; and 
when  he  awoke  the  next  morning,  he  was  set  to  work  making 
green  jackets  and  white  pantaloons.  He  saw  the  prisoner 
there,  by  whose  directions  everything  was  done,  and  who  he 
understood  was  the  chief.  He  recollected  seeing  the  last  wit- 
ness frequently  in  the  Depot  while  he  was  there.  He  also 
saw  tfye  prisoner  often  at  the  desk  writing.  The  witness  cor- 
roborated the  general  preparations  of  arms,  ammunition,  &c., 
for  the  insurrection. 

“ Patrick  Farrell  sworn  : deposed  that  as  he  was  passing 
through  Marshal-lane,  between  the  hours  of  nine  and  ten 
ten  o’clock  on  the  evening  of  Friday,  the  22nd  of  July,  he 
stopped  before  the  malt  stores  or  Depot  on  hearing  a noise 
therein,  which  surprised  him,  as  he  considered  it  a waste  house. 
Immediately  the  door  opened,  and  a man  came  forth,  who 
caught  him,  and  asked  him  what  he  was  doing  there  ? The 
witness  was  then  brought  into  the  Depot,  and  again  asked 
what  brought  him  there,  or  had  he  been  ever  there  before  1 
He  said  he  had  not.  They  asked  him  did  he  know  Graham  ! 
He  replied  he  did  not.  One  of  the  persons  then  said  that  wit- 
ness was  a spy,  and  called  out  to  ‘ drop  him  immediately,’  which 
the  witness  understood  that  they  meant  to  shoot  him.  They 
brought  him  up  stairs,  and,  after  some  consultation,  they  agreed 
to  wait  for  some  person  to  come  in  who  would  decide  what 
should  be  done  with  him.  That  person  having  arrived,  he 
asked  the  witness  if  he  knew  Graham  ? He  replied  that  he 
did  not.  A light  was  brought  in  at  the  same  time,  and  the 
witness  having  looked  about,  was  asked  if  he  knew  any  on*; 


180 


MEMOIR  OP  ROBERT  EMMEt. 

there  ? He  replied  he  knew  Quigley.  He  was  asked  where  f 
He  replied  that  he  knew  him  live  or  six  years  ago,  in  the  Col 
lege  of  Maynooth,  as  a bricklayer  or  mason.  The  witness  un 
derstood  that  Quigley  was  the  person  who  went  by  the  name 
of  Graham.  Here  witness  identified  the  prisoner  as  the  per- 
son who  came  in  and  decided  he  should  not  be  killed,  but  he 
should  be  taken  care  of  and  not  let  out.  The  witness  was  de- 
tained there  that  night,  and  the  whole  of  the  next  day,  Satur- 
day, the  23rd,  and  was  made  to  assist  at  the  different  kinds 
of  work. 

“ He  assisted  in  taking  boards  from  off  a car  ; the  boards, 
he  said,  were  made  into  cases,  and  pikes  put  into  them.  These 
cases  the  witness  described  as  being  made  of  the  outside  slabs 
of  a long  beam,  taken  off  about  an  inch  or  more  thick  ; four 
or  five  inches  at  each  end  of  the  beam  was  cut  off ; the  slabs 
were  nailed  together,  and  these  pieces  put  in  at  the  ends — so 
that  it  appeared  like  a rough  plank  or  beam  of  timber.  He 
saw  several  such  cases,  filled  with  pikes,  sent  out.  The  witness 
stated  that  on  the  evening  of  the  23rd  he  saw  three  men  dress- 
ed in  green  uniforms,  richly  laced  ; one  of  whom  was  the  pris- 
oner, who  wore  two  gold  epaulets,  but  the  other  two  only  one 
each.  The  prisoner  had  also  a cocked  hat,  sword,  and  pistols. 
When  the  witness  was  helping  out  one  of  the  beams  prepared 
for  explosion,  he  contrived  to  make  his  escape. 

“ On  his  cross-examination,  in  which  the  interrogatories  were 
suggested  by  the  prisoner,  the  only  thing  remarkable  in  the 
evidence  of  the  witness  was,  that  he  heard  a printed  paper 
read,  part  of  which  was,  “ that  nineteen  counties  were  ready 
at  the  same  time,  to  second  the  attempt  in  Dublin.”  The 
witness  also  heard  them  say,  ‘ that  they  had  no  idea  as  to  the 
French  relief,  but  would  make  it  good  themselves.’  In  answer 
to  a question  from  the  Court,  the  witness  said  that  he  gave 
information  of  the  circumstances  deposed  in  his  evidence,  next 
morning,  to  Mr.  Ormsby,  in  Thomas-street,  to  whom  he  was 
steward. 

“ Sergeant  Thomas  Rice  proved  the  proclamation  of  the 
Provisional  Government,  found  in  the  Depot. 

!‘  Colonel  Spencer  Thomas  Vassal  being  sworn,  deposed  that 
he  was  field  officer  of  the  day  on  the  23rd  of  July  ; that  having 
gone  to  the  Depot  in  Marshal-lane,  he  found  there  several  small 
proclamations,  addressed  to  the  citizens  of  Dublin,  and  which 


MfeMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


181 


were  quite  wet.  Tie  identified  one  of  them.  The  witness  also 
identified  the  d^sk  which  the  prisoner  used  in  the  Depot.  Hav- 
ing remained  about  a quarter  of  an  hour  in  the  Depot,  he  com 
mitted  to  Major  Grerille  the  care  of  its  contents. 

“ Questioned  by  the  Court — The  witness  said,  that  he  visit- 
ed the  Depot  between  three  and  four  o’clock  on  Sunday  morn- 
ing, it  having  been  much  advanced  in  daylight  before  he  was 
suffered  to  go  his  rounds. 

“ Alderman  Frederick  Darley,  sworn — Proved  having  found 
in  the  Depot,  a paper  directed  to  * Robert  Ellis,  Butterfield  ; ’ 
also  a paper  entitled,  ‘ A Treatise  on  the  Art  of  War.’  The 
latter  had  been  handed  at  the  time  to  Captain  Evelyn. 

“ Captain  Henry  Evelyn  sworn — Deposed  having  been  at 
the  rebel  Depot  the  morning  of  Sunday,  the  24th  of  July,  to 
see  the  tilings  removed  to  the  barracks,  and  that  he  found  a 
paper  there  (which,  being  shown  to  him,  he  identified.)  This 
paper  was  a manuscript  draft  of  the  greater  part  of  the  pro- 
clamation of  the  Provisional  Government,  altered  and  inter- 
lined in  a great  many  places. 

“ Robert  Lindsay,  a soldier,  and  Michael  Clement  Frayne, 
quartermaster-sergeant  of  the  38th  Regiment,  proved  the  con- 
veyance of  the  desk  (then  in  court)  to  the  barracks  ; and  the 
latter  identified  a letter  which  he  found  therein.  The  letter 
was  signed,  ‘ Thomas  Addis  Emmet/  and  directed  to  ‘ Mrs. 
Emmet,  Miltown,  near  Dublin/  and  began  with  * My  dearest 
Robert.’  It  bore  a foreign  post-mark. 

“ Edward  Wilson,  Esq.,  recollected  the  explosion  of  gun- 
powder which  took  place  in  Patrick-street,  previous  to  the 
23rd  of  July  ; it  took  place  on  the  16th.  He  went  there,  and 
found  an  apparatus  for  making  gunpowder  ; was  certain  that 
it  was  gunpowder  exploded.  Proved  the  existence  of  a rebel- 
lious insurrection  ; as  did  also  Lieutenant  Brady.  The  latter 
added,  that  on  an  examination  of  the  pikes,  which  he  found 
in  Thomas-street,  four  were  stained  with  blood  on  the  iron 
part,  and  on  one  or  two  of  them,  the  blood  extended  half  way 
up  the  handle. 

" John  Doyle,  a farmer,  being  sworn,  deposed  to  the  follow- 
ing effect — That  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  of  July  last, 
about  two  o’clock,  a party  of  people  came  to  his  house  at  Bally- 
mack,  in  the  parish  of  Tallaght,  seven  miles  from  Dublin.  Ha 
had  been  after  drinking,  and  was  heavy  asleep  ; they  came  tc 


182 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


his  bedside,  and  stirred  and  called  him,  but  he  did  not  awake 
at  once  ; when  he  did,  and  looked  up,  he  lay  closer  than  be- 
fore ; they  desired  him  to  take  some  spirits,  which  he  refused  ; 
they  then  moved  him  to  the  middle  of  the  bed  ; and  two  of 
them  lay  down,  one  on  each  side  of  him.  One  of  them  said, 

‘ You  have  a French  general  and  a French  colonel  beside  you, 
what  you  never  had  before.’  For  some  hours  the  witness  lay 
between  them  asleep  and  awake.  When  he  found  his  com- 
panions asleep,  he  stole  out  of  bed,  and  found  in  the  room 
some  blunderbusses,  a gun,  and  some  pistols.  The  number  of 
blunderbusses,  he  believed,  was  equal  to  the  number  of  per- 
sons, who,  on  being  collected  at  breakfast,  amounted  to  four- 
teen. (Here  he  identified  the  prisoner  as  one  of  those  who 
were  in  bed  with  him.) 

“ The  witness  then  further  stated,  that  the  prisoner,  on  going 
away  in  the  evening,  put  on  a coat  with  a great  deal  of  lace 
and  tassels  (as  he  expressed  it).  There  was  another  person 
in  a similiar  dress  : they  wore  on  their  departure  great  coats 
over  these.  The  party  left  his  house  between  eight  and  nine 
o’clock  in  the  evening,  and  proceeded  up  the  hill.  The  next 
morning,  the  witness  found  under  the  table,  on  which  they 
breakfasted,  one  of  the  small  printed  proclamations,  which  he 
gave  to  John  Robinson,  the  barony  constable. 

“ Rose  Bagnal,  residing  at  Ballynascorney,  about  a mile 
farther  up  the  hill  from  Doyle’s,  proved,  that,  a party  of  men, 
fifteen  in  number,  and  whom  she  described  similar  to  that  of 
the  preceding  witness,  came  to  her  house  on  the  night  of  the 
Tuesday  immediately  after  the  insurrection.  Three  of  them 
wore  green  clothes,  ornamented  with  something  yellow  : she 
was  so  frightened,  she  could  not  distinguish  exactly.  One  of 
them  was  called  a general.  She  was  not  enabled  to  identify 
any  of  them.  They  left  her  house  about  nine  o’clock  the  fol- 
lowing night. 

“ John  Robinson,  constable  of  the  barony  of  Upper  Cross, 
corroborated  the  testimony  of  the  witness  Doyle,  relative  to 
the  small  proclamation  which  he  identified. 

“ Joseph  PoMer  sworn — Deposed  that  he  was  clerk  to  Mr. 
Colville,  and  lodged  at  his  mother’s  house,  Harold’s  Cross.  He 
recollected  the  apprehension  of  the  prisoner  at  his  mother’s 
house,  by  Major  Sirr  ; and  that  he  did  lodge  there  the  pre- 
ceding spring,  at  which  time,  and  when  he  was  arrested,  he 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


183 


rent  by  the  name  of  Hewitt.  The  prisoner  came  to  lodge 
there  the  second  time,  about  three  weeks  before  this  last  time, 
aud  was  habited  in  a brown  coat,  white  waistcoat,  white  pan- 
taloons, Hessian  boots,  and  a black  frock.  Those  who  visited 
the  prisoner  inquired  for  him  by  the  name  of  Hewitt.  At 
the  time  he  was  arrested,  there  was  a label  on  the  door  of  the 
house,  expressive  of  its  inhabitants  ; it  was  written  by  the 
witness,  but  the  name  of  the  prisoner  was  omitted,  at  his  re- 
quest, because  he  said  he  was  afraid  government  would  take 
him  up. 

“The  prisoner,  in  different  conversations  with  the  witness, 
explained  why  he  feared  to  be  taken  up.  He  acknowledged 
that  he  had  been  in  Thomas-street  on  the  night  of  the  23rd  of 
July,  and  described  the  dress  he  wore  on  that  occasion,  part 
of  which  was  the  waistcoat,  pantaloons,  and  boots  already 
mentioned,  and  particularly  his  coat,  which,  he  said,  was  a 
very  handsome  uniform.  The  prisoner  had  also  a conversation 
with  the  witness  about  a magazine,  and  expressed  much  regret 
at  the  loss  of  the  powder  in  the  Depot.  The  proclamations 
were  likewise  mentioned  by  the  prisoner  ; and  he  planned  a 
mode  of  escape,  in  the  event  of  any  attempt  to  arrest  him,  by 
going  through  the  parlour  window  into  the  back  house,  and 
from  thence  into  the  fields.  Here  the  witness  was  shown  a 
paper,  found  upon  a chair  in  the  room  in  which  the  prisoner 
lodged,  and  asked  if  he  knew  whose  hand-writing  it  was  ? He 
replied  that  he  did  not  know  ; but  was  certain  that  it  had  not 
been  written  by  any  of  his  family,  and  there  was  no  lodger  in 
his  house  besides  the  prisoner. 

“ The  examination  of  this  witness  being  closed,  extracts 
from  the  proclamation  addressed  to  the  citizens  of  Dublin, 
were  read. 

“ Major  Henry  Charles  Sirr  sworn  and  examined — Deposed 
to  the  arrest  of  the  prisoner,  on  the  evening  of  the  25th  of 
August,  in  the  house  of  Palmer,  in  Harold’s  Cross. 

“ Mr.  M‘Nally  said,  as  Mr.  Emmet  did  not  intend  to  call 
any  witness,  or  to  take  up  the  time  of  the  Court  by  his  coun- 
sel stating  any  case,  or  making  any  observations  on  the  evi- 
dence. He  presumed  the  trial  was  now  closed  on  both  sides 

“ Mr.  Plunket  stood  up  and  said — ‘ It  is  with  extreme  re 
luctance  that,  under  such  circumstances,  I do  not  feel  myself 


184 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


at  liberty  to  follow  the  example  which  has  been  set  me  by  the 
counsel  for  the  prisoner. 

“ The  Attorney-General  said — ‘ As  the  prisoner’s  declining 
to  go  into  any  case  wore  the  impression  that  the  case  on  the 
part  of  the  crown  required  no  answer,  it  was  at  his  particular 
desire  that  Mr.  Plunket  rose  to  address  the  Court. 

“ Mr.  Plunket  made  a speech,  exceeding  in  length  that  of 
the  Attorney-General,  the  former  occupying  twelve  pages  of 
the  printed  report,  the  latter  only  nine.  The  learned  gentle- 
man commented  on  the  evidence  with  extraordinary  skill  and 
precision,  and  brought  home,  at  every  sentence  of  it,  guilt 
enough  to  have  convicted  twenty  men,  in  the  awful  situation 
of  the  prisoner.  He  said,  ‘ With  regard  to  this  mass  of  ac- 
cumulated evidence,  forming  irrefragable  proof  of  the  guilt  of 
the  prisoner,  I conceive  no  man,  capable  of  putting  together 
two  ideas,  can  have  a doubt.’ 

“ In  observing  upon  the  conduct  of  the  prisoner  at  the  bar, 
and  bringing  home  the  evidence  of  his  guilt,  Mr.  Plunket  said, 
‘ I am  bringing  home  guilt  to  a person,  who,  I say,  is  the  cen- 
tre, the  life,  blood,  and  soul  of  this  atrocious  conspiracy.’ 

The  prisoner’s  aim  was,  not  to  reform  the  abuses  of  the  gov- 
ernment, but  * to  sever  the  connection  between  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland.’ 

“Gentlemen,  I should  feel  it  a waste  of  words  and  of  pub- 
lic time,  were  I to  address  you,  or  any  person  within  the  limits 
of  my  voice,  were  I to  talk  of  the  frantic  desperation  of  the 
plan  of  any  man  who  speculates  upon  the  dissolution  of  that 
empire,  whose  glory  and  whose  happiness  depends  upon  its  in- 
dissoluble connection.  But  were  it  practicable  to  sever  that 
connection,  to  untie  the  links  which  bind  us  to  the  British 
constitution,  and  to  turn  us  adrift  upon  the  turbulent  ocean  of 
revolution,  who  could  answer  for  the  existence  of  this  country, 
as  an  independent  country,  for  a year  ? God  and  nature  have 
made  the  two  countries  essential  to  each  other.  Let  them 
ding  to  each  other  to  the  end  of  time  ; and  then,  united  affec- 
tion and  loyalty  will  be  proof  against  the  machinations  of  the 
world.”* 

• The  eloquence  of  this  passage  is,  perhaps,  only  inferior  to  that  of 
one  in  a speech  of  Mr.  Plunket,  delivered  in  the  Irish  House  of  Com- 
mons, in  a debate  on  the  Union,  on  the  16th  January,  1800,  (from  the 
“Parliamentary  Debates,”  p.  89.  Moore,  Dublin.) 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


185 


Mr.  Pluuket,  in  his  speech  on  Emmet’s  trial,  truly  said, 
“ If  the  wisest  head  that  ever  lived  had  framed  the  wisest 
system  of  laws  which  human  ingenuity  could  devise  ; if  he 
were  satisfied  that  the  system  were  exactly  fitted  to  the  dis- 
position of  the  people  for  whom  he  intended  it,  and  that  a 
great  portion  of  the  people  were  anxious  for  its  adoption,  he 
would  take  leave  to  say,  that  under  all  these  circumstances  of 
fitness  and  disposition,  a well-judging  mind  and  a humane  heart , 
would  pause  awhile,  and  stop  upon  the  brink  of  his  purpose,  be- 
fore he  would  hazard  the  peace  of  his.  country,  by  resorting  to 
force  for  the  establishment  of  his  system 

“There  are  principles  of  repulsion,”  said  Mr.  Plunket;  “yes,  but 
there  are  principles  of  attraction ; and  from  these,  the  enlightened 
statesman  extracts  the  principle  by  which  the  countries  are  to  be  har- 
moniously governed.  As  soon  would  I listen  to  the  shallow  observer 
of  nature  who  should  say,  there  is  a centrifugal  force  impressed  on  our 
globe,  and,  therefore,  lest  she  should  be  hurried  into  the  void  of  space, 
let  us  rush  into  the  centre  to  be  consumed  there.  JSo;  I say  to  this 
rash  arraigner  of  the  dispensations  of  the  Almighty,  there  are  impul- 
ses, from  whose  wholesome  opposition  Eternal  Wisdom  has  declared 
the  law  by  which  we  revolve  in  our  proper  sphere,  and  at  our  proper 
distance.  So  I say  to  the  political  visionary,  from  the  opposite  system 
which  you  object  to,  I see  the  wholesome  law  of  imperial  connection 
derived;  I see  the  two  countries  preserving  their  due  distance  from 
each  other,  generating  and  imparting  heat,  and  light,  and  life,  and 
health,  and  vigour ; and  I will  abide  by  the  wisdom  and  experience  of 
the  ages  which  are  past,  in  preference  to  the  speculations  of  any  modern 
philosophy.  See,  I warn  the  ministers  of  this  country  against  persever- 
ing in  their  present  system.  Let  them  not  proceed  to  offer  violence  to 
the  settled  principles,  or  to  shake  the  settled  loyalty  of  the  country. 
Let  them  not  persist  in  the  wicked  and  desperate  doctrine  which  places 
British  connection  in  contradistinction  to  Irish  freedom.  I revere  them 
both : it  has  been  the  habit  of  my  life  to  do  so.  For  the  present  con- 
stitution I am  ready  to  make  any  sacrifice.  I have  proved  it.  For 
British  connection  I am  ready  to  lay  down  my  life.  My  actions  have 
proved  it.  Why  have  I done  so?  Because  I consider  that  connection 
essential  to  the  freedom  of  Ireland.  Do  not,  therefore,  tear  asunder, 
to  oppose  each  other,  these  principles  which  are  identified  in  the  minds 
of  loyal  Irishmen.  For  me,  I do  not  hesitate  to  declare,  that  if  the 
madness  of  the  revolutionist  should  tell  me,  you  must  sacrifice  British 
connection,  I would  adhere  to  that  connection  in  preference  to  the  in- 
dependence of  my  country;  but  I 'have  as  little  hesitation  in  saying, 
that  if  the  wanton  ambition  of  a minister  should  assault  the  freedom 
of  Ireland,  and  compel  me  to  the  alternative,  I would  fling  the  con- 
nection to  the  winds,  and  I would. clasp  the  independence  of  my  coun 
try  to  my  heart.  I trust  the  virtue  and  wisdom  of  the  Irish  parlia 


186 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Would  to  God  that  wise  and  truly  Christian  sentiment  had 
tempered  the  ardour  and  controlled  the  enthusiasm  of  that 
noble-minded  being,  whose  youth  and  inexperience  had  been 
thrown  on  such  bad  times,  and  were  so  unfitted  to  contend 
with  the  villany  in  high  places  that  predominated  in  them. 

“ The  proclamation,”  Mr.  Plunket  said,  “ told  the  people  of 
Ireland,  ‘ the  effort  was  to  be  entirely  their  own,  independent 
of  foreign  aid.’  But  out  of  that  proclamation  he  would  con- 
vict the  prisoner  of  duplicity  ; for  he  tells  the  government,  if 
they  put  down  the  present  effort,  ‘ they  would  have  to  crush 
a greater  effort,  rendered  still  greater  by  foreign  alliance.’ 
But  while  they  were  introducing  their  new-fangled  French 
principles,  they  forget  to  tell  the  people  whom  they  address, 
that  they  have  been  enjoying  the  benefit  of  equal  laws,  by 
which  the  property,  the  person,  and  constitutional  rights  and 
privileges  of  every  man  were  abundantly  protected.  They 

have  not  pointed  out  a single  instance  of  oppression Did 

any  man  presume  to  invade  another  in  the  enjoyment  of  his 
property  ? If  he  did,  was  not  the  punishment  of  the  law 
brought  down  upon  him  ? What  did  he  want  ? What  is  it 
that  any  rational  freedom  could  expect,  and  that  this  country 
were  not  fully  and  amply  in  the  possession  of  ?” 

Three  years  and  six  months  had  passed  over  since  the  one 
thing  needful  to  the  happiness  of  Ireland  was  to  have  been 
clasped  to  the  heart.  It  had  been  torn  away  ; and  lo,  and 
behold  ! there  was  not  a single  instance  of  oppression,  nothing 
of  rational  freedom,  that  the  country  was  not  fully  and  amply 
in  possession  of ! 

ment  and  people  will  prevent  that  dreadful  alternative  from  arising. 
If  it  should  come,  be  the  guilt  of  it  on  the  heads  of  those  who  make 
it  necessary.” 

“ The  dreadful  alternative  ” came  in  a few  weeks  after  the  delivery 
of  Mr.  Plunket’s  able  speech,  and  the  indignant  orator  “clasped  his” 

hands  with  astonishment,  outlived  the  Union,  and  in  three  years 

and  a half  after  its  accomplishment,  poor  Robert  Emmet  very  foolish- 
ly thought  Mr.  Plunket  had  been  in  earnest  in  what  he  so  eloquently 
threatened  to  do — he  unfortunately  “flung  the  connection  to  the 
winds”  in  realit y ; and  Mr.  Plunket  was  one  of  his  prosecutors,  who, 
In  the  necessary  discharge  of  his  duty,  had  to  call  on  a jury  to  con- 
demn the  young  man,  who  had  done  what  he  himself  had  vowed  to 
do  hypothetically  and  metaphorically  in  his  place  in  parliament.  Mr. 
Plunket’s  appointment  to  the  office  of  Solicitor-General,  was  gazetted 
the  17th  of  [November.  1803. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


18rt 


" When  the  prisoner  reflected,”  said  Mr.  Plunket,  “ that  he 
had  stooped  from  the  honourable  situation  in  which  his  birth, 
talents,  and  education  placed  him,  to  debauch  the  minds  of  the 
lower  orders  of  ignorant  men,  with  the  phantoms  of  liberty 
and  equality,  he  must  feel  that  it  was  an  unworthy  use  of  his 

talents,”  &c “It  was  not  for  him,”  Mr.  Plunket,  “ to 

say,  what  were  the  limits  of  the  mercy  of  God,  what  a sincere 
repentance  of  those  crimes  might  effect  ; but  he  did  say,  that 
if  this  unfortunate  young  gentleman  retained  any  of  the  seeds 
of  humanity  in  his  heart,  or  possessed  any  of  those  qualities 
which  a virtuous  education,  in  a liberal  seminary,  must  have 
planted  in  his  bosom,  he  will  make  an  atonement  to  his  God 
and  his  country,  by  employing  whatever  time  remains  to  him, 
in  warning  his  deluded  countrymen  from  persevering  in  their 
schemes. 

“ Much  blood  has  been  shed,  and  he,  the  prisoner,  would, 
perhaps,  have  been  immolated  by  his  followers,  if  he  had  suc- 
ceeded. They  were  a blood-thirsty  crew,  incapable  of  listen- 
ing to  the  voice  of  reason,  and  equally  incapable  of  obtaining 
rational  freedom,  if  it  were  wanting  in  this  country,  as  they 
are  of  enjoying  it.  They  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  most  sacred 
blood  of  the  country  ; and  yet,  they  call  upon  God  to  prosper 
their  cause,  as  it  is  just.”  Mr.  Plunket  ended  by  saying, 
“ But  as  it  is  atrocious,  wicked,  and  abominable,  I most  de- 
voutly invoke  that  God  to  confound  and  overwhelm  it.” 

Lord  Norbury  then  charged  the  jury  ; and  it  ought  in  fair- 
ness, I will  not  say  to  that  much  injured,  but  much  reprobated 
man,  to  be  stated,  that  his  speech  was  as  free  from  rancour,  as 
it  was  in  the  nature  of  things  for  any  speech  of  Lord  Nor- 
bury’s  to  be,  addressed  to  a prisoner  on  his  trial,  or  to  a plain- 
tiff in  a cause  that  came  before  him. 

The  jury,  without  retiring  from  the  box,  brought  in  a ver- 
dict of  Guilty. 

The  Attorney-General  prayed  the  judgment  of  the  Court. 

Mr.  M‘Nally,  on  the  part  of  the  prisoner,  stated  a request, 
which,  probably,  ought  to  be  addressed  to  the  Attorney 
General,  that  judgment  might  not  be  made  until  the  following 

day. 

The  Attorney-General,  Mr.  Standish  O’Grady,  said,  “ It 
was  impossible  to  comply  with  the  request.” 

The  Clerk  of  the  Crown  then,  in  the  usual  form,  addressed 


188 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


the  prisoner,  concluding  in  these  words, — “ What  have  yon, 
therefore,  now  to  say,  why  judgment  of  death  and  execution 
should  not  be  awarded  against  you,  according  to  law  ?” 

Mr.  Emmet,  standing  forward  in  the  dock,  in  front  of  the 
bench,  said, — “ My  lords,  as  to  why  judgment  of  death  and 
execution  should  not  be  passed  upon  me,  according  to  law,  I 
have  nothing  to  say  ; but  as  to  why  my  character  should  not 
be  relieved  from  the  imputations  and  calumnies  thrown  out 
against  it,  I have  much  to  say.  I do  not  imagine  that  your 
lordships  will  give  credit  to  what  I am  going  to  utter  ; I have 
no  hopes  that  I can  anchor  my  character  in  the  breast  of  the 
court,  I only  wish  your  lordships  may  suffer  it  to  float  down 
your  memories  until  it  has  found  some  more  hospitable  harbour 
to  shelter  it  from  the  storms  with  which  it  is  at  present  buffet- 
ed. Was  I to  suffer  only  death,  after  being  adjudged  guilty, 
I should  bow  in  silence  to  the  fate  which  awaits  me  ; but  the 
sentence  of  the  law  which  delivers  over  my  body  to  the  execu- 
tioner, consigns  my  character  to  obloquy.  A man  in  my  situa- 
tion has  not  only  to  encounter  the  difficulties  of  fortune,  but 
also  the  difficulties  of  prejudice.  Whilst  the  man  dies,  his 
,‘memory  lives  ; and  that  mine  may  not  forfeit  all  claim  to  the 
respect  of  my  countrymen,  I seize  upon  this  opportunity  to 
vindicate  myself  from  some  of  the  charges  alleged  against  me. 
I am  charged  with  being  an  emissary  of  France  : it  is  false — 
I am  no  emissary.  I did  not  wish  to  deliver  up  my  country 
to  a foreign  power,  and  least  of  all,  to  France.  Never  did  I 
entertain  the  remotest  idea  of  establishing  French  power  in 
Ireland.  From  the  introductory  paragraph  of  the  address  of 
the  Provisional  Government,  it  is  evident  that  every  hazard 
attending  an  independent  effort,  was  deemed  preferable,  to  the 
more  fatal  risk  of  introducing  a French  army  into  this  country. 
Small,  indeed,  would  be  our  claim  to  patriotism  and  to  sense, 
and  palpable  our  affectation  of  the  love  of  liberty,  if  we  were 
to  sell  our  country  to  a people,  who  are  not  only  slaves  them- 
selves, but  the  unprincipled  and  abandoned  instruments  of  im- 
posing slavery  on  others.  And  my  lords,  let  me  here  observe, 
that  1 am  not  the  head  and  life’s  blood  of  this  rebellion. 
When  I came  to  Ireland,  I found  the  business  ripe  for  execu- 
tion. I was  asked  to  join  in  it.  I took  time  to  consider  ; 
and  after  mature  deliberation,  I became  one  of  the  Provisional 
Government  ; and  there  then  was,  my  lords,  an  agent  from 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


189 


the  United  Irishmen  and  Provisional  Government  of  Ireland 
at  Paris,  negotiating  with  the  French  Government,  to  obtain 
from  them  an  aid  sufficient  to  accomplish  the  separation  of 
Ireland  from  Great  Britain,  the  preliminary  to  which  assist- 
ance has  been  a guarantee  to  Ireland  similar  to  that  which 
Franklin  obtained  for  America  ; but  the  intimation  that  I,  or 
the  rest  of  the  Provisional  Government,  meditated  to  put  our 
country  under  the  dominion  of  a power  which  has  been  the 
enemy  of  freedom  in  every  part  of  the  globe,  is  utterly  false 
and  unfounded.  Did  we  entertain  any  such  ideas,  how  could 
we  speak  of  giving  freedom  to  our  countrymen  ? how  could 
we  assume  such  an  exalted  motive  ? If  such  an  inference  is 
drawn  from  any  part  of  the  proclamation  of  the  provisional 
government,  it  calumniates  their  views,  and  is  not  warranted 
by  the  fact. 

“ Connection  with  France  was,  indeed,  intended,  but  only  as 
far  as  mutual  interest  would  sanction  or  require.  Were  they 
to  assume  any  authority  inconsistent  with  the  purest  independ- 
ence, it  would  be  the  signal  for  their  destruction.  We  sought 
aid,  and  we  sought  it — as  we  had  assurance  we  should  obtain 
it — as  auxiliaries  in  war,  and  allies  in  peace. 

“ Were  the  French  to  come  as  invaders  or  enemies,  unin- 
vited by  the  wishes  of  the  people,  I should  oppose  them  to  the 
utmost  of  my  strength.  Yes  ! my  countrymen,  I should  ad- 
vise you  to  meet  them  upon  the  beach,  with  a sword  in  one 
hand,  and  a torch  in  the  other.  I would  meet  them  with  all 
the  destructive  fury  of  war.  I would  animate  my  countrymen 
to  immolate  them  in  their  boats,  before  they  had  contaminated 
the  soil  of  my  country.  If  they  succeeded  in  landing,  and,  if 
forced  to  retire  before  superior  discipline,  I would  dispute 
every  inch  of  ground,  burn  every  blade  of  grass,  and  the  last 
intrenchment  of  liberty  should  be  my  grave.  What  I could 
not  do  myself,  if  I should  fall,  I should  leave  as  a last  charge 
to  my  countrymen  to  accomplish  : because  I should  feel  con- 
scious that  life,  any  more  than  death,  is  unprofitable,  when  a 
foreign  nation  holds  my  country  in  subjection. 

“ Reviewing  the  conduct  of  France  to  other  countries,  could 
we  expect  better  towards  us  ? No  ; let  not  then  any  man 
attaint  my  memory  by  believing  that  I could  have  hoped  to 
give  freedom  to  my  country,  by  betraying  the  sacred  cause  of 
liberty,  and  committing  it  to  the  power  of  her  most  determined 


190 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


foe.  Had  I done  so,  I had  not  deserved  to  live  ; and,  dying 
with  such  a weight  upon  my  character,  I had  merited  the  hon- 
est execration  of  that  country  which  gave  me  birth,  and  to 
which  I would  give  freedom.  What  has  been  the  conduct  of 
the  French  towards  other  countries  ? they  promised  them 
liberty,  and  when  they  got  them  into  their  power,  they  en- 
slaved them.  What  has  been  their  conduct  towards  Switzer- 
land, where  it  has  been  stated  that  I have  been  ? had  the  peo- 
ple there  been  desirous  of  French  assistance,  I would  have 
sided  with  the  people,  I would  have  stood  between  them  and 
the  French,  whose  aid  they  called  in,  and,  to  the  utmost  of 
my  ability,  I would  have  protected  them  from  every  attempt 
at  subjugation  ; I would,  in  such  case,  have  fought  against 
the  French,  and,  in  the  dignity  of  freedom,  I would  have  ex- 
pired on  the  threshold  of  that  country,  and  they  should  have 
entered  it  only  by  passing  over  my  lifeless  corpse.  Is  it  then 
to  be  supposed  that  I would  be  slow  in  making  the  same  sacri- 
fices for  my  native  land  ; and  I,  who  lived  but  to  be  of  ser- 
vice to  my  country,  and  who  would  subject  myself  to  the 
bondage  of  the  grave  to  give  her  freedom  and  independence, 
am  I to  be  loaded  with  the  foul  and  grievous  calumny  of  being 
an  emissary  of  French  tyranny  and  French  despotism  ? My 
Lords,  it  may  be  part  of  the  system  of  angry  justice,  to  bow 
a man’s  mind  by  humiliation  to  meet  the  ignominy  of  the 
scaffold,  but  worse  to  me  than  the  scaffold’s  shame,  or  the 
scaffold’s  terrors,  would  be  the  imputation  of  having  been  the 
agent  of  the  despotism  and  ambition  of  France  ; and,  whilst 
I have  breath,  I will  call  upon  my  countrymen  not  to  believe 
me  guilty  of  so  foul  a crime  against  their  liberties,  and  against 
their  happiness.  I would  do  with  the  people  of  Ireland  as  I 
would  have  done  with  the  people  of  Switzerland,  could  I be 
called  upon  at  any  future  period  of  time  so  to  do.  My  ob- 
ject, and  that  of  the  rest  of  the  provisional  government,  was, 
to  effect  a total  separation  between  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
to  make  Ireland  totally  independent  of  Great  Britain,  but  not 
to  let  her  become  a dependant  of  France. 

A “ When  my  spirit  shall  have  joined  those  bands  of  martyred 
heroes,  who  have  shed  their  blood  on  the  scaffold,  and  in  the 
field,  in  defence  of  their  country,  this  is  my  hope,  that  my 
memory  and  name  may  serve  to  animate  those  who  survive 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


191 


“ While  the  destruction  of  that  government  which  upholds 
its  dominion  by  impiety  against  the  Most  High,  which  dis- 
plays its  power  over  man  as  over  the  beasts  of  the  field,  which 
sets  man  upon  his  brother,  and  lifts  his  hands,  in  religion’s 
name,  against  the  throat  of  his  fellow,  who,  believes  a little 
more  or  less  than  the  government  standard,  which  reigns 
amidst  the  cries  of  the  orphans  and  of  the  widows  it  has 
made.”  (Here  Mr.  Emmet  was  interrupted  by  Lord  Nor- 
bury.) 

After  a few  words  on  the  subject  of  his  objects,  purposes, 
and  the  final  prospect  of  success,  he  was  again  interrupted, 
when  he  said — 

“ What  I have  spoken  was  not  intended  for  your  lordships, 
whose  situation  I commiserate  rather  than  envy  ; my  expres* 
sions  were  for  my  countrymen.  If  there  be  a true  Irishman 
present,  let  my  last  words  cheer  him  in  the  hour  of  affliction.” 

Lord  Nor  bury  interrupted  the  prisoner. 

“ I have  always  understood  it  to  be  the  duty  of  a judge,  when 
a prisoner  has  been  convicted,  to  pronounce  the  sentence  of 
the  law.  I have  also  understood  that  judges  sometimes  think 
it  their  duty  to  hear  with  patience,  and  to  speak  with  human- 
ity ; to  exhort  the  victim  of  the  laws,  and  to  offer,  with  ten- 
der benignity,  his  opinions  of  the  motives  by  which  he  was  ac- 
tuated, in  the  crime  of  which  he  was  adjudged  guilty.  That 
a judge  has  thought  it  his  duty  so  to  have  done,  I have  no 
doubt ; but  where  is  the  boasted  freedom  of  your  institutions 
— where  is  the  vaunted  impartiality,  clemency,  and  mildness  of 
your  courts  of  justice,  if  an  unfortunate  prisoner,  whom  your 
policy,  and  not  justice,  is  about  to  deliver  into  the  hands  of  the 
executioner,  is  not  suffered  to  explain  his  motives,  sincerely 
and  truly,  and  to  vindicate  the  principles  by  which  he  was  ac- 
tuated ? 

“ My  Lords,  it  may  be  a part  of  the  system  of  angry  jus- 
tice, to  bow  a man’s  mind  by  humiliation,  to  the  purposed 
ignominy  of  the  scaffold  ; but  worse  to  me  than  the  purposed 
shame,  or  the  scaffold’s  terrors,  would  be  the  tame  endurance 
of  such  foul  and  unfounded  imputations  as  have  been  laid 
against  me  in  this  court.  You,  my  Lord,  are  a judge.  I am 
the  supposed  culprit.  I am  a man — you  are  a man  also.  By 
a revolution  of  power,  we  might  change  places,  though  we 
never  could  change  characters.  If  I stand  at  the  bar  of  thii 


192 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


court,  and  dare  not  vindicate  my  character,  w'^x  c farce  is 
your  justice!  If  I stand  at  this  bar,  and  dare  zki  indicate 
my  character,  how  dare  you  calumniate  it  ? Does  fi*.  ^.nteuce . 
of  death,  which  your  unhallowed  policy  inflicts  or  r j body, 
condemn  my  tongue  to  silence,  and  my  reputation  tc  ncroach  ? 
Tour  executioner  may  abridge  the  period  of  my  exiF.£:.*?<e,  but, 
while  I exist,  I shall  not  forbear  to  vindicate  my  character 
and  motives  from  your  aspersions  ; and,  as  a man  to  whom 
fame  is  dearer  than  life,  I will  make  the  last  use  of  that  life 
in  doing  justice  to  that  reputation  which  is  to  live  after  me, 
and  which  is  the  only  legacy  I can  leave  to  those  I honour 
and  love,  and  for  whom  I am  proud  to  perish.  As  men,  my 
Lords,  we  must  appear  on  the  great  day  at  one  common  tri- 
bunal ; and  it  will  then  remain  for  the  Searcher  of  all  hearts 
to  show  a collective  universe,  who  was  engaged  in  the  most 
virtuous  actions,  or  actuated  by  the  purest  motives — my 
country's  oppressors,  or ” 

(Here  he  was  interrupted,  and  told  to  listen  to  the  sentence 
of  the  law.) 

“ My  Lords,  will  a dying  man  be  denied  the  legal  privilege 
of  exculpating  himself  in  the  eyes  of  a community  from  a re- 
proach thrown  upon  him  during  his  trial,  by  charging  him 
with  ambition,  and  attempting  to  cast  away,  for  a paltry  con- 
sideration, the  liberties  of  his  country,  why  then  insult  me,  or 
rather,  why  insult  justice,  in  demanding  of  me  why  sentence 
of  death  should  not  be  pronounced  against  me  ? I know,  my 
Lords,  that  the  form  prescribes  that  you  should  put  the  ques- 
tion, the  form  also  confers  a right  of  answering.  This,  no 
doubt,  may  be  dispensed  with,  and  so  might  the  whole  cere- 
mony of  the  trial,  since  sentence  was  already  pronounced  at 
the  Castle  before  your  jury  were  impanelled.  Your  Lord- 
ships  are  but  the  priests  of  the  oracle,  and  I submit,  but  I in- 
sist on  the  whole  of  the  forms.” 

(Here  Mr.  Emmet  paused,  and  the  court  desired  him  to 
proceed.) 

“ I have  been  charged  with  that  importance  in  the  efforts  to 
emancipate  my  country,  as  to  be  considered  the  key-stone  of 
the  combination  of  Irishmen,  or,  as  it  has  been  expressed,  ‘ the 
life  and  blood  of  this  conspiracy. ' You  do  me  honour  over- 
much ; you  have  given  to  the  subaltern  all  the  credit  of  the 
superior.  There  are  men  concerned  in  this  conspiracy,  who  are 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMHET. 


193 


not  only  saperior  to  me,  but  even  to  your  own  conceptions  to 
yourself,  my  Lord  ; men,  before  the  splendour  of  whose  genius 
and  virtues  I should  bow  with  respectful  deference,  and  who 
would  not  deign  to  call  you  friend — who  would  not  disgrace 
themselves  by  shaking  your  blood-stained  hand” 

(Here  he  was  interrupted  by  Lord  Norbury.) 

“ What,  my  Lord,  shall  you  tell  me  on  my  passage  to  the 
scaffold — which  that  tyranny  of  which  you  are  only  the  inter- 
mediate minister,  has  erected  for  my  death — that  I am  ac- 
countable for  all  the  blood  that  has  and  will  be  shed  in  this 
struggle  of  the  oppressed  against  the  oppressor  ? Shall  you 
tell  me  this — and  must  I be  so  very  a slave  as  not  to  repel  it  ? 

“ I do  not  fear  to  approach  the  Omnipotent  Judge,  to 
answer  for  the  conduct  of  my  short  life  ; and  am  I to  stand 
appalled  here  before  a mere  remnant  of  mortality  ? Let  no 
man  dare,  when  I am  dead,  to  charge  me  with  dishonour — 
let  no  man  attaint  my  memory,  by  believing  that  I could  have 
engaged  in  any  cause,  but  of  my  country’s  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence. The  proclamation  of  the  provisional  government 
speaks  my  views — no  inference  can  be  tortured  from  it  to 
countenance  barbarity  or  debasement.  I would  not  have  sub- 
mitted to  a foreign  oppression,  for  the  same  reason  that  I 
would  have  resisted  tyranny  at  home.” 

Lord  Norbury — “ Mr.  Emmet,  you  have  been  called  upon 
to  show  cause,  if  any  you  have,  why  the  judgment  of  the  law 
should  not  be  enforced  against  you.  Instead  of  showing  any 
thing  in  point  of  law,  why  judgment  should  not  pass,  you  have 
proceeded  in  a manner  the  most  unbecoming  a person  in  your 
situation  ; you  have  avowed,  and  endeavoured  to  vindicate 
principles  totally  subversive  of  the  government,  totally  sub- 
versive of  the  tranquility,  well-being,  and  happiness  of  that 
country  which  gave  you  birth  ; and  you  have  broached  treason 
the  most  abominable. 

“You,  Sir,  had  the  honour  to  be  a gentleman  by  birth,  and 
your  father  filled  a respectable  situation  under  the  government. 
You  had  an  eldest  brother,  whom  death  snatched  away,  and 
who,  when  living,  was  one  of  the  greatest  ornaments  of  the  bar. 
The  laws  of  his  country  were  the  study  of  his  youth  ; and  the 
study  of  his  maturer  life  was  to  cultivate  and  support  them. 
He  left  you  a proud  example  to  follow  ; and  if  he  had  lived, 
he  would  have  given  your  talents  the , same  virtuous  direction 


194 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


as  his  own,  and  have  taught  you  to  admire  and  preserve  that 
constitution,  for  the  destruction  of  which  you  have  conspired 
with  the  most  profligate  and  abandoned,  and  associated  your- 
self with  hostlers,  bakers,  butchers,  and  such  persons,  whom 
you  invited  to  council,  when  you  erected  your  Provisional 
Government 

“ If  the  spirits,”  said  Emmet,  “ of  the  illustrious  dead  par- 
ticipate in  the  concerns  of  those  who  were  dear  to  them  in 
this  transitory  scene,  dear  shade  of  my  venerated  father,  look 
down  on  your  suffering  son,  and  see  has  he  for  one  moment 
deviated  from  those  moral  and  patriotic  principles  which  you 
so  early  instilled  into  his  youthful  mind,  and  for  which  he  has 
now  to  offer  up  his  life. 

“ My  Lord,  you  are  impatient  for  the  sacrifice.  The  blood 
which  you  seek  is  not  congealed  by  the  artificial  terrors  which 
surround  your  victim — it  circulates  warmly  and  unruffled 
through  its  channels,  and  in  a little  time  it  will  cry  to  heaven 
— be  yet  patient  ! I have  but  a few  words  more  to  say — 1 
am  going  to  my  cold  and  silent  grave — my  lamp  of  life  is 
nearly  extinguished — I have  parted  with  every  thing  that  was 
dear  to  me  in  this  life,  and  for  my  country’s  cause  with  the 
Idol  of  my  soul,  the  object  of  my  affections.  My  race  is  run — 
the  grave  opens  to  receive  me,  and  I sink  into  its  bosom.  I 
have  but  one  request  to  ask  at  my  departure  from  this  world, 
it  is  the  charity  of  its  silence.  Let  no  man  write  my  epitaph  ; 
for  as  no  man  who  knows  my  motives  dare  now  vindicate 
them,  let  not  prejudice  or  ignorance  asperse  them.  Let  them 
rest  in  obscurity  and  peace,  my  memory  be  left  in  oblivion,  and 
my  tomb  remain  uninscribed,  until  other  times  and  other  men 
can  do  justice  to  my  character.  When  my  country  takes  her 
place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  then,  and  not  till  then, 
let  my  epitaph  be  written.  I have  done.” 

Lord  Norbury,  after  an  address  which  was  pronounced  with 
emotion  never  before  exhibited  on  any  former  occasion  by  his 
Lordship,  pronounced  the  dreadful  sentence,  ordering  th§ 
prisoner  to  be  executed  on  the  following  day,  Tuesday.  When 
the  prisoner  was  removed  from  the  dock,  it  was  about  ten 
s’clock  at  night  1 ! ! 

The  account  of  the  proceedings  on  the  trial,  I have  taken 
from  Ridgeway’s  Report  ; but  the  report  of  Emmet’s  speech 
is  sadly  mutilated  ; a great  deal  of  interesting  and  important 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


195 


matter  is  omitted.*  Mr.  Ridgeway  was  one  of  the  Council 
for  the  Crown  ; and  it  is  well  known  that  the  reports  of  the 
trials  in  1*198,  and  it  is  probable  that  those  in  1803,  had  to  be 
submitted  to  the  Castle  functionaries,  and  subjected  to  re- 
vision, before  publication.  The  Report  of  Robert  Emmet’s 

• \ 

* The  following  letter  of  Thomas  Moore’s,  appeared  in  a communica- 
tion of  Dr.  Shelton  Mackenzie’s  to  Meagher’s  Irish  News,  of  June  7, 1856. 

“May  10,  1845. 

“ Dear  Sir  : — I had  the  pleasure,  some  time  ago,  of  expressing  my 
gratitude  for  your  kind  and  interesting  letter  respecting  the  manuscript 
of  poor  Emmet’s  speech,  in  Mr.  Marshal’s  possession.  My  ‘ History  of 
Ireland,’  so  long  on  hand  as  to  have  made  it,  latterly,  a heavy  duty  of 
taskwork  rather  than  the  ‘ labor  of  love’  which  it  originally  promised 
to  be,  was  completed  without  including  any  notice  of  Emmet’s  attempt- 
ed revolt  in  1803  ; therefore  I did  not  give  myself  any  especial  trouble 
about  Mr.  Marshal’s  manuscript.  I was  in  town  for  a couple  of  days 
last  July,  but  in  no  mood  of  mind  to  take  especial  interest  in  anything 
but  the  mournful  duty  I had  to  discharge.  This  time,  I have  been  less 
occupied,  and  scarcely  lost  an  hour  before  I saw  Mr,  Marshal,  at  the 
British  Museum.  Unfortunately  the  precious  manuscript  was  at  his 
private  residence,  so  I was  disappointed  for  the  instant. 

Yesterday,  I was  more  fortunate.  The  writing  is  unquestionably 
Robert  Emmet’s.  Nearly  half  a century  ago,  when  he  and  I were 
warm  friends  and  constant  companions,  I knew  his  writing  as  well 
as  my  own.  Nor  was  it  without  emotion  that  I looked  at.  one  of  the 
very  latest  of  his  autographs.  You,  who  are  acquainted  with  my  lit- 
erary efforts,  must  have  gathered  from  them  how  much  I loved  him 
living,  and  attempted  to  honor  him  when  dead ; as  the  peasant,  in  our 
native  land,  who  casts  a stone  upon  the  cairn  of  some  lamented  friend, 
pays  a tribute  as  great,  according  to  his  means,  as  when  the  pride  of 
wealth  raises  a mausoleum  over  the  ashes  of  the  dead. 

With  abundance  of  materials  in  the  Museum  Library,  I was  able  to 
compare  the  manuscript  with  the  spoken  speech.  There  are  several 
points  of  difference,  arising  chiefly  out  of  the  repeated  efforts  of  Lord 
Norbury  to  embarrass  Emmet  by  a series  of  scolding  interruptions. 
In  such  attempts  his  Lordship  did  not  succeed  ; for  though  Emmett  did 
not  deliver  more  than  two-thirds  of  what  he  had  prepared,  there  was 
force  and  eloquence  in  the  sentences  which  he  interpolated,  on  the  ins- 
tant, in  reply  and  reproof  to  the  judicial  scold.  Emmet  was  naturally 
so  eloquent  (he  was  one  of  the  best  speakers  of  our  Historical  Society 
in  College)  that  there  was  no  reason,  except  one,  why  he  should  have 
carefully  elaborated  the  few  sentences  to  be  spoken  before  judgment 
was  passed  upon  him.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  he  distrusted  his 
own  powers,  at  that  trying  crisis,  and  was  anxious,  no  doubt,  that  his 
last  words  in  public,  actually  addressed  (to  use  Lord  Byron’s  fine  ex- 

Sression)  “ to  time  and  to  eternity,  and  not  to  man,”  should  be  well 
eliberated.  He  knew  their  importance. 


J 90 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Speech,  in  the  Hibernian  Magazine  of  1803,  is  far  more  siuv 
pie,  and  equally  correct,  as  far  as  it  goes  ; but  there  are  like- 
wise many  omissions.  It  was  only  by  submitting  the  various 
versions  of  the  speech  to  thg  revision  of  persons  who  were  pre- 

In  the  manuscript,  as  originally  struck  yourself,  the  allusion  to  aid 
from  France  is  more  decided  than  in  th#  published  speech.  Emmet 
certainly  intended  saying  that  there  was  at  that  moment  in  Paris  a 
member  of  the  Irish  Provisional  Government  empowered  to  negotiate 
for  an  invading  expedition,  but  with  orders  not  to  allow  it  to  sail  until 
the  French  Government  had  given  Ireland  a guarantee  for  her  liberties 
similar  to  that  obtained  by  Franklin  for  America.  This  is  much  more 
than  I can  find  in  any  report  of  the  speech.  Emmet  may  not  have 
spoken  these  words,  but  it  is  just  as  probable  that  he  did.  The  report 
of  the  trial  was  published  under  the  editorship  of  the  then  Under -Sec- 
retary of  the  Castle,  Mr.  Marsden,  who  is  known  to  have  greatly  gar- 
bled the  account. 

I have  always  been  doubtful  whether  Robert  Emmet,  who  was  fas- 
tidious in  his  language,  ever  designated  Plunket  as  a viper  whom  his 
father  had  nurtured  to  sting  his  child.  There  is  no  trace  of  such  words 
in  the  manuscript,  but,  indeed,  they  could  only  have  been  suggested, 
if  ever  uttered,  by  the  line  taken  by  Plunket  on  the  trial,  a course  of 
procedure  which  evidently  had  but  one  motive,  and  upon  which  there 
could  scarcely  be  a second  opinion. 

The  kindness  of  Mr.  Marshal  has  given  me  not  only  the  inspection, 
but  the  possession  of  Emmet’s  manuscript.  I vainly  essayed  to  make 
him  accept  some  price  for  it,  knowing  that  his  circumstances  cannot 
be  good,  but  he  declined  so  decidedly  that  I did  not  venture  to  insist. 
I have  sent  him,  as  a small  acknowledgment,  the  late  edition  of  my 
verses,  and  beg  that  when  you  again  see  him  you  will  say  how  much 
I am  his  debtor. 

As  you  are  curious,  with  pertinacity  in  your  curiosity,  about  Robert 
Emmet,  I have  only  to  add,  that  I shall  return  to  Sloperton  in  a few 
days  ; and  should  the  facilities  of  railroad  travelling  tempt  you  to  give 
me  a few  days  visit,  you  may  then  make  a copy  of  the  Speech — which 
I should  gladly  do  for  you,  but  the  mere  work  of  writing  greatly  fa- 
tigues me  now,  and,  indeed,  I have  taken  several  days  to  this  letter. 

Pardon  its  great  length,  and  believe  me, 

Your  obliged  and  faithful  servant, 

Thomas  Moobe. 

To  Dr.  Shelton  Mackenzie. 

It  was  not  in  my  power  to  visit  Moore,  in  his  cottage  in  Wiltshire, 
and  thus  I lost  the  opportunity  of  obtaining  a copy  of  the  speech.  The 
original  remains,  most  probably,  among  Moore’s  papers.  R.  S.  M. 

The  Publisher  made  every  effort  to  obtain  a copy  of  the  above 
mentioned  version  of  the  speech,  but  in  vain.  It  has  probably  met 
the  same  fate  as  every  allusion  to  Irish  politics  in  the  latter  part  of 
“ Moore’s  Journal,”  under  the  hands  of  its  editor  Lord  John  Russell 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


197 


sent  at  the  trial,  and  had  a strong  recollection  of  the  discourse 
pronounced  by  Emmet,  and  comparing  different  passages,  that 
a copy  could  be  obtained,  wherein  the  omitted  matter  wa» 
supplied,  and  the  additions  were  struck  out,  which  certainlj 
were  not  improvements  of  Watty  Cox  and  others.  Mr. 
Buchanan,  the  late  Consul  of  New  York,  Dr.  Macabe,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Haydon,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Macartney,  and  others  whose 
names  I am  not  at  liberty  to  disclose,  and  amongst  them  one 
whose  retentive  memory  has  preserved  every  striking  passage, 
an  Englishman,  now  filling  the  situation  of  Usher  of  one  of  the 
principal  police  offices  in  London,  were  present  at  the  trial  of 
Emmet,*  and  one  and  all  speak  of  his  address,  as  surpassing 
in  thrilling  eloquence  in  that  speech  any  thing  they  had  ever 
witnessed  in  oratory.  Emmet  pronounced  the  speech  in  so 
loud  a voice  as  to  be  distinctly  heard  at  the  outer  doors  of  the 
Court  House  ; and  yet,  though  he  spoke  in  a loud  tone,  there 
was  nothing  boisterous  in  h's  manner,  his  accents  and  cadence 
of  voice,  on  the  contrary,  were  exquisitely  modulated.  His 
action  was  very  remarkable,  its  greater  or  lesser  vehemence 
corresponded  with  the  rise  and  fall  of  his  voice.  He  is  de- 
scribed as  moving  about  the  dock,  as  he  warmed  in  his  ad- 
dress, with  rapid,  but  not  ungraceful  motions,  now  in  front  of 
the  railing  before  the  bench,  then  retiring,  as  if  his  body,  as 
well  as  his  mind,  were  swelling  beyond  the  measure  of  their 
chains.  His  action  was  not  confined  to  his  hands,  he  seemed 
to  have  acquired  a swaying  motion  of  the  body  when  he  spoke 
in  public,  which  was  peculiar  to  him,  but  there  was  no  affecta 
tion  in  it.  It  was  said  of  Tone,  on  his  trial,  by  a bye  stander, 
that  he  never  saw  any  one  cast  affectation  so  far  behind  him. 
The  remark  with  equal  truth  might  have  been  applied  to 
Emmet.  His  trial  commenced  on  the  morning  of  the  18th  of 
September,  1803,  and  terminated  the  same  evening  at  ten 
o’clock,  and  a few  hours  were  all  that  were  given  to  him  to 
prepare  for  eternity.  Tuesday  was  fixed  for  his  execution  ; he 
had  prayed,  through  his  counsel,  of  the  Attorney-General,  not 
to  be  brought  up  for  judgment  till  the  Wednesday,  his  appli- 
cation was  refused  ; the  ministers  of  justice  were  impatient  for 


* Nothing  could  exceed  thw  public  anxiety  to  hear  the  trial ; how- 
ever, the  audience  was  exclusively  military — there  was  not  a feraoo 
in  colore  I clothes  in  the  Court  House. — Phillips?  Recollections. 


198 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


the  sacrifice  ; the  ministers  of  mercy  and  of  humanity  wer« 
abroad,  or  had  resigned  their  places,  or  were  driven  from  the 
Castle,  or  were  drowned  in  thejir  own  tears.  Poor  Emmet,  at 
ten  o’clock  at  night,  was  removed  from  the  court-house  in 
Green-street  to  Newgate,  there  he  was  heavily  ironed  by 
Gregg  the  jailer,  and  placed,  it  is  supposed  by  the  Time’s 
Correspondent,  in  one  of  the  condemned  cells.  The  govern- 
mient  appear  to  have  become  alarmed  1 east  any  attempt  should 
be  made  at  a rescue  ; there  is  some  reason  to  think  that  some 
project  of  this  kind  was  in  contemplation,  and  that  Robert 
Emmet  had  been  made  acquainted  with  it.  After  midnight, 
when  the  few  brief  hours  the  prisoner  had  to  live  ought  to 
have  been  sacred  from  disturbance,  an  order  came  from  the 
Secretary  at  the  Castle  forthwith  to  have  the  prisoner  con- 
veyed to  Kilmainham  jail,  a distance  of  about  two  miles  and  a 
half.  And  the  fears  of  the  government  were  made  to  appear 
in  the  anxious  desire  of  the  Secretary  to  consult  the  comfort  of 
the  condemned  man.  If  this  was  the  case  why  did  he  wait 
till  after  midnight,  to  issue  his  orders. 

Poor  Emmet  once  more  entered  Kilmainham  jail  ! It  is 
said  that  George  Dunn,  at  seeing  him  enter,  heavily  fettered, 
and  the  marks  of  blood  on  his  stockings,  was  moved  even  to 
tears  ; and  that  he  was  provided  with  refreshments,  which  he 
was  much  in  need  of,  having  been  on  his  legs  nearly  eleven 
hours  in  court,  and  never  having  tasted  food  since  he  had  left 
the  jail.  I have  omitted  to  state,  that  the  trial  commenced 
at  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning,  and  terminated  at  ten  at  night. 
The  court  was  crowded  to  excess.  He  was  dressed  in  black, 
wore  a black  velvet  stock  and  Hessian  boots.  The  speech  of 
Mr.  Plunket  on  Emmet’s  trial  has  been  the  subject  of  much 
controversy,  which  it  is  impossible,  in  the  memoir  of  Robert 
Emmet,  to  leave  unnoticed  or  affect  to  be  ignorant  of.  I feel 
anything  but  a desire  to  enter  on  this  subject  ; however, 
having  to  treat  of  it,  I shall  confine  myself  to  the  task  of 
placing  before  the  reader  all  the  authentic  information  there 
is  on  the  subject,  and  leave  him  to  draw  his  own  conclusions — • 
premising  simply,  that  much  falsehood  has  crept  into  the  de- 
tails respecting  the  intimacy  of  Lord — then  Mr.  Plunket  with 
the  father  of  Thomas  Addis  Emmet. 

Having  required  a search  to  be  made  in  the  Court  of  King’s 
Bench  for  an  affidavit  of  Lord  Plunket,  in  the  case  of  the 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


19* 


King  at  the  suit  of  the  Right  Honorable  W.  C.  Plunket 
against  Gilbert  and  Hodges,  I found  that  an  affidavit  had  been 
filed  in  that  case  in  the  latter  part  of  1811,  and  that  two  or* 
ders  had  been  pronounced  on  it  in  Hilary  term,  1812. 

“ THE  KING  re  GILBERT  AND  HODGES. 

“ The  Right  Honourable  William  C.  Plunket,  of  Stephen’s 
green,  in  the  citj  of  Dublin,  maketh  oath  and  saith,  that  he 
hath  read  in  a book  entitled — ‘ Sketches  of  History,  Politics, 
and  Manners,  taken  in  Dublin  and  the  North  of  Ireland,  in 
1810/  the  following  passage  : — ‘Mr.  Plunket,  the  late  Attor- 
ney-general of  Ireland,  is  an  admirable  public  speaker,  either 
at  the  Bar  or  in  Parliament.  This  gentlemen,  however,  was 
much  reprobated  for  his  conduct  on  the  trial  of  Mr.  Emmet 
for  high  treason,  about  seven  years  ago.  Mr.  Plunket,  who 
was  then  only  King’s  Counsel,  conducted  the  prosecution  against 
this  unfortunate  young  man  with  a rancour  and  virulence  which 
shocked  and  surprised  every  person  acquainted  with  his  obli- 
gations to  his  father  and  family.  Mr.  Plunket’s  reason  for  this 
conduct  has  never  been  made  known,  though  it  injured  him 
very  much  in  public  estimation.  Crown  lawyers  have  at  all 
times  been  of  the  blood-hound  tribe  ; they  seldom  lose  scent 
of  their  prey,  either  from  considerations  of  gratitude  or  human- 
ity. We  have  an  instance  of  this  in  the  prosecution  of  Lord 
Essex,  on  whom  the  celebrated  Bacon,  then  Attorney-general, 
exhausted  every  opprobrious  term  in  the  English  language, 
though  this  amiable  nobleman  had  been  his  greatest  benefactor 
and  constant  and  unalterable  friend.’  This  deponeth  saith,  he 
believes  himself  to  be  the  person  designated  in  the  foregoing 
passage  by  the  name  of  Mr.  Plunket,  and  that  the  object  of 
the  said  passage  is  to  represent  this  deponent  as  having  con- 
ducted a prosecution  for  high  treason  against  the  late  Robert 
Emmet  with  rancour  and  virulence,  so  gross  as  to  shock  and 
surprise  the  public  mind,  and  that  the  passage  is  further  in- 
tended to  represent  this  deponent  as  having  violated  the  dic- 
tates of  gratitude  and  honour,  by  exciting  such  virulence  and 
rancour  against  a person  from  whose  father  and  family  this 
deponent  had  received  considerable  obligations.  This  depo- 
nent saith,  that  the  entire  of  the  charges  and  insinuations 
against  this  deponent  contained  in  these  passages  are  untrue. 
This  deponent  saith,  that  he  was  personally  an  utter  stranger 


200 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


to  the  said  Robert;  Emmet,  never  having,  to  the  knowledge  oi 
this  deponent,  seen  him  until  he  was  arraigned,  and  on  the 
trial  in  the  Dublin  Court,  and  never  having  had  any  intercourse 
with  him  of  any  kind,  directly  or  indirectly  : and  this  depo^ 
nent  saith  that  he  never  received  the  slightest  or  remotest  obli- 
gation from  the  said  Robert  Emmet,  or  from  the  father,  or 
from  any  one  individual  of  the  family  of  the  said  Robert  Em- 
met. And  this  deponent  saith  that  the  father  of  the  said 
Robert  Emmet  was  a physician,  residing  in  the  city  of  Dublin  : 
this  deponent  was  not  even  on  such  terms  of  acquaintance  with 
the  said  Dr.  Emmet  as  to  bow  to  him  in  the  streets  ; and  this 
deponent  never  was,  to  his  recollection  or  belief,  in  a private 
company  with  the  said  Dr.  Emmet,  or  in  a room,  in  his  life, 
save  once,  and  that,  as  this  deponent  believes,  upwards  of 
twenty  years  ago,  at  the  house  of  the  said  Dr.  Emmet,  on  the 
invitation  of  his  son,  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  with  whom  the 
deponent  had  been  intimate  when  in  the  University  of  Dublin, 
and  when  a student  at  the  Inns  of  Court  in  England  ; but  this 
deponent  saith  that,  within  a very  short  time  after  the  said 
Thomas  Addis  Emmet  had  been  called  to  the  Irish  Bar,  which 
was,  as  the  deponent  saith,  some  time  in  May,  1790,  all  inti- 
macy between  him  and  this  deponent  had  ceased — principally 
in  consequence,  as  this  deponent  saith,  of  a total  opposition 
between  the  opinions  of  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  and  this  depo- 
nent on  the  political  affairs  of  this  country,  which  about  that 
period  assumed  a form  so  very  important  as  deeply  to  affect 
the  private  sentiments  and  character  of  reflecting  persons,  in 
so  much  so  that,  for  some  years  before  the  arrest  and  imprison- 
ment of  the  said  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  in  the  year  1798,  there 
subsisted  no  sort  of  intercourse  between  this  deponent  and  the 
said  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  save  unless  what  arose  from  occa- 
sionally meeting  in  the  streets  or  in  the  Four  Courts,  although 
this  deponent  was  not  then  fully  apprized  of  the  danger  in 
which  the  said  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  was  implicated  with  the 
party  who  were  engaged  in  the  political  pursuits  in  this  coun- 
try which  ended  in  so  much  public  disaster.  This  deponent 
further  saith,  that  he  did  not  conduct  the  trial  for  high  treason 
against  the  said  Robert  Emmet,  the ‘same  being  then  conduct- 
ed by  the  then  Attorney-general,  the  present  Chief  Baron  of 
the  Exchequer  in  England.  But  this  deponent  admits  that 
he  was  one  of  the  Counsel  employed  and  consulted  in  the  con- 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


20} 


duct  thereof  ; and  this  deponent  saith  that  he  declares  the  said 
trial  was  conducted  with  perfect  propriety  and  moderation  by 
the  said  Attorney-general,  and  by  all  the  Counsel  concerned  ; 
and  this  deponent  positively  saith  that  he  was  not,  in  the  part 
which  he  took  in  the  said  trial,  actuated  by  any  feeling  at  all 
partaking  of  the  nature  of  virulence  or  rancour  ; but,  on  the 
contrary,  this  deponent  saith  that  he  felt  sincere  compassion  for 
the  said  Robert  Emmet,  whom  this  deponent  considered  as 
possessing  many  high  endowments,  but  who  had,  as  this  depo 
nent  conceived,  sacrificed  them  aud  himself  to  the  suggestion 
of  an  unregulated  enthusiasm,  and  who  had  involved  in  his 
wild  enterprise  the  fate  of  many  deluded  persons  of  the  lower 
orders  of  society.  This  deponent  saith  that  he  was  then  of 
opinion  that  it  would  be  of  some  service  to  the  public  that 
this  deponent  should  avail  himself  of  the  public  opportunity 
of  speaking  to  the  evidence  in  the  said  trial  by  pointing  out 
the  folly  and  wildness,  as  well  as  the  wickedness,  of  the  trea- 
sonable conspiracy  which  at  that  time  subsisted  ; and  this  de- 
ponent saith  that  in  the  observations  which  he  made  on  the 
same  trial  this  deponent  did  remark  on  the  unworthy  use 
which  the  said  Robert  Emmet  had  made  of  his  rank  in  society, 
and  of  his  high  abilities,  in  endeavouring  to  disatisfy  the  low- 
er orders  of  labourers  and  mechanics  with  their  lot  in  life,  and 
engaging  them  in  schemes  of  revolution  from  which  they  could 
reap  no  fruit  but  disgrace  and  death  ; and  this  deponent  did 
also  remark  on  the  danger  and  ruin  to  which  the  said  Robert 
Emmet  had  exposed  his  country,  by  having  proposed  (as  this 
deponent  conceives  the  fact  to  be)  to  call  in  the  assistance  of 
the  French.  But  this  deponent  saith  that  he  is  not  conscious 
of  having  made  use  of  any  expressions  on  that  occasion  which 
were  calculated  to  give  unnecessary  pain  to  the  said  Robert 
Emmet,  or  which  in  any  degree  departed  from  the  respect 
which  was  due  to  a gentleman  in  his  unfortunate  situation. 
And  this  deponent  begs  leave  to  refer  to  the  Report  of  the 
cases  of  high  treason  published  in  the  year  1803,  in  which, 
although  the  report  of  this  deponent’s  observations  to  the  jury 
is  very  inaccurate  as  to  composition,  and  was  published  with- 
out any  revisal  by  or  communication  with  the  deponent,  the 
substance  of  the  said  observations  is  stated  fairly  and  without 
suppression.  This  deponent  saith  that  a libellous  statement 
similar  to  that  which  this  deponent  now  complains  of,  having 


202 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


been  made  many  years  ago  in  a London  periodical  print,  thii 
deponent  did  bring  an  action  in  England  against  the  publisher 
thereof,  and  did  the  same  time,  in  the  year  1804,  obtain  a ver- 
dict and  damages  to  the  amount  of  £400,  but  which  the  de- 
ponent did  not  levy  ; and  this  deponent  saith  that  the  same 
scandal  having  been  revised  and  propagated  with  some  indus- 
try, this  deponent  feels  that  he  owes  it  to  his  own  character 
to  take  this  public  method  of  disproving  on  oath  the  base  and 
unworthy  conduct  which  has  been  attributed  to  him,  and  which 
this  deponent  believes  is  calculated  to  lower  him  in  the  estima- 
tion of  those  who  are  not  acquainted  with  his  character  and 
sentiments  and  habits  of  life.  This  deponent  saith  that  he 
believes  that  a great  many  copies  of  the  publication  above- 
mentioned, -entitled,  &c.,  &c.,  have  been  circulated  in  this  city 
by  the  publisher  j a copy  thereof  was,  on  the  14th  of  this 
month,  sold  at  the  shop  of  Messrs.  Gilbert  and  Hodges. 

“November  23rd,  1811.” 

There  are  two  persons  who,  if  Lord  Plunket  had  been  in- 
timate in  the  family  of  Dr.  Emmet,  must  have  known  it,  Mr. 
John  Patten,  and  Mr.  St.  John  Mason,  inmates  of  the  house 
of  Dr.  Emmet  in  Stephen’s-green,  at  various  periods,  during 
the  time  of  the  alleged  intimacy,  and  both  gentlemen  state 
that  they  never  saw  Lord  Plunket  at  Dr.  Emmet’s.  Mr. 
Mason  says,  on  the  occasion  of  Messrs.  Plunket  and  M‘- 
Naghten,  members  of  the  Irish  Parliament,  making  speeches 
in  1798,  strongly  opposed  to  the  proceedings  of  the  state 
prisoners,  Dr.  Emmet  did  complain  of  Mr.  Plunket  on  that 
occasion.  Mr.  Mason  informs  me,  the  persons  who  within 
his  recollection  had  been  frequent  visitors  at  Dr.  Emmet’s, 
and  personal  friends,  or  acquaintances  of  T.  A.  Emmet  were 
the  following.  Dr.  Drennan  ; A.  O’Connor  ; S.  E.  Fitzger- 
ald ; Rev.  Walter  Blake  Kir  wan  ; Solomon  Richards,  Sur- 
geon ; Dr.  Macneven  ; the  two  Pennyfathers,  (now  Judges)  ; 
Chamberlayne,  (afterwards  Judge)  ; Baron  George  ; C.  H. 
Bushe,  the  late  Chief  Justice  ; Burton,  now  Judge  ; Sir  Ed- 
ward Newnham  ; Peter  Burro wes,  late  Commissioner  of  Bank- 
rupts ; Lady  Anne  Fitzgerald,  a constant  visitor  at  Dr.  Em- 
met’s. A.  Fitzmaurice,  married  to  the  Knight  of  Kerry,  died 
in  Gloucester-street,  Dublin,  then  a widow,  a letter  of  this 
lady’s  was  published  in  the  newspapers  in  1803,  stating  that 
ghe  would  not  harbour  traitors. 


MEMOIR  OP  ROBERT  fiMMEf. 


203 


From  all  I can  learn  from  the  immediate  friends  and  con- 
nections of  the  Emmets,  Lord  Plunket  was  not  intimate  with 
any  member  of  the  family  except  T.  A.  Emmet.  Lord  Plun- 
ket states  in  his  deposition  that  he  had  been  intimate  with  T. 
A.  Emmet  in  the  University,  and  at  the  Inns  of  Court  in 
London,  and  that  their  iutimacy  had  ceased  in  1190,  and  there 
was  no  sort  of  intercourse  between  them  for  some  years  be- 
fore 1798,  “unless  what  arose  from  occasionally  meeting  in 
the  streets  and  in  the  Four  Courts.”  I presume,  this  means, 
they  were  on  terms  of  ordinary  acquaintance  up  to  the  period 
of  T.  A.  Emmet’s  arrest. 

The  occasion  of  Emmet,  O’Connor,  and  M'Neven,  on  the 
27th  of  August,  1798,  having  published  an  advertisement  re- 
futing the  newspaper  publication,  purporting  to  be  Abstracts; 
of  the  Report  of  the  Secret  Committee.  “ As  astonishing- 
misrepresentations,  not  only  unsupported  by,  but  in  many  in- 
stances, directly  contradictory  to  the  facts  stated  on  those 
occasions,”  when  home  members  of  the  House  of  Commons 
recommended  treating  the  persons  who  signed  the  advertise- 
ment in  a summary  manner  is  referred  to  ; not  by  Emmet,  but 
by  Dr.  Macneven,  in  his  account  of  the  compact  with  the  gov- 
ernment Therein  he  states,  that,  “ Mr.  Plunket  had  been 
the  bosom  friend  of  Emmet,  the  companion  of  his  childhood, 
and  the  friend  of  his  youth.’’*  Mr.  T.  A.  Emmet,  in  his  por- 
tion of  the  work,  makes  no  reference  to  the  subject.  His 
treatise  does  not  come  down  to  that  period.  Mr.  Plunket’s 
affidavit  limits  the  intimacy  to  relations  with  Emmet  at  Col- 
lege, and  in  their  early  professional  career,  and  leaves  some 
sort  of  acquaintance  to  be  inferred,  apparently  amounting  to 
what  is  called  being  “ on  speaking  terms,”  down  to  Emmet’s 
arrest  in  1798. 

These  are  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  I have  endeavoured  to 
state  them  fairly. 


Pieces  of  Irish  History,  page  162. 


204 


MEMOIR  Of  ROBERT  EMMET 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Mr.  W.  H.  Curran,  in  his  life  of  his  father,  states,  that,  ofe 
Emmet’s  arrest,  some  papers  were  found  on  his  person,  which 
showed  that  subsequent  to  the  insurrection,  he  had  corres- 
ponded with  one  of  Mr.  Curran’s  family,  a warrant  accord- 
ingly followed,  as  a matter  of  course,  to  examine  Mr.  Cur- 
ran’s house,  where  some  of  Mr.  Emmet’s  letters  were  found, 
which,  together  with  the  documents  taken  upon  his  person, 
placed  beyond  a doubt  his  connection  with  the  late  conspiracy, 
and  were  afterwards  used  as  evidence  upon  his  trial 

“Mr.  Curran  waited  upon  the  Attorney-General,  (The 
Right  Hon.  Standish  O’Grady,  the  late  Chief  Baron  of  the 
Exchequer),  and  tendered  his  person  and  his  papers,  to  abide 
any  inquiry  which  the  government  might  deem  it  expedient  to 
direct.  That  officer  entered  into  his  situation  with  the  most 
prompt  and  manly  sympathy,  and,  instead  of  assuming  the 
character  of  an  accuser  of  the  father,  more  generously  dis- 
played his  zeal  in  interceding  for  his  child.  At  his  instance 
Mr.  Curran  accompanied  him  to  the  Privy  Council.  Upon 
his  first  entrance  there  were  some  indications  of  the  hostile 
spirit  which  he  had  originally  apprehended,  A noble  lord, 
who  at  that  time  held  the  highest  judicial  situation  in  Ireland* 
undertook  to  examine  him  upon  the  transaction  which  occasioned 
his  attendance.  To  do  this  was  undoubtedly  his  duty.  II 3 
fixed  his  eye  upon  Mr.  Curran,  and  was  proceeding  to  cross- 
examine  his  countenance,  when  (as  is  well  remembered  by  the 
spectators  of  the  scene)  the  swell  of  indignation,  and  the 
glance  of  stern  dignity  and  contempt  which  he  encountered 
there,  gave  his  own  nerves  the  shock  which  he  had  meditated 
for  another’s,  and  compelled  him  to  shrink  back  into  his  chair, 
silent  and  disconcerted  at  the  failure  of  his  rash  experiment. 
With  this  single  exception,  Mr.  Curran  was  treated  with  the 
utmost  delicacy.”* 

Mr.  Grattan  gives  an  account  of  an  intercepted  letter  ad- 
dressed by  Emmet  to  Miss  Curran,  which  probably  may  be 
another  version  of  the  same  occurrence  which  Mr.  W.  H 
Curran  makes  mention  of. 


* Life  of  Curran. 


t 


MEMOIR  OP  ROBERT  EMMET.  205 

“ There  were  fine  traits,  too,  in  Emmet’s  character : the 
following-  was  one  of  them.  His  attachment  to  Miss  Curran 
was  well  known.  When  he  was  sent  to  prison,  for  the  out- 
break in  1803,  he  took  aside  the  jailer,  and  gave  him  a letter 
for  Miss  Curran,  and  all  the  money  he  had  about  him,  and 
begged  that  he  would  deliver  it  safe.  The  man,  in  the  dis- 
charge of  his  duty,  gave  the  letter  to  the  Attorney-General. 
Emmet  found  this  out,  and  he  immediately  sent  to  govern- 
ment, to  say  he  had  imprudently  written  such  a letter  ; that 
it  had  come  to  their  hands  : he  had  thus  injured  an  innocent 
and  guiltless  female  ; and  knowing  how  much  the  government 
were  afraid  of  his  addressing  the  people  at  his  execution,  he 
begged  of  them  to  have  the  letter  delivered,  and  that  if  they 
refused,  he  would  not  fail  to  address  the  people,  and  would 
do  so  with  greater  determination  ; but  if  they  sent  the  letter, 
he  would  agree  to  appear  in  court,  plead  guilty,  and  go  to  ex- 
ecution without  saying  a word.  That  was  certainly  a fine 
trait  in  his  character.  The  letter  related  to  politics  as  well  as 
to  love  ; and  in  it,  he  mentions,  there  was  only  one  thing  in 
the  whole  of  his  conduct  with  which  he  had,  (and  justly),  to 
reproach  himself — that  was  his  imprudence  ; and  one  great 
cause  of  his  failure,  he  attributed  to  the  mildness  of  the  gov- 
ernment ; which  he  termed  their  insidious  moderation.”* 

Who  thinks  of  the  young  heroic  man  of  1803  ; who  talks 
of  the  child  of  the  heart  of  Ireland  j who  loves  and  cherishes 
the  memory  of  the  youth  “ who  perished  in  his  pride  on  the 
scaffold,”  and  merged  its  ignominy,  in  “ the  magnanimity”  of 
his  bearing  ; (to  use  the  language  employed  by  the  represen- 
tative of  the  Sovereign,  in  bearing  testimony  to  the  nobleness 
of  mind  which  suggested  one  of  the  latest  of  his  acts,)  who 
mourns  over  his  fate,  and  while  reminded  of  his  errors,  sepa- 
rates his  motives  from  them,  and  traces  to  their  source  the 
calamities  of  his  grace,  and  the  misfortunes  of  his  country  ; 
who  reads  the  story  of  Robert  Emmet,  and  does  not  recall 
the  name  of  Sarah  Curran,  and  all  that  is  sad,  as  well  as  beau* 
tiful,  that  is  associated  with  it  ? 

Her  brother  tells  us  of  the  progress  of  Emmet’s  attachment, 
and  of  the  period  and  occasion  of  his  divulging  it  to  her.  A 
letter  of  the  former  to  her  father,  and  another  to  Mr.  Richard 

* Grattan’s  Life  and  Times,  Yol.  XIV.,  page  360. 


s. 


206  MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 

Curran,  “ contain  all  that  is  to  be  told.”  Those  letters  every 
body  feels  contain  less  than  he  desires  to  know  of  one  who  en- 
gaged the  affections  of  Robert  Emmet.  The  letter  to  the 
father  was  intended  'to  give  an  appearance  of  a very  recent 
and  accidental  origin  to  that  attachment,  and  to  conceal  the 
extent  to  which  his  daughter’s  affections  had  been  engaged 
The  object  is  obvious,  and  its  delicacy  no  less  apparent.  That 
attachment  was  not  of  a very  recent  origin,  nor  was  its  ardour 
and  enthusiasm  all,  or  chiefly  on  the  side  of  Robert  Emmet. 
During  the  whole  period  of  his  last  residence  in  Dublin,  after 
his  return  from  the  Continent,  an  active  correspondence  was 
carried  on  between  him  and  Miss  Curran.  This  correspond- 
ence, comprising  what  has  been  termed  “ a sheaf  of  notes  and 
letters,”  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Irish  Yerres,  Major  Sirr 
They  remained  long  in  his  possession  objects  of  “ virtue,” 
classed  with  “ rebellious  papers,”  in  that  portion  of  the  collec- 
tion which  was  set  apart  for  the  antiquities  of  the  year  of 
blood  and  plunder,  that  was  marked  with  a white  stone  in  the 
Major’s  calendar,  1198. 

The  entire  of  those  letters,  it  is  stated  on  good  authority, 
were  burned  by  Major  Sirr,  some  years  before  his  death  ; 
from  compassionate  feelings,  it  is  said.  The  letters  of  the  lady 
moved  him  to  pity — wonderful  letters  I Well  might  the 
writers  of  them  have  said,  “ What  wreck  discern  you  in  me 
deserves  your  pity  V’  It  is  needless  to  inquire  into  his  mo- 
tives for  this  act,  as  it  is  fruitless  to  lament  the  destruction  of 
them.  The  Major,  in  destroying  those  papers,  has  not  de- 
stroyed the  memory  of  Robert  Emmet,  or  diminished  the 
mournful  interest  that  is  felt  in  every  thing  that  relates  to 
Sarah  Curran. 

A few  days  after  Emmet  was  lodged  in  prison,  he  wrote  to 
Mr.  Curran  the  following  letter  : — 

From  Mr.  Robert  Emmet  to  John  Philpot  Curran,  Esq. 

“ I did  not  expect  you  to  be  my  counsel.  I nominated  you, 
because  not  to  have  done  so  might  have  appeared  remarkable. 

Had  Mr. been  in  town,  I did  not  even  wish  to  have  seen 

you  ; but  as  he  was  not,  I wrote  to  you  to  come  to  me  aj 
once.  I know  that  I have  done  you  very  severe  injury,  much 
greater  than  I can  atone  for  with  my  life  ; that  atonement  I 
did  offer  to  make  before  the  Privy  Council,  by  pleading  guilty, 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


201 


if  those  documents  were  suppressed.  I offered  more — I offer- 
ed, if  I was  permitted  to  consult  some  persons,  and  if  they 
would  consent  to  an  accommodation  for  saving  the  lives  of 
others,  that  I would  only  require  for  my  part  of  it  the  sup- 
pression of  those  documents,  and  that  I would  abide  the  event 
of  my  own  trial.  This  was  also  rejected  ; and  nothing  but  in- 
dividual information  (with  the  exception  of  names)  would  be 
taken.  My  intention  was,  not  to  leave  the  suppression  of 
those  documents  to  possibility,  but  to  render  it  unnecessary 
for  any  one  to  plead  for  me,  by  pleading  guilty  to  the  charge 
myself. 

“ The  circumstances  that  I am  now  going  to  mention,  I do 
not  state  in  my  own  justification.  When  I first  addressed 
your  daughter,  I expected  that  in  another  week  my  own  fate 
would  be  decided.  I knew  that  in  case  of  success  many  others 
might  look  on  me  differently  from  what  they  did  at  that  mo- 
ment, but  I speak  with  sincerity  when  I say,  that  I never  was 
anxious  for  situation  or  distinction  myself,  and  I did  not  wish 
to  be  united  to  one  who  was.  I spoke  to  your  daughter, 
neither  expecting,  nor,  in  fact,  under  those  circumstances, 
wishing  that  there  should  be  a return  of  attachment  ; but 
wishing  to  judge  of  her  dispositions — to  know  how  far  they 
might  be  not  unfavourable  or  disengaged,  and  to  kuow  what 
foundation  I might  afterwards  have  to  count  on.  I received 
no  encouragement  whatever.  She  told  me  she  had  no  attach- 
ment for  any  person,  nor  did  she  seem  likely  to  have  any  that 
could  make  her  wish  to  quit  you  I staid  away  till  the  time 
had  elapsed,  when  I found  that  the  event  to  which  I allude 
was  to  be  postponed  indefinitely.  I returned  by  a kind  of  in- 
fatuation, thinking  that  to  myself  only  was  I giving  pleasure 
or  pain.  I perceived  no  progress  of  attachment  on  her  part, 
nor  any  thing  in  her  conduct  to  distinguish  me  from  a common 
acquaintance.  Afterwards  I had  reason  to  suppose  that  dis- 
coveries were  made,  and  that  I should  be  obliged  to  quit  the 
kingdom  immediately,  and  I came  to  make  a renunciation  of 
any  approach  to  friendship  that  might  have  been  formed.  On 
that  very  day,  she  herself  spoke  to  me  to  discontinue  my  visits  ; 
I told  her  that  it  was  my  intention,  and  I mentioned  the  rea- 
son. I then,  for  the  first  time,  found,  when  I was  unfortunate, 
by  the  manner  in  which  she  was  affected,  that  there  was  a re- 
turn of  affection,  and  that  it  was  too  late  to  retreat.  My  own 


208 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


apprehensions,  also,  I afterwards  found,  were  without  cause, 
and  1 remained.  There  has  been  much  culpability  on  my 
part  in  all  this,  but  there  has  also  been  a great  deal  of  that 
misfortune  which  seems  uniformly  to  have  accompanied  me. 
That  I have  written  to  your  daughter,  since  an  unfortunate 
event  has  taken  place,  was  an  additional  breach  of  propriety, 
for  which  I have  suffered  well  ; but  I will  candidly  confess, 
that  I not  only  do  not  feel  it  to  have  been  of  the  same  extent, 
but  that  I consider  it  to  have  been  unavoidable  after  what  had 
passed  ; for  though  I will  not  attempt  to  justify  in  the  small- 
est degree  my  former  conduct,  yet  when  an  attachment  was 
once  formed  between  us — and  a sincerer  one  never  did  exist — 
I feel  that,  peculiarly  circumstanced  as  I then  was,  to  have 
left  her  uncertain  of  my  situation  would  neither  have  weaned 
her  affections,  nor  lessened  her  anxiety  ; and  looking  upon  her 
as  one  whom,  if  I had  lived,  I hoped  to  have  had  my  partner 
for  life,  I did  hold  the  removing  her  anxiety  above  every  other 
consideration.  I would  rather  have  had  the  affections  of  your 
daughter  in  the  back  settlements  of  America,  than  the  first 
situation  this  country  could  afford  without  them.  I know  not 
whether  this  will  be  any  extenuation  of  my  offence — I know 
not  whether  it  will  be  any  extenuation  of  it  to  know,  that  if  I 
had  that  situation  in  my  power  at  this  moment,  I would  re- 
linquish it  to  devote  my  life  to  her  happiness — I know  not 
whether  success  would  have  blotted  out  the  recollection  of 
what  I have  done — but  I know  that  a man,  with  the  coldness 
of  death  on  him,  need  not  be  made  to  feel  any  other  coldness, 
and  that  he  may  be  spared  any  addition  to  the  misery  he 
feels,  not  for  himself,  but  for  those  to  whom  he  has  left  nothing 
but  sorrow.”* 

On  the  morning  of  the  day  of  Emmet’s  execution,  he  wrote 
the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Richard  Curran  : — 

From  Robert  Emmet  to  Richard  Curran,  Esq. 

My  dearest  Richard, 

“ I find  I have  but  a few  hours  to  live,  but  if  it  was 
the  last  moment,  and  that  the  power  of  utterance  was  leaving 
me,  I would  thank  you  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart  for  your 

* The  original  is  not  signed  or  dated;  it  was  written  on  the  interval 
between  Emmet’s  conviction  and  execution. — Curran's  Life. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


209 


generous  expressions  of  affection  and  forgiveness  to  me.  If 
there  was  any  one  in  the  world,  in  whose  breast  my  death 
might  be  supposed  not  to  stifle  every  spark  of  resentment,  it 
might  be  you.  I have  deeply  injured  you — I have  injured  the 
happiness  of  a sister  that  you  love,  and  who  was  formed  to 
give  happiness  to  every  one  about  her,  instead  of  having  her 
own  mind  a prey  to  affliction.  Oh  1 Richard,  I have  no  ex- 
cuse to  offer,  but  that  I meant  the  reverse  ; I intended  as 
much  happiness  for  Sarah  as  the  most  ardent  love  could  have 
given  her.  I never  did  tell  you  how  much  I idolized  her.  It 
was  not  with  a wild  or  unfounded  passion,  but  it  was  an  at- 
tachment increasing  every  hour,  from  an  admiration  of  the 
purity  of  her  mind,  and  respect  for  her  talents.  I did  dwell 
in  secret  upon  the  prospect  of  our  union.  I did  hope  that 
success,  while  it  afforded  the  opportunity  of  our  union,  might 
be  a means  of  confirming  an  attachment,  which  misfortune  had 
called  forth.  I did  not  look  to  honours  for  myself — praise  I 
would  have  asked  from  the  lips  of  no  man  ; but  I would  have 
wished  to  read  in  the  glow  of  Sarah’s  countenance,  that  her 
husband  was  respected. 

“ My  love,  Sarah  ! it  was  not  thus  that  I thought  to  have 
requited  your  affection.  I did  hope  to  be  a prop,  round  which 
your  affections  might  have  clung,  and  which  would  never  have 
been  shaken  ; but  a rude  blast  has  snapped  it,  and  they  have 
fallen  over  a grave. 

“ This  is  no  time  for  affliction.  I have  had  public  motives 
to  sustain  my  mind,  and  I have  not  suffered  it  to  sink  ; but 
there  have  been  moments  in  my  imprisonment,  when  my  mind 
was  sunk  by  grief  on  her  account,  that  death  would  have  been 
a refuge.  God  bless  you,  my  dearest  Richard.  I am  obliged 
to  leave  off  immediately.  “ Robert  Emmet.”* 

A mamof  Emmet’s  character,  who  loved  the  name  of  hon- 
our, more  than  he  feared  death,  and  in  his  sentiments  with 
respect  to  the  destiny  and  the  noble  qualities  of  women,  was 
true  and  loyal  in  his  chivalry,  as  ever  knight  of  old  ; whose 
purity  of  life  and  morals,  inflexibility  of  principles  and  purpose, 
have  uever  been  denied  ; whose  mind,  moreover,  was  highly 
cultivated,  stored  not  only  with  the  ancient  glories  of  Grecian 
and  Roman  eruditiou,  but  with  the  lighter  graces  of  modern 
* Curran’s  Life,  by  his  Son, 


210 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


literature,  was  not  likely  to  fix  his  affections  lightly,  and  where 
once  fixed,  his  passion  was  not  destined  to  consume  itself, 
whether  in  exile,  in  a distant  land,  or  in  a dungeon,  while  it 
had  the  recollection  of  tfre  love  of  such  a being  as  Sarah  Cur- 
ran to  subsist  on.  The  sentiments  and  conduct  of  Robert 
Emmet  were  in  perfect  conformity,  in  respect  to  the  claims  of 
woman  to  man’s  highest  respect — nay,  in  his  opinion,  to  a sort 
of  reverential  deference,  for  qualities  which  he  considered  pre- 
served more,  or  at  least  exhibited  oftener  traces,  of  their  ex- 
alted origin,  than  were  manifested  in  those  of  the  other  sex.  I 
speak,  of  his  opinions  on  this  subject,  and  their  influence  on  his 
actions,  from  the  most  authentic  information  ; and  especially 
from  the  statements  of  one  gentleman,  intimately  and  closely 
connected  with  him  from  the  days  of  his  boyhood,  to  those  of 
his  most  lamented  end. 

The  story  of  “ The  Broken  Heart”  has  made  the  trials  and 
afflictions  of  the  object  of  his  affection  known  wherever  one  of 
the  most  graceful  books  in  miscellaneous  literature  of  our  own 
language  is  known. 

The  following  account  of  Sarah  Curran’s  ill-fated  attach- 
ment, conveys  a better  idea  of  it,  and  its  unhappy  issue  than 
any  description  of  mine  could  possibly  afford. 

“ She  loved  him  with  the  disinterested  fervour  of  a woman’s 
first  and  early  love.  When  every  worldly  maxim  arrayed  it- 
self against  him,  when  blasted  in  fortune,  and  disgrace  and 
danger  darkened  around  his  name,  she  loved  him  the  more  ar- 
dently for  his  very  sufferings.  If,  then,  his  fate  could  awaken 
the  sympathy  even  of  his  foes,  what'  must  have  been  the  agony 
of  her  whose  whole  soul  was  occupied  by  his  image  ? Let 
those  tell  who  have  had  the  portals  of  the  tomb  suddenly 
closed  between  them  and  the  being  they  most  loved  on  earth 
— who  have  sat  at  its  threshold,  as  one  shut  out  in  a cold  and 
lonely  world,  from  whence  all  that  was  most  lovely  and  loving 
had  departed. 

“ To  render  her  widowed  situation  more  desolate,  she  had 
incurred  her  father’s  displeasure  by  her  unfortunate  attach- 
ment, and  was  an  exile  from  her  paternal  roof.  But  could 
the  sympathy  and  offices  of  friends  have  reached  a spirit  so 
Bhocked  and  driven  in  by  horror,  she  would  have  experienced 
no  want  of  consolation  ; for  the  Irish  are  proverbially  a peo- 
ple of  quick  and  generous  sensibilities.  The  most  delicate  and 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET  211 

cherishing  attentions  were  paid  her  by  families  of  wealth  and 
distinction.  She  was  led  into  society,  and  they  tried  by  all 
kinds  of  occupation  and  amusement  to  dissipate  her  grief,  and 
wean  her  from  the  tragic  story  of  her  love.  But  it  was  all 
in  vain.  There  are  some  strokes  of  calamity,  that  scathe  and 
scorch  the  soul — that  penetrate  to  the  vital  seat  of  happiness 
— and  blast  it,  never  again  to  put  forth  bud  or  blossom.  She 
never  objected  to  frequent  the  haunts  of  pleasure,  but  she  was 
as  much  alone  there  as  in  the  depths  of  solitude.  She  walked 
about  in  a sad  reverie,  apparently  unconscious  of  the  world 
around  her.  She  carried  with  her  an  inward  woe,  that  mock- 
ed at  all  the  blandishments  of  friendship,  and  ‘ heeded  not  the 
* song  of  the  charmer,  charm  he  never  so  wisely/ 

“ On  the  occasion  of  a masquerade  at  the  Rotunda,  her 
friends  brought  her  to  it.  There  can  be  no  exhibition  of  far- 
gone  wretchedness  more  striking  and  painful,  than  to  meet  it 
in  such  a scene.  To  find  it  wandering,  like  a spectre,  lonely 
and  joyless,  where  all  around  is  gay — to  see  it  dressed  out  in 
the  trappings  of  mirth,  and  looking  so  wan  and  woe-begone, 
as  if  it  had  tried  in  vain  to  cheat  the  poor  heart  into  a momen- 
tary forgetfulness  of  sorrow.  After  strolling  through  the 
splendid  rooms,  and  giddy  crowd,  with  an  air  of  abstraction, 
she  sat  down  on  the  steps  of  an  orchestre,  and  looking  about 
for  some  time  with  a vacant  air,  that  showed  insensibility  to 
the  garish  sceue,  she  began,  with  the  capriciousness  of  a sickly 
heart  to  warble  a little  plaintive  air.  She  had  an  exquisite 
voice  ; but,  on  this  occasion,  it  was  so  simple,  so  touching,  it 
breathed  forth  such  a soul  of  wretchedness,  that  she  gathered 
a crowd,  mute  and  silent,  around  her,  and  melted  every  one 
into  tears.” 

This  was  a mournful  spectacle  indeed.  Imogen  was  unable 
to  drag  her  misery  into  such  scenes  of  gaity  ; yet  misery  shows 
itself  in  various  shapes,  and  not  always  in  the  saddest  places. 
What  heavy  heartsickness  is  breathed  in  the  words  addressed 
to  the  companions  of  the  latter, — 

* So  please  you,  leave  me ; 

Stick  to  your  journal  course:  the  breach  of  custom 
Is  the  breach  of  all.  I am  ill — but  you’re  being  by  me 
Cannot  amend  me ; society  is  no  comfort 
To  one  not  sociable.  I’m  not  very  sick, 

Since  I can  reason  of  it.  Pray  you,  trust  me, 

I’ll  rob  none  but  myself;  and  let  me  die, 

Stealing  so  poorly.” 


212 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Anne  Devlin,  in  speaking  of  Emmet’s  residence  a.t  Harold’s 
Cross,  mentions  her  having  been  sent  for  to  convey  a letter  to 
Miss  Curran,  but  in  a subsequent  conversation  she  stated  that 
she  had  been  the  bearer  of  several  notes  to  Miss  Curran,  when 
he  was  living  at  Butterfield-lane.  Another  person,  I am  in- 
formed, frequently  performed  the  same  office,  a sister  of  young 
Palmer,  of  Thomas-street.  Anne  Devlin  says,  that  when  she 
delivered  a note  to  Miss  Curran,  “ her  face  used  to  change  so, 
one  would  hardly  know  her.”  She  remembered  Miss  Curran, 
she  said,  as  well  as  if  she  was  then  standing  before  her  ; she 
was  a person  “ whose  face,  some  way  or  another,  the  first 
time  one  ever  laid  their  eyes  on  her,  seemed  to  be  known  to 
one.  You  could  ndt  see  Miss  Curran,  and  not  help  liking  her  ; * 
and  yet  she  was  not  handsome,  but  she  was  more  than  hand- 
some.” I described  to  her  the  person  of  a sister  of  Miss  Sarah 
Curran,  whom  I had  known  in  Italy  upwards  of  twenty  years 
ago,  but  she  said  there  was  no  resemblance.  Miss  Sarah  was 
not  tall,  her  figure  was  very  slight,  her  complexion  dark,  her 
eyes  large  and  black,  and  “ her  look  was  the  mildest,  and  the 
softest,  and  the  sweetest  look  you  ever  saw.” 

From  all  that  I have  been  able  to  learn  of  this  young  lady, 
she  was  one  of  the  gentlest,  the  most  amiable,  the  simplest- 
minded,  the  freest  from  affectation,  the  most  patient,  the  least 
wilful  of  womankind,  and  yet  there  was  no  sacrifice  she  was 
not  capable  of  making  for  the  man  she  loved — there  was  no 
suffering  she  was  not  prepared  to  endure  for  his  sake.  Under 
all  restraints,  in  all  the  trying  circumstances  she  was  placed  in, 
it  would  seem  that  her  fugitive,  her  imprisoned,  her  death- 
doomed,  her  buried,  or  her  slandered  and  reprobated  lover, 
was  ever  present  to  her  thoughts.  With  all  the  resolution  of 
strong  faith,  she  had  flung  her  youth,  her  hope,  her  beauty, 
her  talent,  upon  his  bosom,  weighed  him  against  the  world, 
which  she  found  but  a feather  in  the  scale,  and  taken  him  as 
an  equivalent. 

I know  not  where  there  is  to  be  found  a more  touching  and 
striking  example  of  devoted  fondness,  of  that  kind  of  self- 
sacrificing  fondness,  of  devoted  fidelity  to  the  object  of  affec- 
tion, which  carries  abnegation  to  the  farthest  possible  extent, 
than  in  the  instance  of  the  exercise  of  the  faith,  fortitude, 
patience,  and  self-renunciation,  practically  manifested  by  Sarah 
Curran 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET.  ii  - 3 

When  it  is  remembered  how  obnoxious  Curran  had  render- 
rd  himself  to  the  government,  by  so  many  years  increasing 
opposition  to  every  administration,  with  the  exception  of  Lord 
Fitzwilliam’s,  while  he  was  a member  of  it  in  the  House  of 
Commons  ; by  the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  various  state  trials 
from  1794  to  the  end  of  1798  ; it  cannot  be  wondered  at, 
how  vexatious  to  him  must  have  been  the  event  which  left  him 
at  the  mercy  of  that  government,  and  rendered  it  necessary 
for  him  to  appear  before  the  Privy  Council  in  the  character, 
no  longer  of  an  intrepid  advocate  for  others,  but  of  a suspec- 
ted person,  who  had  to  enter  into  explanations  of  his  own 
conduct.  If  there  was  aught  in  his  treatment  to  his  poor 
daughter  of  harshness,  or  of  undue  severity,  which  it  is  now 
easier  to  assert  than  to  substantiate  or  to  disprove,  let  the 
fault  be  remembered,  and  dealt  with  only  uncharitably,  by 
those  who  forget  his  services  to  his  countrymen. 

It  has  been  stated,  that  Miss  Curran  had  an  interview  with 
Robert  Emmet  the  day  before  his  execution.  The  statement 
is  denied,  I believe,  with  truth,  by  every  friend  of  Robert  Em- 
met with  whom  I am  acquainted.  The  only  friend,  or  person 
presumed  to  be  a friend  of  his,  who  visited  him  the  day  pre- 
vious to  his  trial,  or  after  his  conviction,  was  Mr.  Leonard 
M‘Nally,  the  barrister.  None  of  his  fellow-prisoners  were 
even  permitted  to  take  leave  of  him.  But  the  morning  of  his 
execution,  there  was  a coach  stationed  at  a short  distance 
from  the  jail,  near  the  entrance  to  the  Royal  Hospital.  A 
lady  was  seen  in  that  coach,  by  an  associate  of  Robert  Em- 
met, with  her  face  buried  in  her  handkerchief ; and  when  the 
prisoner  left  the  jail,  and  the  carriage  in.  which  he  was  placed 
approached  the  spot  where  the  other  vehicle  was  drawn  up, 
Robert  Emmet  put  his  head  out  of  the  window,  gazed  intently 
at  the  person  who  was  in  it,  waved  his  hand  several  times, 
and  was  continuing  to  do  so,  till  he  was  out  of  sight  of  the 
person  who  gave  me  this  account.  At  the  moment  Robert 
Emmet  passed,  the  lady  referred  to  stood . up  in  the  carriage, 
waved  her  handkerchief  and  sunk  back  on  the  seat.  My  in- 
formant was  not  near  enough  to  the  coach  to  discern  her  fea- 
tures distinctly  : she  was  a young  person,  and  he  believed  it 
was  Miss  Curran. 

A day  or  two  after  the  execution,  Leonard,  the  old  gardener 
of  Dr.  Emmet,  told  me,  Miss  Curran  continued  to  elude  the 


214 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


vigilance  of  her  friends,  and  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening  visited 
the  grave  of  her  lover. 

The  circumstance  has  been  made  the  subject  of  some  lines, 
which  are  more  indicative,  perhaps,  of  the  author’s  feelings 
than  of  his  poetic  abilities  : such  as  they  are,  they  may  serve 
to  keep  the  occurrence  to  which  they  allude,  in  remembrance, 

MISS  CURRAN’S  LAMENT.  ' 

The  joy  of  life  lies  here, 

Robert  A Roon ; 

All  that  my  soul  held  hear, 

Robert  A Roon ; 

Spouse  of  my  heart ! this  shrine— 

“ The  long  last  home  ” of  thine, 

Hope’s,  freedom’s,  love’s,  and  mine! 

Robert  A Roon. 

But  tears  must  Ml  unseen, 

Robert  A Roon ; 

The  turf  is  not  yet  green, 

Robert  A Roon; 
jfo  stone  must  bear  thy  name, 

No  lips  thy  truth  proclaim, 

The  heart  must  shroud  thy  fame, 

Robert  A Roon. 

No  minstrel’s  strains  for  thee, 

Robert  A Roon ; 

The  harp  must  silent  be, 

Robert  A Rooa 
It  must  not  breathe  one  moan, 

Of  pride  or  praise,  not  one, 

It’s  strings  have  lost  their  tone, 

Robert  A Roon. 

The  night  is  cold  and  chill, 

Robert  A Roon ; 

My  heart  is  colder  still, 

Robert  A Roon. 

But  sun  will  never  shine, 

Can  warm  this  heart  of  mine ; 

It’s  almost  cold  as  thine, 

Robert  A Roon. 

Still  would  I linger  here, 

Robert  A Roon ; 

Wbat  home  have  I elsewhere! 

Robert  A Roon. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


216 


Ah ! were  I laid  with  thee, 

How  welcome  death  would  be 
A bridal  bed  to  me ! 

Robert  A Roon. 

My  heart  had  but  one  hope, 

Robert  A Roon ; 

It  only  bloomed  to  droop, 

Robert  A Roon ; 

It  never  can  bloom  more ; 

The  blight  has  reached  its  core, 

And  all  life’s  joys  are  o’er, 

Robert  A Roon.* 

Poor  Miss  Curran,  after  the  death  of  her  lover,  did  not  very 
long  remain  in  hes  father’s  house.  Her  wretchedness  found 
no  alleviation  there  ; and  the  very  constraint  imposed  on  her 
feelings,  was  productive  of  additional  misery.  At  length  she 
quitted  her  father’s  house,  “ her  home  no  more,”  and  proceeded 
to  Cork,  accompanied  by  her 'sister.  There  she  was  received 
in  the  house  of  Mr.  Penrose,  a quaker  ; a gentleman,  I believe, 
who  found  it  necessary  to  leave  Ireland,  in  1198.  She  was 
treated  by  the  family  of  Mr.  Penrose  with  the  utmost  kind- 
ness and  most  delicate  attention.  It  was  while  she  was  on  a 
visit  with  Mr.  Penrose,  she  became  acquainted  with  Captain 
Sturgeon  ; and  after  some  months,  this  poor  girl,  friendless, 
homeless,  heart-widowed,  dependent  on  the  kindness  of  people 
almost  strangers  to  her,  endured  the  attentions  of  a person 
singularly  refined,  delicate  and  amiable  in  his  disposition,  moved 
less  by  her  personal  attractions  than  the  sufferings  of  one  so 
young,  so  good,  so  gentle,  and  yet  so  friendless  and  forlorn  ; 

* These  lines  are  written  in  the  metre  of  one  of  the  most  plaintive 
and  beautiful  of  our  Irish  ballads — “ Eileen  A Roon.”  So  exquisite  an 
air  was  thought  too  good  to  be  of  Irish  origin  ; it  was,  therefore,  put 
in  a Scottish  dress,  in  1793,  under  the  title  of  “ Robin  Adair,”  by  Burns, 
who  was  requested  to  write  new  words  to  it.  Handel  declared,  he 
would  rather  have  composed  this  air,  than  any  modern  musical  com- 
position. Burns  was  not  aware,  however,  that  the  subject  of  the  song, 
“ Robin  Adair,”  was  an  Irishman,  the  ancestor  of  Lord  Molesworth, 
and  lived  at  Holly  Park,  in  the  county  of  Wicklow.  Hardiman,  v ho 
has  given  an  interesting  notice  of  this  song,  from  whose  .shamefully- 
neglected  work,  “ The  Bardic  Remains  of  Ireland,”  the  above  particu- 
lars are  taken,  states,  that  the  endearing  term,  “ A Roon,”  signifie* 
" my  heart’s  secret  treasure.” 


216 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


that  gentleman  made  an  offer  to  her  of  his  hand  and  for- 
tune.* * 

Sarah  Curran  was  then  beginning  to  manifest  symptoms  of 
decline.  The  sorrows  that  in  silence  and  in  the  solitude  of 

* I am  indebted  to  a friend  of  nearly  forty  years  acquaintance, 
Thomas  Lyons,  Esq.,  of  Cork,  for  the  following  particulars  respecting 
Sarah  Curran’s  residence  in  Cork,  previously  to  her  marriage.  To  the 
same  valued  friend,  one  of  the  best  of  men,  the  best  of  Irishmen,  I 
owe  likewise  a great  deal  of  the  information  which  enable  me  to  com- 
plete the  memoirs  of  the  Sheares,  of  General  Corbett,  all  natives  of 
Cork. 

It  will  be  observed  that  a circumstance  of  mournful  interest,  describ- 
ed by  Washington  Irving  as  having  taken  place  in  Dublin,  occurred, 
according  to  Mr.  Lyon’s  account,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Thomas  Penrose 
of  Cork. 

“ Of  Miss  Curran’s  sad  story,  little  is  known  here — her  brother,  who 
has  written  his  father’s  life,  is  silent  on  the  subject,  owing  probably 
to  the  severity  with  which  she  was  treated  on  account  of  her  attach- 
ment to  Emmet.” 

The  following  are  the  only  particulars  I could  learn : — 

“ She  was  the  second  daughter  of  J.  P.  Curran,  and  remarkable  for 
her  beauty  and  accomplishments — she  was  about  18  years  old  when 
Emmet  first  visited  her  at  her  father’s,  and  a warm  attachment  soon 
sprung  up  between  them,  but  was  concealed  until  Emmet’s  fatal  arrest 
and  speedy  execution.  Previous  to  his  trial,  Robert  Emmet  wrote  to 
Curran  a full  expression  of  his  passion,  and  it  was  well  known  that 
Emmet’s  frequent  visits  placed  Curran  under  strong  suspicion  with 
government,  so  as  to  cause  his  being  examined  before  the  council. 
This  discovery,  it  is  said,  led  to  the  extremity  of  Miss  Curran’s  expul- 
sion from  her  parental  home;  at  all  events,  of  her  being  obliged  to 
seek  the  refuge  and  protection  of  a friend’s  house.  She  was  received 
into  the  family  of  Mr.  Penrose,  of  Woodhill,  on  the  Glanmire  road, 
near  to  Cork.  It  was  at  a party  given  bv  Mr.  Penrose,  that  a circum- 
stance took  place  which  has  been  the  subject  of  song  and  story.  In 
a moment  of  unconsciousness,  she  quitted  the  gay  circle,  and  seating 
herself  at  the  foot  of  the  staircase,  began,  evidently  unaware  of  what 
was  passing  around  her.  to  sing  a plaintive  melody,  that  had  refer- 
ence to  her  own  unhappy  circumstances;  she  had  an  exquisite  voice, 
and  the  sad  tone  in  which  she  sang,  soon  drew  around  her  a crowd  of 
sympathizing  listeners.  One,  a colonel  in  the  British  army,  offered  her 
his  hand.  Homeless,  deprived  of  the  protection  of  her  father,  and 
thrown  entirely  on  her  friends  for  support,  she  had  no  alternative  but 
to  accept  this  offer,  but  told  him  she  had  no  heart  to  give  away. 

“ He  knew  her  position,  and  respected  all  that  was  sacred  in  it;  the 
marriage  took  place  in  Cork.  His  regiment  was  ordered  to  Malta 
some  time  after,  and,  her  health  becoming  every  day  worse,  she  pro- 
ceeded to  Italy,  and,  two  years  after  her  marriage,  she  died  of  a broken 
heart.  Her  remains  were  brought  to  Ireland,  in  fulfilment  of  a pro 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


217 


gociety,  (for  such  it  was  to  her,)  had  preyed  upon  her  health, 
her  appearance  now  betrayed  in  the  unerring  symptoms  of 
that  insidious  disease,  which  mocks  the  hopes  of  its  victims, 
and  of  those  around  them,  and  mimics  the  hue  of  health,  and 
the  lustre  of  the  bright  eye  of  youth  and  loveliness. 

Major  Sturgeon’s  proposal  embraced  the  project  of  a resi- 
dence in  a southern  climate.  Any  project  that  afforded  an 
opportunity  of  leaving  Ireland,  had  a recommendation.  Sarah 
Curran  finally  consented  to  become  the  wife  of  Major  Sturgeon. 
Robert  Emmet’s  memory  was  not  forgotten  ; its  claim  on  her 
heart  was  recognized  and  acknowledged  by  the  friend  and  pro- 
tector who  had  assumed  a husband’s  title,  to  prove  the  gene- 
rosity and  benevolence  of  his  nature,  in  his  care  and  protec- 
tion of  one  who  was  worthy  of  so  much  pity  as  well  as  admi- 
ration. 

In  the  “Hibernian  Magazine”  of  February,  the  marriage 
is  announced  in  the  following  terms  : — “ At  Cork,  Captain  R 
H.  Sturgeon,  of  the  Royal  Staff  Corps,  and  nephew  of  the 
late  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  to  Miss  Sarah  Curran,  daughter 
of  J.  P.  Curran.”  * 

The  circumstance  of  her  residence  in  a southern  climate, 
and  of  her  melancholy  state  of  health  and  spirits  at  that  period, 
is  made  the  subject  of  a few  lines  of  Moore’s,  which  for  their 
exquisite  beauty  and  pathos,  it  would  be  difficult,  I will  not 
say  to  equal,  but  to  approach. 

MISS  CURRAN. 

She  is  far  from  the  land  where  her  young  hero  sleeps 
And  lover’s  around  her  are  sighing ; 

But  she  coldly  turns  from  their  gaze  and  weeps, 

For  her  heart  in  his  grave  is  lying 


inise  made  her  grandmother,  that  she  should  be  buried  with  her,  and 
her  remains  are  buried  in  the  church-yard  of  Newmarket,  in  thia 
county,  without  monument  or  inscription.  A tombstone  was  prepared 
for  this  grave,  but  owing  to  the  expense  not  being  defrayed,  or  from 
Borne  other  cause,  it  lay  in  Mallow  up  to  the  last  three  or  four  years, 
but  lately,  when  sought  for,  with  the  view  of  having  it  erected,  it 
was  not  forthcoming,  and  the  remains  of  Sarah  Curran,  the  object  of 
the  affections  of  Robert  Emmet,  lie  in  an  unknown  and  neglected  grave, 
* Unfortunately,  in  taking  the  above  extract  from  the  “ Hibernian 
Magazine,”  the  yaar  was  omitted. 


218 


MF.MOTR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


She  sings  the  wild  song  of  her  dear  native  plain*, 
Every  note  which  he  loved  awakening — 

Ah  1 little  they  think  who  delight  in  her  strains, 
How  the  heart  of  the  minstrel  is  breaking. 


He  had  liv’d  for  his  love,  for  his  country  he  died ; 

They  were  all  that  to  life  had  entwined  him — 
Nor  soon  shall  the  tears  of  his  country  be  dried, 
Nor  long  will  his  love  stay  behind  him. 


Oh  ! make  her  a grave  where  the  sunbeams  rest, 

When  they  promise  a glorious  morrow  ; 

They’ll  shine,  o’er  her  sleep,  like  a smile  from  the  west, 

From  her  own  lov’d  island  of  sorrow.  ' 

Immediately  after  her  marriage,  she  accompanied  her  hus- 
band to  Sicily,  and  there,  in  the  prime  of  life,  the  amiable,  the 
gentle,  the  heart-broken  Sarah  Curran,  closed  her  sad  career 
in  the  course  of  a few  months  after  her  arrival.  Her  remains 
were  conveyed  to  Ireland,  and  buried  at  Newmarket,  the 
burial  place  of  her  father’s  family.  Whether  their  interment 
there  was  by  her  own  desire,  or  in  the  fulfilment  of  her  sup- 
posed wishes  on  the  part  of  Captain  Sturgeon,  I am  unable  to 
state  ; in  either  case,  the  removal  to  her  own  land  was  an  act 
which  cannot  fail  to  be  a matter  of  mournful  gratification  to 
her  countrymen. 

To  the  reader  who  thinks  too  much  has  been  said  on  this 
subject,  I have  no  apology  to  offer,  not  even  for  these  last  tri- 
butary lines  to  the  memory  of  Sarah  Curran  • 


**  Her  sorrows  are  numbered — no  longer  she  weeps ; 

Every  pang  she  endured  is  requited  ; 

With  endless  delight,  and  in  silence  she  sleeps, 

For  in  death  with  her  love  she’s  united. 

Like  Sidney  he  died,  but  his  memory  shall  live 
In  the  bosoms  of  those  who  deplored  him, 

And  Pity  her  purest  of  dew-drops  shall  give 
To  the  sorrows  of  those  who  adored  him. 

For  he  loved — was  beloved ! but,  alas ! in  his  bloom, 
The  ordeal  of  fate  sore  tried  him ; 

And  his  spirit  took  flight  from  the  world  of  gloom, 
To  that  glory  which  here  was  denied  him. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET  2ia 

From  regions  of  bliss — the  high  heaven  above — 

Where  sorrows  can  never  invade  him, 

He  saw  her  distress,  and  he  beckon’d  his  love 
To  ascend,  and  with  joy  she  obeyed  him. 

And  she  who  is  joined  to  the  spirit  she  mourned, 

Now  in  bliss  ; ’tis  in  vain  to  deplore  her  ; 

For  her  mem’ry  shall  live  in  their  bosoms  inurned, 

Who  vowed  even  in  death  to  adore  her. 

Whether  hero,  or  lover,  or  else,  matters  not, 

‘ Other  times — other  men  shall  divine  him  ; * 

Let  him  rest  with  his  love,  by  the  world  forgot, 

We  have  hearts  large  enough  to  enshrine  him.”* 

In  1836,  I received  the  following  account  from  my  fellow- 
passenger,  Captain  Masson,  on  board  the  Emerald,  on  our 
voyage  to  America,  of  his  intimate  friend  and  brother-officer 
in  Egypt,  Captain  Sturgeon  : — 

“ Captain  Henry  Sturgeon,  of  the  Royal  Staff  Corps,  joined 
the  Royal  Artillery  the  4th  of  April,  1796,  a second  lieuten- 
ant. He  continued  in  the  Artillery  till  1803,  when  he  was 
appointed  to  a company  in  the  Royal  Staff  Corps.  He  was 
in  the  expedition  to  Egypt.  He  commanded  two  six-pounders 
on  the  8th  of  March,  1801.  He  was  an  active  intelligent 
officer.  He  was  wounded  in  the  action  of  the  13th  of  March.” 
Captain  Masson  believes  him  to  have  been  born  in  France. 
His  mother  was  a daughter  of  Lord  Fitzwilliam,  and  had  elop- 
ed with  his  father.  An  elder  brother  of  his  was  born  in  France. 
Ris  means  weie  ample — at  least,  he  always  appeared  to  have 
money  at  his  command  ; it  was  said  he  was  the  natural  son 
of  a distinguished  nobleman.  Captain  Sturgeon  was  of  middle 
size,  a smart,  active  man,  a very  penetrating  eye,  pleasing 
smile,  and  of  elegant  address  ; altogether  of  a very  preposses- 
sing appearance.  Wfien  in  Egypt,  he  was  about  twenty-four 
years  of  age.  On  his  return  to  England,  he  was  appointed  to 
the  Horse  Artillery  ; subsequently  he  was  quartered  at  Can- 
terbury with  Captain  Masson  till  he  was  appointed  to  the  Staff 
Corps.  He  was  killed  in  Spain,  either  in  Cuidad  Rodrigo  or 
Badajoz.  In  the  Duke  of  Wellington’s  despatches  I find 
“Major  Sturgeon  of  the  Royal  Staff  Corps.”  at  the  storming 

* These  lines  I found  appended  to  a copy  of  Robert  Emmet’s  speech, 
printed  in  Paris  on  a single  sheet. 


220 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


of  Cuidad  Rodrigo,  particularly  noticed  in  the  despatch  dated 
the  20  th  of  January,  1812  ; in  several  preceding  ones,  his 
services  are  also  made  honourable  mention  of.  He  was  killed 
in  the  engagement  near  Yie  Begorre,  in  1813. 


CHAPTER  X YI. 

On  Tuesday,  the  20th  of  September,  the  day  of  the  execu- 
tion of  Robert  Emmet,  he  was  visited  by  Mr.  Leonard 
M'Nally,  the  barrister,  at  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning,  who,  on 
entering  the  room  where  Emmet  had  the  indulgence  of  re- 
maining all  that  morning  in  the  company  of  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Gamble,  the  ordinary  of  Newgate,  found  him  reading  the  Lit- 
any of  the  service  of  the  Church  of  England.  Permission 
was  given  to  him  to  retire  with  M'Nally  into  an  adjoin- 
ing room,  and  on  entering  it,  his  first  inquiry  was  after  his 
mother,  whose  health  had  been  in  a declining  state  and  had 
wholly  broken  down  under  the  recent  affliction  which  had  fall- 
en on  her.  M‘Nally,  hesitating  to  answer  the  inquiry,  Robert 
Emmet  repeated  the  question,  “ How  is  my  mother  ?”  M'Nally, 
without  replying  directly,  said,  “ I know,  Robert,  you  would 
like  to  see  your  mother.”  The  answer  was,  “ Oh  1 what  would 
I not  give  to  see  her  ! ” M'Nally,  pointing  upwards,  said, 
“ Then,  Robert,  you  will  see  her  this  day  ! ” and  then  gave 
him  an  account  of  his  mother’s  death,  which  had  taken  place 
on  the  previous  day  Emmet  made  no  reply  ; he  stood  motion 
less  and  silent  for  some  moments,  and  said,  “ It  is  better  so.” 
He  was  evidently  struggling  hard  with  his  feelings,  and  endeav- 
ouring to  suppress  them.  He  made  no  further  allusion  to  the 
subject,  but  by  expressing  “ a confident  hope  that  he  and  his 
mother  would  meet  in  heaven  ” The  preceding  particulars 
were  communicated  to  me  by  Emmet’s  early  friend,  who  was 

then  an  inmate  of  Kilmainham  jail,  Mr.  P . An  account 

of  this  interview  with  “ the  friend  who  was  permitted  to  visit 
him  the  morning  of  his  execution” — (the  name  of  M'Nally  is 
not  mentioned) — was  published  in  the  London  Chronicle,  a 
ministerial  paper,  September  24 — 27.  From  the  peculiar  re- 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


221 


iation  in  which  M'Nally  stood  to  the  Government  (of  which 
he  was  the  secret  pensioned  agent  at  the  time  he  was  acting 
as  the  confidential  adviser  and  advocate  of  the  State  prison- 
ers— picking  the  brains  of  his  duped  clients  for  his  official  em- 
ployers,)* the  account  of  this  interview  must  have  been  pub- 
lished with  the  sanction  of  Government ; probably  by  its  im- 
mediate direction,  with  the  view  of  serving  the  character  of 
Lord  Hardwicke’s  administration.  The  main  facts  of  this 
account  may  be  considered  as  correctly  stated,  and  giving 
faithfully  the  opinions,  of  Robert  Emmet  on  the  subject  “ of 
the  one  thing  needful,”  at  the  close  of  his  career,  with  such 
modifications  of  his  sentiments  on  other  matters  as  were  thought 
essential  to  the  objects  of  government.  In  this  account  it  is 
stated  that  Robert  Emmet,  after  expressing  some  feelings  of 
annoyance  at  having  been  searched  in  the  dock,  on  the  pre- 
ceding evening,  as  if  they  suspected  him  of  designing  to  com- 
mit suicide,  he  reprobated  the  act  of  self  destruction  as  one  of 
an  unchristian  character.  He  professed  to  “ hold  the  tenets 
of  religion  as  taught  by  the  Established  Church.”  He  solemn- 
ly declared,  “ his  hopes  of  salvation  were  not  on  any  merits 
of  his,  but  through  the  mediation  of  the  Saviour,  who  died  an 
ignominious  death  on  the  cross.  With  these  sentiments  he  said 
it  would  be  absurd  to  suppose  him  capable  of  suicide.  What 
had  he  to  apprehend  more  than  death  ? And  as  to  the  oblo- 
quy attached  to  the  mode  of  death,  it  could  but  little  affect 
him,  when  he  considered  that  Sydney  and  Russell  bled  on  the 
scaffold  in  a similar  cause.  With  respect  to  his  political  sen- 

* The  deception  practised  on  Curran  by  this  gentleman  was  most 
jtrikingly  and  revoltingly  exhibited  in  January,  1798,  at  the  trial  of 
Patrick  Finney.  MacNally  had  successfully  adopted  a suggestion  of 
his  colleague  to  speak  against  time,  in  order  to  give  time  to  produce 
a witness  to  invalidate  the  testimony  of  the  witness,  O’Brien.  MacNal- 
ly made  a speech  remarkably  able  for  its  inordinate  length,  and  there 
was  sufficient  time  expended  on  its  delivery  to  have  the  witness  sought 
for,  and  brought  into  Court.  Curran,  in  his  address  to  the  jury,  al- 
luding to  the  able  statement  of  his  friend,  giving  way  to  the  impulse 
of  his  generous  feelings,  threw  his  arm  over  the  shoulder  of  MacNally, 
and  said  with  evident  emotion.  “My  old  and  excellent  friend,  I have 
long  known  and  respected  the  honesty  of  your  heart,  but  never,  until 
this  occasion,  was  I acquainted  with  the  extent  of  your  abilities;  I am 
not  in  the  habit  of  paying  compliments,  where  they  are  undeserved.” 
—Tears  fell  from  Mr,  Curran  as  he  hung  over  his  friend  and  pronoun- 
ced those  few  and  simple  words. — Curran's  Life. 


222 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


timents,  he  could  only  reassert  what  he  had  urged  in  court 
That  a separation  of  this  kingdom  from  Great  Britain  was  his 
supreme  wish  ; an  object  which  he  was  conscious  could  be 
effected  without  the  aid  of  France.  The  measure  of  connec- 
tion with  France,  though  urged  and  adopted  by  others  of  the 
provisional  government,  he  was  never  a friend  to  ; nor  did  the 
plan  now  accomplished,  of  having  sent  an  ambassador  to 
France,  to  negociate  for  that  species  of  temporary  alliance, 
which  Dr.  Franklin  had  obtained  for  America,  ever  meet  his 
approbation.  He  observed,  that  had  he  not  been  interrupted 
by  the  court,  in  the  address  he  thought  it  necessary  to  make, 
he  would  have  spoken  as  warm  an  eulogium  on  the  candour 
and  moderation  of  the  present  government  in  this  kingdom, 
as  his  conception  or  language  were  adequate  to.  When  he 
left  this  country  it  was  at  a period  when  a great  portion  of 
the  public  mind,  particularly  that  of  the  party  to  whom  he 
attached  himself,  had  been  violently  exasperated  at  certain 
harsh  proceedings  attributed  to  the  administration  then  in 
power,  for  some  time  previous  to  the  last  rebellion.  On  his 
recent  arrival  in  this  country,  he  conceived  that  the  measures 
of  the  present  government  must  have  been  nearly  similar,  un- 
til experience  convinced  him  of  his  mistake.  For  the  polite 
concessions  afforded  him,  of  a private  communication  with  his 
friend,  he  expressed  his  thanks,  and  would  retain  a grateful 
sense  of  it  during  the  few  hours  destined  for  him  to  live.  He 
exulted  at  the  intelligence  of  his  mother’s  death,  an  aged  lady, 
who  died  since  his  apprehension,  without  his  hearing  of  that 
event,  and  expressed  a firm  confidence  of  meeting  with  her  in 
a state  of  eternal  bliss,  where  no  separation  could  take  place.” 
A slight  discrepancy  between  the  two  accounts  will  be  no- 
ticed, with  respect  to  the  manner  that  Robert  Emmet  received 
the  account  of  his  mother’s  death,  and  the  period  likewise  of 
that  event.  In  the  first  statement  no  exultation  was  said  to 
have  been  expressed  by  Emmet,. and  no  such  'll  timed  expres- 
sion, I am  convinced,  was  made,  and  no  suet  feeling  was  en- 
tertained by  him.  The  period  of  his  mother’s  death  was  said 
to  be  the  day  preceding  the  son’s  execution.  In  the  latter 
account  the  event  is  spoken  of  as  having  taken  place  since  his 
apprehension,  from  which  it  might  be  inferred  it  had  occurred  at 
an  earlier  period.  But  it  is  not  likely  the  intelligence  would  not 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


223 


have  reached  Robert  Emmet,  through  some  channel  in  the  pri- 
son, previous  to  McNally’s  visit. 

The  death  of  this  amiable  exemplary,  and  high  minded  lady, 
whose  understanding  was  as  vigorous,  as  her  maternal  feelings 
were  strong  and  ardent,  took  place  at  a country  residence  of 
the  late  Dr.  Emmet,  on  the  Donny brook  road,  at  the  rear  of 
the  Hospital  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  She  survived  her  hus- 
band about  one  year  ; and,  evidently,  like  the  mother  of  the 
Sheares’s,  was  hurried  to  her  grave  by  the  calamity  which  had 
fallen  on  her  youngest  son,  who  it  was  vainly  hoped,  was  to 
have  occupied  ; it  could  not  have  been  expected  he  would  have 
filled  the  vacant  place  of  his  brother,  Thomas  Addis,  in  the 
house,  and  in  the  hearts  of  his  afflicted  parents  : of  that  bro- 
ther who  had  been  no  less  vainly  looked  up  to,  after  the  loss 
of  their  gifted  son  Christopher  Temple  Emmet,  with  the  feel- 
ings which  animated  the  Lacedemonian  mother  when  one  of 
her  sons  had  fallen  fighting  for  his  country,  and  looking  on  the 
last  of  them  then  living  she  said  “ ejus  locum  expleat  frater.” 
and  that  son  was  taken  from  them,  incarcerated  for  four  years, 
and  doomed  to  civil  death.  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  was  then 
a proscribed  man  in  exile.  The  father  had  sunk  under  the 
trial,  although  he  was  a man  of  courage  and  equanimity  of 
mind  ; but  the  mother’s  last  hope  in  her  youngest  child,  sus- 
tained in  some  degree  her  broken  strength  and  spirit,  and  that 
one  hope  was  dashed  down,  never  to  rise  again  when  the  pride 
of  her  life,  the  prop  of  her  old  age  was  taken  from  her,  and  the 
terrible  idea  of  his  frightful  fate  became  her  one  fixed  thought, 
from  the  instant  the  dreadful  tidings  of  his  apprehension 
reached  her,  till  the  eve  of  the  crowning  catastrophe,  when  in 
mercy  to  her  she  was  taken  away  from  her  great  misery. 

Orangemen  of  Ireland,  and  you  who  were  their  patrons  and 
protectors  in  England,  behold  your  work, — your  triumphs — 
and  the  power  of  the  terror  of  your  vaunted  rule,  in  the  deso- 
lation of  the  home  of  this  aged  virtuous  couple,  the  ruin  in 
which  their  children  were  involved,  the  banishment  of  one  of 
the  brightest  ornaments  of  his  profession,  and  the  ignominious 
death  of  another,  and  the  last  of  the  illustrious  race  of  Emmet. 
These  are  your  achievements,  miserable  infatuated  faction,  and 
Btill  more  miserable  and  demented  protectors  ! What  have 
you  gained  by  all  the  sufferings  you  have  caused,  by  all  the 
wrongs  which  your  priviliged  licentiousness,  and  the  injustice 


224 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


which  your  govermental  abandonment  have  inflicted  on  you* 
victims  ? 

There  is  one  circumstance  which  is  not  referred  to  in  the 
preceding  account,  in  the  London  Chronicle , which,  perhaps, 
was  too  indicative  of  the  hopelessness  of  the  attempt,  by  any 
degree  of  suffering  or  of  terror,  “ to  bow  down  the  mind  of  the 
prisoner  to  the  ignominy  of  the  scaffold.  When  M'Nally  en- 
tered the  cell  with  Robert  Emmet,  where  he  had  slept  the  pre- 
ceding night,  on  retiring  from  the  chamber  before  referred  to, 
M'Nally  observed  a scrap  of  paper  on  the  table,  on  which 
Emmet  had  sketched  a human  head,  represented  as  if  it  had 
been  newly  severed  from  the  body. 

He  wrote  some  letters  in  the  forenoon  ; he  addressed  one  to 
Richard  Curran,  which  was  written  about  twelve  o’clock.  He 
had  spent  part  of  the  preceding  night  in  writing  letters,  two  of 
which  were  committed  to  the  care  of  Dr.  Trevor,  who  had  con- 
trived so  effectually  to  deceive  poor  Emmet,  as  to  pass  for  an 
unwilling  agent  of  oppression,  and,  when  he  was  leaving  the 
jail  to  go  to  execution,  he  was  folded  in  the  embrace  of  the 
Kilmainham  inquisitor.*  The  profanation  of  that  person’s 
touch,  young  Emmet,  the  purest  minded  of  human  beings,  had 
he  known  the  man,  would  have  shrunk  from  coming  in  contact 
with,  as  from  a person  labouring  under  some  pestilential  ma- 
lady. But  he  knew  him  not,  he  believed  him  to  have  feelings 
of  humanity  and  honour,  and  he  confided  to  his  care  two  letters, 
one  of  which  was  addressed  to  the  Chief-Secretary,  the  other 
to  his  brother  then  in  Paris.  The  transmission  of  the  latter 
Robert  Emmet  attached  the  greatest  importance  to,  as  con- 
taining the  details  of  his  plan  and  preparations,  and  furnishing, 
as  he  thought,  the  only  means  of  enabling  his  brother  to  judge 
justly  of  his  attempt.  Trevor  promised  faithfully  to  transmit 
it,  broke  the  solemn  obligation  of  his  promise  to  a man  at  the 
point  of  death,  he  delivered  the  letter  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Marsden,  and,  it  is  needless  to  say,  T.  A.  Emmet  never  re- 
ceived it.  But  a few  years  before  his  death,  its  contents  were 
conveyed  to  him  through  the  press.  The  work  of  Mr.  W.  H. 


* An  abstract  of  the  trials  of  1803,  was  published  in  1803,  the  pub- 
lication was  attributed  to  Mr.  Marsden,  there  is  an  account  in  it  of  the 
two  letters  committed  to  Dr.  Trevor,  and  also  of  the  embracing  scene 
above  referred  to. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


225 


Curran,  published  in  1819,  conveyed  them  to  him  in  tie  docu- 
ment published  in  the  Appendix  of  the  second  volume  of  his 
work,  entitled  “ the  plan  of  the  insurrection  in  Dublin,  and  the 
causes  of  its  failure!” 

That  singular  document,  (wanting  the  concluding  page,) 
was  discovered  at  the  Castle  by  a gentleman  who  held  a high 
egal  situation  under  the  Irish  Government.  A friend  of  that 
gentleman’s,  no  less  distinguished  for  his  worth  and  for  his  tal- 
ents, pursued  his  inquiries  in  London  respecting  the  missing 
portion  of  the  document,  and  the  identical  page  was  found 
there.  / 

It  was  about  half  past  one  o’clock  when  Robert  Emmet  was 
brought  forth  from  his  prison  and  placed  in  a carriage  ac- 
companied by  two  Clergymen  of  the  Church  of  England,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Gamble,  and  a Mr  Walsh,  to  be  conveyed  to  the 
place  of  execution  in  Thomas-street,  at  the  end  of  Bridgefoot- 
street,  and  nearly  opposite  St.  Catherine’s  Church. 

The  carriage  proceeded,  and  followed  by  a strong  guard  both 
of  cavalry  and  infantry,  moved  slowly  along  the  streets  ; the 
melancholy  cortege  might  have  been  mistaken  for  a military 
funeral,  and  the  young  man  at  the  window,  who  occasionally 
recognized  a friend  in  the  crowd,  or  stationed  at  a window,  for 
some  one  connected  with  the  person  whose  obsequies  were 
about  to  be  performed.  His  demeanour,  in  his  progress,  and 
at  the  place  of  execution,  displayed,  to  use  the  language  of 
Mr.  Curran,  the  most  complete  “ unostentatious  fortitude.”  It 
was  in  keeping  with  his  former  conduct ; there  was  no  affecta- 
tion of  indifference,  but  there  was  that  which  astonished  every 
person  who  witnessed  his  end,  (and  I am  acquainted  with  some, 
who  are  still  living,  who  were  present  at  his  execution),  an 
evident  ignorance  of  fear,  and  the  fullest  conviction  that  the 
cause  for  which  he  died  was  one  which  it  was  a high  privilege 
to  die  for.  In  proof  of  this  assertion,  it  may  be  observed,  that, 
in  reply  to  some  observations  of  Mr.  St.  John  Mason,  whom 
he  was  permitted  to  exchange  a few  words  with  at  the  door  of 
the  cell  of  the  latter,  when  lie  was  going  to  trial,  his  last  words 
were,  “ utrumque  paratus.”*  When  he  was  brought  back  to 
Kilmaiuham,  after  condemnation,  in  passing  John  Hickson’s 
cell,  he  walked  close  to  the  door,  and  directing  his  voice  to- 
ward the  grating,  said  in  a whisper  loud  enough  to  be  heard 
* Pr  jpared  for  either  extremity. 


226 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


by  Hickson,  “ I shall  be  hanged  to-morrow.”  My  authority 
in  each  instance,  is  the  gentleman  to  whom  the  words  referred 
to  were  addressed.  The  vile  memory-murdering  press  of  that 
day,  in  both  countries,  represented  his  conduct,  as  ligh:,  frivo- 
lous,  impious  and  indecorous.  In  the  London  Chronicle , one 
of  the  accounts  cited  from  the  Dublin  papers,  says,  “ the  cler- 
gyman endeavoured  to  win  him  from  his  deistical  opinions,  but 
without  effect  II!”  “In  short,  he  behaved  without  the  least 
symptom  of  fear,  and  with  all  the  effrontery  and  nonchalance, 
which  so  much  distinguished  his  conduct  on  his  trial  yesterday. 
He  seems  to  scoff  at  the  dreadful  circumstances  attendant  on 
him,  at  the  same  time  with  all  the  coolness  and  complacency 
that  can  be  possibly  imagined,  though  utterly  unlike  the 
calmness  of  Christian  fortitude.  Even  as  it  was,  I never  saw 
a man  die  like  him  ; and,  God  forbid,  I should  see  many  with 
his  principles  .”* 

The  light  of  truth,  I have  often  had  occasion  to  observe,  will 
break  through  the  densest  clouds  of  falsehood  ; we  see  a ray  of 
the  former  in  the  words,  “ Even  as  it  is  I never  saw  a man  die 
like  him.”f 

* The  London  Chronicle , September  24 — 27,  p.  301. 

f On  the  day  of  his  execution,  there  was  found,  sketched  by  his 
own  hand,  with  a pen  and  ink,  upon  his  table,  an  admirable  likeness 
of  himself;  the  head  severed  from  the  body,  which  lay  near  it,  sur- 
rounded by  the  scaffold,  the  axe,  and  all  the  frightful  paraphernalia 
of  a high  treason  execution.  What  a strange  union  of  tenderness,  en- 
thusiasm, and  fortitude  do  not  the  above  traits  of  character  exhibit. — 
His  fortitude  indeed,  never  for  an  instant  forsook  him.  On  the  night 
previous  to  his  death,  he  slept  as  soundly  as  ever,  and  when  the  fatal 
morning  dawned,  he  arose,  kneit  down  and  prayed,  ordered  some 
milk,  which  he  drank,  wrote  two  letters,  (one  to  his  brother  in  Amer- 
ica, the  other  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  enclosing  it,)  and  then  desired 
the  sheriff  to  be  informed  that  he  was  ready.  When  they  came  into 
his  room,  he  said  he  had  two  requests  to  make— one,  that  his  arms 
might  be  left  as  loose  as  possible,  which  was  humanely  and  instantly 
acceded  to.  “I  make  the  other,”  said  he,  “ not  under  any  idea  that 
it  can  be  granted,  but  that  it  may  be  held  in  remembrance  that  I have 
made  it — it  is,  that  I may  be  permitted  to  die  in  my  uniform.”  This 
of  course,  could  not  be  allowed,  and  the  request  seemed  to  have  no 
other  object  than  to  show  that  he  gloried  in  the  land  for  which  he 
was  to  suffer.  A remarkable  example  of  his  power  both  over  himself 
and  others  occurred  at  this  melancholy  moment.  He  was  passing  out, 
attended  by  the  sheriff’s,  and  preceded  by  the  executioner.  In  one  of 
the  passages  stood  the  turnkey,  who  had  been  personally  assigned  t« 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


22  f 


There  were  a few  personal  friends,  and  two  dr  three  Col 
lege  companions  of  Robert  Emmet  standing  within  a few  feet 
of  the  scaffold  at  his  execution.  One  of  his  fellow-students, 

the  Rev.  Dr.  II n,  was  amongst  the  number,  and  from 

that  gentleman  I received  the  information  on  which  I place 
most  reliance,  or  rather  entire  reliance,  respecting  the  conduct 
of  his  friend  at  his  last  moments. 

The  scaffold  was  a temporary  one,  formed  by  laying  boards; 
across  a number  of  empty  barrels,  that  were  placed,  for  this; 
purpose,  nearly  in  the  middle  of  the  street.  Through  this 
platform  rose  two  posts,  twelve  feet  high,  and  a transverse 
beam  was  placed  across  them.  Underneath  this  beam,  about 
three  feet  from  the  platform,  was  a single  narrow  plank,  sup 
ported  on  two  slight  ledges,  on  which  the  prisoner  was  to 
stand  at  the  moment  of  being  launched  into  eternity.  The 
platform  was  about  five  or  six  feet  from  the  ground,  and  was 
ascended  by  a ladder. 

When  Robert  Emmet  alighted  from  the  carriage,  and  was 
led  to  the  foot  of  the  scaffold,  his  arms  being  tied,  he  was  as- 
sisted to  ascend  by  the  executioner,  biit  he  mounted  quickly, 
and  with  apparent  alacrity.  He  addressed  a few  words  to 
the  crowd  very  briefly  in  a firm  sonorous  voice,  the  silver  tones 
of  which  recalled  to  the  recollection  of  his  College  friend  those 
accents  on  which  his  hearers  hung  in  his  wonderful  displays  on 
another  theatre,  and  other  occasions  of  a very  different  descrip- 
tion. In  the  few  words  he  spoke  on  the  scaffold,  he  avoided 
any  reference  to  political  matters,  or  to  the  events  with  which 
his  fate  was  connected — he  merely  said,  “ My  friends — I die 
in  peace,  and  with  sentiments  of  universal  love  and  kindness 
towards  all  men.”  He  then  shook  hands  with  some  persons 
on  the  platform,  presented  his  watch  to  the  executioner,  and 
removed  his  stock.*  The  immediate  preparations  for  execu- 

him  during  his  imprisonment.  The  poor  fellow  loved  him  in  his  heart, 
and  the  tears  were  streaming  from  his  eyes  in  torrents.  Emmet  paused 
a moment,  his  hands  were  not  at  liberty — he  kissed  his  cheek — and 
the  man,  who  had  been  for  years  the  inmate  of  a dungeon,  habituated 
to  scenes  of  horror,  and  hardened  against  their  operation,  fell  sense- 
less at  his  feet.  Before  his  eyes  had  opened  again,  on  this  world,  those 
of  the  youthful  sufferer  had  closed  on  it  for  ever. — Phillips's  Curran y 
and  his  Contemporaries. 

* At  the  sale  of  the  effects,  of  a person  well  known  in  Dublin,  Mr. 
Samuel  Rossborough,  which  took  place  in  December,  1832,  at  th« 
£* 


228  MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 

tion  then  were  carried  into  effect,  he  assisted  in  adjusting  the 
rope  round  his  neck,  and  was  tlien  placed  on  the  plank  under- 
neath the  beam,  and  the  cap  was  drawn  over  his  face,  but  he 
contrived  to  raise  his  hand,  partly  removed  it,  and  spoke  a 
few  words  in  a low  tone  to  the  executioner.  The  cap  was  re- 
placed, and  he  stood  with  a handkerchief  in  his  hand,  the  fall 
of  which  was  to  be  signal  for  the  last  act  of  the  “ finisher  of 
the  law.”  After  standing  on  the  plank  for  a few  seconds  the 
executioner  said,  “ Are  you  ready,  sir  ?”  and  Mr.  H dis- 

tinctly heard  Robert  Emmet  say  in  reply,  “Not  yet.”  There 
was  another  momentary  pause  ; no  signal  was  given  ; again 
the  executioner  repeated  the  question,  “ Are  you  ready,  sir  !” 
and  again  Robert  Emmet  said  “Not yet.”  The  question  was 

put  a third  time,  and  Mr.  H heard  Emmet  pronounce  the 

word  “Not ;”  but  before  he  had  time  to  utter  another  word, 
the  executioner  tilted  one  end  of  the  plank  off  the  ledge,  and 
a human  being,  young,  generous,  endowed  with  precious  na- 
tural gifts,  and  acquired  excellencies,  (but  in  his  country  fatal 
gifts  and  acquirements,)  with  genius,  patriotism,  a love  of 
truth,  of  freedom,  and  of  justice,  was  dangling  like  a dog, 
writhing  in  the  agonies  of  the  most  revolting  and  degrading  to 
humanity  of  all  deaths  ; and  God’s  noblest  work  was  used  as 
if  his  image  was  not  in  it,  or  its  disfigurement  and  mutilation 
was  a matter  of  slight  moment,  and  scarce  worthy  of  a passing 
thought,  on  the  part  of  those  “ dressed  in  a little  brief  author- 
ity,” whose  use  of  it  in  Ireland  has  been  such  as  “ might  make 
angels  weep  ” After  hanging  for  a moment  motionless,  life 
terminated  with  a convulsive  movement  of  the  body.  At  the 
expiration  of  the  usual  time,  the  remains  were  taken -down  and 

Northumberland  Rooms  in  Grafton-street,  the  “hessian  boots”  which 
Robert  Emmet  wore  when  he  was  executed,  and  a black  velvet  stock, 
with  a lock  of  hair  sewed  on  the  inside  of  the  lining,  thus  marked 

“Miss  C ,”  were  sold  by  auction.  A school-fellow  of  mine,  Mr. 

Blake,  was  present  when  they  were  sold. 

On  the  day  previous  to  his  trial,  as  the  governor  was  going  hie 
rounds,  he  entered  Emmet’s  room  rather  abruptly,  and  observing  a 
remarkable  expression  in  his  countenance,  he  apologized  for  the  inter- 
ruption. He  had  a fork  affixed  to  his  little  deal  table,  and  appended 
to  it  there  was  a lock  of  hair.  “ You  see,”  said  he  to  the  keeper, 
“how  innocently  I am  occupied.  This  little  tress  has  long  been  deal 
to  me,  and  I am  plaiting  it  to  wear  in  my  bosom  on  the  day  of  mj 
execution.”  It  need  scarcely  be  stated  that  the  tress  was  Miss  Curran’* 
Phillips's  Curran  and  his  Contemporaries. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


229 


extended  oil  the  scaffold,  the  head  was  struck  from  the  body, 
grasped  by  the  hair,  and  paraded  along  the  front  of  the  gallows 
by  the  hangman,  proclaiming  to  the  multitude  ‘‘  this  is  the 
head  of  a traitor,  Robert  Emmet.”  When  the  head  was  held 

up  Mr.  H says  there  was  no  distortion  of  the  features, 

but  an  extraordinary  palor,  (the  result  of  the  flow  of  blood 
from  the  head  after  decapitation),  he  never  saw  a more  per- 
fect expression  of  placidity  and  composure.  He  can  form  no 
idea  what  the  cause  was  of  the  delay  which  Robert  Emmet 
seemed  anxious  for  at  the  moment  of  execution.  He  might 

have  been  in  prayer,  but  it  did  not  strike  Mr.  H that  it 

was  any  object  connected  with  his  devotions  that  was  the  oc- 
casion of  the  words  he  heard. 

My  impression  is,  that  Robert  Emmet  had  been  made  ac- 
quainted with  a design  that  was  in  contemplation  to  effect  his 
escape  at  the  time  and  place  appointed  for  execution.  Of 
that  design  government  appears  to  have  had  information,  and 
had  taken  precautionary  measures,  which  had  probably  led  to 
its  being  abandoned.  The  avowed  object  of  Thomas  Russell’s 
going  to  Dublin  after  his  failure  in  the  north,  was  to  adopt 
plaus  for  this  purpose.  I have  not  been  able  to  obtain  any 
account  of  the  persons  who  were  parties  to  it.  The  body  was 
removed  in  a shell  on  a common  cart,  to  Kilmainham,  and  was 
deposited  for  some  hours  in  the  vestibule  of  the  prison  till  the 
necessary  arrangements  were  made  for  its  interment.  A short 
time  after  the  execution,  within  an  hour  or  so,  Mrs.  M'Cready, 
the  daughter  of  Mr.  James  Moore,  in  passing  through  that 
part  of  Thomas-st^eet,  observed  near  the  scaffold,  where  the 
blood  of  Robert  Emmet  had  fallen,  on  the  pavement  from  be- 
tween the  planks  of  the  platform,  some  dogs  collected  lapping 
up  the  blood.  She  called  the  attention  of  the  soldiers,  who 
were  left  to  guard  the  scaffold,  to  this  appaling  sight.  The 
soldiers  who  belonged  to  a highland  regiment,  manifested  their 
horror  at  it  ;*  the  dogs  were  chased  away,  and  more  than  one 

* It  is  well  worthy  of  observation,  that  of  all  the  king’s  troops  in 
Ireland,  during  the  rebellion  of  1798,  the  Scotch  invariably  behaved 
with  the  most  humanity  towards  the  people.  It  is  well  worthy,  too, 
of  recollection,  what  the  difference  in  the  treatment  of  the  state  pri- 
soners were,  when  they  were  removed  to  Scotland,  and  were  placed  it 
the  charge  of  that  most  excellent  man,  Lieutenant  Colonel  James  Stu 
art,  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Fort  George. 


230 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


spectator,  loitering  about  the  spot,  approached  the  scaffold 
when  the  back  of  the  sentinels  was  turned  to  it,  and  dipped  his 
handkerchief  in  the  blood,  and  thrust  it  into  his  bosom. 

Like  the  blood  of  the  martyrs,  the  earth  did  not  swallow  it 
all  up,  nor  the  beasts  consume  it  wholly,  some  remained  for 
relics  and  the  recollections  that  were  associated  with  them 
continued  long  to  be  of  a very  heart  stirring  description.  In 
1836  I sent  Leonard,  the  old  gardener  of  Dr.  Emmet,  to 
George  Dunn,  the  jailer  of  Kilmainham,  to  ascertain  how  the 
remains  of  Emmet  had  been  disposed  of,  after  their  removal 
from  the  place  of  execution.  George  Dunn  sent  me  word  that 
the  body  was  conveyed  to  the  jail,  and  placed  in  the  outer  en- 
try of  the  prison,  with  orders,  if  not  claimed  immediately  by 
the  friends  of  Emmet,  to  have  it  interred  in  “ Bully’s  Acre,” 
the  burying  ground  also  called  the  Hospital  Fields,  where  the 
remains  of  paupers  and  executed  criminals  were  commonly  in- 
terred ; but  where,  in  ancient  times,  those  of  illustrious  chiefs 
and  warriors  were  buried.  Dunn  stated,  that,  notwithstand- 
ing his  orders,  he  kept  the  body  for  several  hours,  expecting 
it  would  be  claimed  by  the  friends  of  the  deceased.  The  only 
surviving  friends,  who  were  connections  of  Robert  Emmet, 
were  then  in  jail,  with  the  exception  of  one,  Dr.  Powell,  who 
was  married  to  a cousin  of  Emmet’s,  a young  lady  of  the  name 
of  Landon.  His  associates,  or  acquaintances,  who  had  fortu- 
nately escaped,  being  involved  in  the  general  ruin  which  had 
fallen  on  so  many  of  his  friends,  were  afraid,  at  that  time,  to 
let  it  be  known  they  had  any  acquaintance  with  Emmet ; con- 
sequently, none  came  forward,  and  the  remains  were,  at  length, 
buried  beside  the  grave  of  Felix  Rourke,  near  the  right-hand 
corner  of  the  burying  ground,  next  the  avenue  of  the  Royal 
Hospital,  close  to  the  wall,  and  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
former  entrance,  which  is  now  built  up.  While  the  body  lay 
at  the  jail,  a gentleman  from  Dublin,  whose  name  Dunn  did 
not  mention,  came  there,  and  asked  permission  to  take  a plais- 
ter  cast  of  the  face  of  the  deceased,  which  was  granted.  That 
gentleman,  circumstances  will  show,  was  Petrie,  the  artist. 

Dunn  further  stated  what  I was  already  aware  of,  that  the 
remains  of  Robert  Emmet,  soon  after  their  interment  at  Bully’s 
Acre,  were  removed  with  great  privacy,  and  buried  in  Dublin. 
Dr.  Gramble  was  said  to  have  been  present,  or  to  have  assisted 
in  carrying  into  effect  the  removal.  But  where  they  were  re 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


23i 


moved  to  no  positive  information  is  to  be  obtained.  Mr.  P. 
lemembers  to  have  seen  the  man,  who  removed  the  body  from 
Kilmainham,  and  the  impression  on  his  mind  is,  that  the  re-in- 
terment, took  place  in  Michan’s  Church-yard,  where  the  Sheares’s 
were  interred.  Old  Leonard  had  the  same  impression,  and 
some  imformation  corroboratory  of  it,  from  a very  old  man,  a 
tailor,  #of  the  name  of  John  Scott,  residing  at  No.  4,  Mitre- 
alley,  near  Patrick-street,  who  had  made  Robert  Emmet’s 
uniform,  and  that  of  some  other  of  the  leaders.  This  man  in- 
formed Leonard  that  Emmet  was  buried  in  Michan’s  Church- 
yard, and  that  soon  after  a very  large  stone,  without  any 
writing  on  it,  was  laid  over  the  grave.  On  the  other  hand  it 
is  stated,  in  a small  publication,  entitled  “ A Memoir  of  Ro- 
bert Emmet,  by  Kinsella,”  that  the  remains  were  brought  to 
St.  Anne’s  Church-yard,  and  buried  in  the  same  grave  where 
his  parents  were  interred.  I visited  the  Church-yard  of  St. 
Michan’s,  in  consequence  of  Leonard’s  information,  and  there 
discovered  the  stone  in  question,  at  least  the  only  one  answer- 
ing the  description  I had  received  of  it.  About  midway,  on 
the  left-hand  side  of  the  walk,  leading  from  the  church  to  the 
wall,  at  the  extremity  of  the  grave  yard,  there  is  a very  large 
slab,  of  remarkable  thickness,  placed  horizontally  over  a grave 
without  any  inscription.  The  stone  is  one  of  the  largest  di- 
mensions, and  the  only  unfnscribed  one  in  the  church-yard. 

Is  this  the  tomb  that  was  not  to  be  inscribed,  until  other 
times,  and  other  men,  could  do  justice  to  the  memory  of  the 
person  whose  grave  had  been  the  subject  of  my  enquiries?  If 
this  be  the  spot,  many  a pilgrim  will  )*jt  visit  it,  and  read  per- 
chance, in  after  times,  the  name  of 

ROBERT  EMMET, 

on  that  stone  that  is  now  without  a word,  or  a letter.  If  the 
remains  of  Robert  Emmet  be  laid  in  that  tomb,  those  who 
knew  the  man  and  loved  him,  or  who  honoured  him  for  his 
name's  sake,  or  prized  him  for  the  reputation  of  his  virtues  and 
his  talents,  and  pitied  him  for  his  melancholy  fate,  may  now 
seek  this  grave,  and  standing  beside  it  may  ponder  on  the 
past,  on  the  history  of  one  of  the  dead,  whose  eventful  days, 
and  mournful  doom,  are  connected  w^th  it : and  read  the  name 
in  tneir  hearts  that  may  not  yet  be  written  on  stone,  and  there 


232 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


may  call  to  mind  the  words  of  the  friend,  and  the  companion  c* 
the  studies  of  Robert  Emmet — 

“Oh!  breathe  not  his  name,  let  it  sleep  in  the  ahade, 

Where  cold  and  unhonoured  his  relics  are  laid ; 

Sad,  silent,  and  dark,  be  the  tears  that  we  shed, 

As  the  night  dew  that  falls  on  the  grass  o’er  his  head. 

But  the  night  dew  that  falls,  though  in  silence  it  weeps* 

Shall  brighten  the  verdure  the  grave  where  he  sleeps; 

And  the  tear  that  we  shed,  tho’  in  secret  it  rolls, 

Shall  long  keep  his  memory  green  in  our  souls.”* 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

I have  presented  my  reader  with  all  the  information  that 
much  labour  and  assiduity  have  enabled  me  to  collect  respect- 
ing the  career  of  Robert  Emmet,  and  of  some  of  the  most  re- 
markable of  his  associates.  Of  Emmet’s  character,  the  details 
I have  furnished  are,  I trust,  sufficient  for  the  formation  of  a 
just  opinion  of  it. 

It  only  remains  for  me  to  recall  to  the  reader’s  attention,  very 
briefly,  the  observations  that  have  been  made  in  the  preceding 
pages,  and  the  leading  facts  that  have  been  stated,  which  bear 
on  the  subject  in  question. 

From  them,  it  is  evident,  that,  the  character  of  Robert 
Emmet  had  appeared  to  the  author  to  have  been  ill  appreci- 
ated by  many  even  of  liberal  politics,  who  have  treated  of  him 
and  of  his  times.  He  was  gifted  with  great  talent,  and  en- 
dowed with  excellent  qualities  of  heart,  as  well  as  mind  ; with 
generous  feelings,  and  literary  and  scientific  tastes  highly  culti- 
vated. He  was  remarkable  even  at  College  for  the  propriety 

* The  publisher  is  indebted  to  Judge  Robert  Emmet  for  the  exact 
date  of  birth  of  the  subject  of  this  memoir  which  has  never  been  given 
to  the  public  before,  and  is  now  taken  from  the  records  of  a Family 
Bible  in  the  possession  of  the  Judge. 

Robert  Emmet  was  born  the  4th  day  of  March,  1778, 
consequently  at  the  time  of  his  death  he  was  in  his  twenty -sixth  year 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


233 


of  bis  conduct,  and  was  looked  up  to  by  his  youthful  compan- 
ions, on  account  of  the  purity  of  his  morals,  aud  the  inflexibility 
and  integrity  of  his  principles.  Had  it  pleased  Providence 
to  have  given  him  length  of  days,  it  might  reasonably  be  ex- 
pected his  maturer  years  would  have  realized  the  promise  of 
his  early  life,  and  caused  his  career  to  have  been  a counterpart 
of  the  memorable  course  of  his  illustrious  brother,  Temple 
Emmet.  The  motives  of  Robert  Emmet,  I have  no  hesitation 
in  saying,  it  has  been  my  aid^to  justify  ; and  if  I have  failed 
in  doing  so,  I have  not  fulfilled  my  purpose,  nor  the  duty  I 
owed  to  truth.  No  motive  of  Robert  Emmet  could  be  impure, 
selfish,  venal,  or  ambitious  ; his  enthusiasm  was  extreme,  it 
was  the  enthusiasm  of  a very  young  man  of  exalted  intellectual 
powers,  and  worldly  experience  ; and  matured  habits  of  reflec- 
tion was  all  that  was  wanting  to  exercise  over  it  a necessary 
and  a wholesome  control. 

He  loved  his  country  with  all  the  fervor  of  that  enthusiasm  ; 
and,  like  others,  no  less  ill-fated,  “ not  wisely,  but  too  well.” 
Had  he  succeeded,  the  world  would  have  said  he  loved  it  both 
well  and  wisely.  However,  he  loved  it ; his  devotion  to  it 
was  a passion  that  had  taken  entire  possession  of  his  soul,  that 
blinded  him  to  the  impediments  that  stood  in  the  way  of  the 
accomplishment  of  his  designs.  He  pursued  his  object,  as  if  he 
believed  that  the  champions  of  liberty  fought,  at  all  hazards, 
at  all  times,  under  the  protection  of  a sacred  tutelary  power  ; 
while  those  of  despotism,  less  highly  favoured,  however  they 
might  seem  to  prosper  for  a time,  were  doomed  eventually  to 
fall,  and  to  contribute  to  their  defeat  by  their  own  efforts  to 
avert  their  doom.  To  use  the  glowing  language,  attributed  to 
Emmet,  in  explanation  of  his  opinions — “Liberty  was  the  child 
of  oppression,  and  the  birth  of  the  offspring  was  the  death  of 
the  parent  ; while  tyranny,  like  the  poetical  desert  bird,  was 
consumed  in  flames  ignited  by  itself,  and  its  whole  existence 
was  spent  in  providing  the  means  of  self-destruction.”* 

The  question  of  the  legal  guilt  of  engaging,  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, or  with  any  motives  however  pure,  in  such  an 
enterprise  as  that  of  1803,  it  is  needless  to  descant  upon.  The 
question  of  the  moral  guilt  of  embarking  in  any  similar  enter 

* “ Robert  Emmet  and  his  Contemporaries.” — Dublin  and  London 
Magazine  1825. 


234 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


terprise,  however  grievous  the  wrongs  which  had  been  endured* 
and  it  was  expected  might  be  redressed  by  resistance,  and  an 
appeal  to  the  sword,  is  one,  which  the  defenders  of  the  revolu* 
tiou  of  1688,  treat  as  a problem,  the  solution  of  which  depends 
on  the  consideration  of  the  probability  and  ultimate  advantage 
of  success  ; the  sufficiency  of  the  means,  the  extent  of  popular 
support,  and  the  amount  of  suffering  occasioned  by  the  strug- 
gle. Whenever  rebellion  has  been  unsuccessful,  a prima  facia 
case  of  moral  guilt  is  established#  Had  Washington  failed,  it 
would  never  have  been  conceded  that  he  was  justified  in  re 
sisting  oppression.  The  chance,  however,  of  success  or  failure, 
do  not  determine  the  question  of  moral  guilt  or  justification. 
In  Emmet’s  case,  it  is  evident  that  he  was  the  victim  of  decep- 
tion, that  he  was  deluded,  misled,  and  sacrificed  by  designing 
men,  whose  machinations,  his  youth,  his  inexperience,  his  con- 
fiding nature,  were  unfit  to  cope  with.  The  question  is, 
meshed  as  he  was  in  the  toils  of  villany,  what  possibility  of 
success  was  there  for  his  plans,  had  they  been  carried  into 
execution  in  the  capital?  Had  the  representations  made- to 
him  of  extensive  co-operation  been  realized,  were  these  plans 
of  his  adequate  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  object  ? Could 
that  object  have  been  attained  without  the  shedding  of  much 
blood  ? Had  his  plans  been  carried  into  successful  operation 
in  the  capital,  the  probability  is,  that  Kildare,  Wicklow,  Wex- 
ford, Carlow  and  Kilkenny,  would  have  immediately  risen,  and 
that  in  one  week,  from  the  outbreak,  six  counties  at  least  would 
have  been  in  rebellion.  His  plans  necessarily  depended  for 
success  on  the  realization  of  the  assurances  he  received  of  co- 
operation in  the  provinces.  They  were  adequate  to  the  pro- 
posed object,  provided  treachery  was  not  stalking  behind  each 
attempt  to  put  them  in  operation,  and  treading  in  his  footsteps 
at  every  movement  of  advance.  The  men  of  ’98  were  four 
years  organizing  the  country  ; the  more  they  organized  the 
more  they  were  betrayed  ; where  they  organized  least  in  the 
County  of  Wexford,  there,  their  cause  was  best  served.  Ro- 
bert Emmet  evidently  traced  the  failure  in  1798,  to  this  system 
of  wide  spread  and  long  pursued  organization.  He  left  the 
people  alone,  he  counted  on  them  whenever  they  were  wanted, 
and  all  his  organizations  were  of  his  plans  in  the  capital,  and 
all  his  preparations  consisted  in  providing  weapons,  ammuni 
tion,  and  warlike  contrivances  for  his  adherents.  Of  the  latter, 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


235 


a few  words  will  be  said  hereafter.  Four  months  were  spent 
in  the  preparations  of  the  men  of  1803,  four  years  were  spent 
in  those  of  the  men  of  1798.  The  latter  counted  half  a million 
of  enrolled  members,  the  former  counted  on  the  rising  of  nine- 
teen counties  whenever  they  should  be  called  on.  There  was 
no  swearing  in  of  members  in  1803,  consequently  no  perjured 
traitors.  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald  expected  300,000  men  of 
the  half  million  would  take  the  field.  Robert  Emmet  expec- 
ted the  great  body  of  the  people  would  be  with  him,  once  his 
plans  in  Dublin  were  successful ; they  failed,  and  he  found  him- 
self at  the  head  of  eighty  men,  on  the  23rd  of  July  when  he 
sallied  forth  to  attack  the  Castle,  but  then  the  meditated  at- 
tack supervened  on  disconcerted  plans,  drunkenness  among  his 
followers,  treachery  on  the  part  of  his  agents,  a false  alarm,  a 
panic  and  desperation  ; and  it  terminated  in  confusion,  plunder, 
murder,  and  a disgraceful  rout.  What  would  have  been  the 
result  if  his  attempt  had  been  made  under  different  circum- 
stances ? A result  attended  with  more  real  peril  to  the  gov- 
ernment than  any  that  had  environed  it  in  the  course  of  the 
former  rebellion,  with  the  exception  of  the  danger  that  was 
involved  in  the  proposition  of  the  sergeants  of  the  regiments, 
then  garrisoning  the  capital,  to  the  chief  leaders  assembled  in 
council,  at  Sweeetman’s,  in  Francis-street,  when  their  proposal 
of  delivering  up  the  Castle,  and  other  important  places,  to  the 
United  Irishmen  was  the  subject  of  discussion. 

The  question  of  the  possibility  of  obtaining  the  object  sought 
by  Robert  Emmet,  without  much  bloodshed,  is  one  that  re- 
quires some  consideration  to  answer. 

In  European  countries'  where  revolutions  have  taken  jdace, 
without  much  effusion  of  blood,  they  have  invariably  been  com- 
menced in  the  capital.  When  attempts  to  revolt  have  begun 
in  the  provinces,  the  shedding  of  blood  has  generally  been  in  a 
ratio  with  the  distance  from  the  capital.  The  reasons  of  this 
result  are  too  obvious  to  require  observations.  I believe  one 
of  the  chief  reasons  for  Robert  Emmet’s  determination  to  strike 
the  first  blow  in  the  capital,  and  to  paralize  the  action  of  gov- 
ernment at  its  source,  was  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible  the 
effusion  of  blood. 

His  conduct,  after  the  failure  of  his  plans  in  Dublin,  is  a 
proof  of  the  disposition  of  mind  that  led  to  his  determination. 
When  Lord  Kil warden’s  murder  was  made  known  to  him,  he 


236 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


felt  like  B.  B.  Harvey,  at  the  sight  of  the  smouldering  ashes 
of  the  barn  of  Scullabogue,  when  he  said,  “ our  hopes  of  liberty 
are  now  at  an  end.”  He  was  pressed  to  make  the  signal  of 
the  second  and  third  rocket,  for  the  advance  of  the  men  in 
reserve,  who  were  stationed  at  the  Barley-fields,  at  the  canal, 
and  at  other  appointed  places  ; he  refused  to  do  so,  there  was 
no  hope  of  success,  and  he  would  not  be  the  means  of  unneces- 
sarily shedding  blood.  It  was  then  he  recommended  his  fol- 
lowers to  disperse,  and,  accompanied  by  some  of  his  friends, 
abandoned  his  enterprise.  At  the  subsequent  meeting  with 
Dwyer,  and  some  of  the  Wicklow  and  Kildare  men  in  the 
mountains,  they  pressed  him  to  consent  to  the  rising  of  the 
people  in  those  counties,  and,  commencing  an  immediate  attack 
on  the  chief  towns,  he  refused  to  do  so.  He  saw  the  hope- 
lessness of  a renewal  of  the  struggle  after  the  failure  of  the 
first  attempt ; and,  let  it  be  remembered,  the  men  who  were 
pressing  this  advice  upon  him  were  of  a very  different  stamp 
from  many  of  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  in  the  streets 
of  Dublin. 

In  some  things  there  were  traits  of  mind,  exhibited  by 
Robert  Emmet,  that  had  more  to  do  with  a youthful  imagina- 
tion, than  matured  reflection.  There  was  a romantic  turn  of 
thought  displayed  in  those  stratagems  for  eluding  detection, 
of  which  I have  previously  spoken  as  practised  in  Milltown, 
Harold’s  Cross,  and  Patrick-street,  trap  doors,  subterranean 
cavities,  secret  passages,  and  chambers.  We  have  seen  the 
inefficiency  of  such  means  of  safety  at  Harold’s  Cross.  In 
Patrick-street,  on  the  other  hand,  the  result  of  such  contrivances 
was  fortfinate  for  the  time  being.  Still  the  dependance  on 
such  stratagems,  and  not  only  on  the  fidelity,  but  likewise  on 
the  discretion  of  upwards  of  forty  men,  not  for  a short  period, 
but  for  upwards  of  four  months,  is  an  evidence  of  that  turn  of 
mind  to  which  I have  referred,  and  of  little  experience  of  the 
world.  He  was  deceived  from  the  beginning,  and  deserted  at 
the  end,  by  many  who  made  large  professions  of  support  when 
there  was  a mere  possibility,  but  not  a reasonable  expectation 
of  success  ; and  who  were  found  wanting  when  danger,  and 
the  doubtfulness  of  the  issue,  presented  themselves  to  their 
view.  There  is  another  matter  of  more  important  considera- 
tion than  any  other  connected  with  his  enterprise,  the  question 
of  the  origin,  in  Ireland,  of  those  preparations  for  insurrection, 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


231 


which  Robert  Emmet  was  sent  over  from  France,  oy  some  of 
the  United  Irish  leaders,  there  to  inquire  into  the  nature  of. 
Did  these  preparations  originate  with  the  friends  or  the  ene- 
mies of  their  cause  ? Were  they  commenced,  or  suggested,  by 
parties,  who,  finding  their  consequence  diminished,  their  power 
restrained,  their  former  means  cut  off  of  maintaining  a position 
in  society,  independently  of  industrious  pursuits,  or  their  own 
legitimate  resources,  had  become  weary  of  a return,  or  an  ap- 
proach even  to  a return,  of  an  administration  of  government 
of  a mild  and  constitutional  character  ; and  who  were  desirous 
of  a pretext  for  going  back  to  the  old  regime  of  “ sword  law,” 
under  which  they  flourished,  and  of  which,  for  the  time  being, 
they  had  been  recognized  as  useful  and  necessary  agents  ? 
Some  of  these  parties,  when  the  reign  of  terror  ceased,  were 
unable  to  settle  down  to  the  honest  occupations  which  they 
had  relinquished  for  military  pursuits  in  1 *7 97,  and  1198,  vio- 
lated the  laws,  and  expiated  their  crimes  on  the  scaffold,  or-  in 
penal  settlements.  Messrs.  Crawly,  Coates,  and  Fleming, 
were  members  of  yeomanry  corps.  O’Brien  was  not  a military 
man,  but  one  of  all  work,  a right-hand  man  of  the  redoubted 
Major.  His  fall,  however,  was  attributed  to  the  cause  above 
referred  to.  But  others,  whose  circumstances  were  less  des- 
perate, and  were  not  driven  by  their  indigence,  or  their  head- 
strong passions,  to  the  commission  of  similar  crimes,  feeling 
their  insignificance  in  tranquil  times,  remembered  their  im- 
potence in  troubled  ones,  and  not  only  longed  for  their  return, 
but  contrived  in  secret  to  effect  it. 

This  is  a very  important  question,  and  I feel  bound  to  state, 
that  the  result  of  my  inquiries  leads  me  to  the  conclusion,  that 
such  was  the  origin  of  those  views  which  were  communicated 
in  1802  to  certain  of  the  leaders  of  the  United  Irishmen  in 
Paris.  I have  already  shown  that  the  authorities  were  not 
ignorant  of  the  preparations  that  were  making  in  Dublin  for 
an  insurrection  in  the  summer  of  1803.  The  full  extent  of 
them  they  probably  did  not  know  at  the  commencement ; but 
the  general  objects  and  the  principal  parties  engaged  in  them, 
there  is  little  doubt  they  were  acquainted  with,  Lord  Hard- 
wicke  was  incapable  of  lending  his  countenance  or  sanction  to 
the  originating  of  the  designs  of  the  parties  I have  alluded  to  ; 
but  when  they  were  so  far  matured  and  successful  as  to  ren- 
der the  existence  of  a dangerous  conspiracy  no  longer  doubt 


238 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


ful,  when  it  was  represented  to  him  that  the  best  way  of  d& 
feating  it  (having  a clue  to  its  object  and  the  means  of  dis- 
concerting its  plans),  was  to  allow  it  to  proceed  and  to  ex- 
pend itself  without  detriment  to  the  Government,  but  with 
certain  ruin  to  its  own  agents,  there  is  reason  to  believe  the 
course  of  action  suggested  was  submitted  to  by  him,  and  though 
successfully  acted  on,  that  it  was  attended  with  the  most  im- 
minent danger  to  the  State.  The  parliamentary  record  of  the 
dispatches  between  the  Government  and  the  General  can  leave 
little  doubt  of  the  fact.  These  matters  are  still  subjects  for 
grave  inquiry,  and  they  have  a very  important  bearing  on  the 
judgment  that  is  to  be  formed  of  the  plans  and  projects  of 
Robert  Emmet,  and  of  his  character  in  relation  to  them. 

Previous  reference  has  been  made  to  the  debate  on  Sir  John 
Wrottesley’s  motion  for  an  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  the 
the  Irish  Government  relative  to  the  insurrection  of  the  23rd 
of  July,  on  the  7th  of  March,  1804  : but  some  extraordinary 
admissions  of  Lord  Castlereagh,  elicited  on  that  occasion,  are 
worthy  of  notice,  and  some  statements  of  other  members  with 
respect  to  the  attempt,  which  was,  in  the  words  of  Lord  Cas- 
tlereagh, “ only  the  wild  and  contemptible  project  of  an  ex- 
travagant young  man.”  “ Though  he  agreeed  with  the  Hon. 
Baronet  that  preventive  measures  were  preferable  to  punish- 
ment, he  thought  that  principle  might  be  carried  too  far  ; and 
it  was  material  not  to  urge  the  rebels  to  postpone  their  attempt 
by  any  appearance  of  too  much  precaution  and  preparation. 
The  Hon.  Baronet  might  laugh , but  it  was  expedient  that  the 
precautions  should  not  have  been  carried  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
alarm  the  fears  of  the  rebels , and  thereby  induce  them  to  delay 
their  project.  Besides , it  was  desirable  that  the  measures  after- 
wards applied  for  to  Parliament  should  be  claimed  on  ostensi- 
ble, not  on  arguable  grounds  !v 

This  was  worthy  of  his  Lordship.  In  1798  he  boasted  that 
measures — (in  plain  English,  cabin  burnings,  tortures,  and  free 
quarters) — had  been  taken  to  cause  a rebellion  to  explode  pre- 
maturely. In  1803,  to  use  the  words  of  Mr.  Windham  on 
that  occasion,  he  “ maintained  the  monstrous  doctrine  that  re- 
bellion was  to  be  fostered  till  it  came  to  a head,  that  the  cure 
might  be  radical.  This  might  be  good  policy  for  a general 
against  an  open  enemy.  He  might  watch  him,  and  let  him 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


239 


march  into  toils — taking  care  to  be  too  strong  for  him.  But 
it  was  imfamous  in  a government  against  rebels.” 

Lord  Castlereagh,  in  stating  the  precautions  that  had  been 
taken,  admitted  that  a week  before  the  outbreak  dek  gates 
from  Kildare  had  come  to  Dublin  to  ascertain  the  state  of  his 
resources  ; and  having  been  taken  by  Emmet  to  the  Depot  to 
let  them  see  the  preparations,  they  had  returned  with  a bad 
report.  “ The  conduct  of  the  administration  in  Ireland,  both  at 
the  time  and  since,  was  that  of  a wise,  provident,  and  vigorous 
government.” 

Lord  Temple  said  “ It  appeared  in  evidence  on  the  State 
trials,  also,  that  the  whole  weight  of  the  government  devolved 
on  the  Under-secretary,  Mr.  Marsden , who  gave  no-*  informa- 
tion to  the  Lord  Lieutenant  of  the  important  intelligence  commu- 
nicated to  him  by  Mr.  Clarke , a very  great  manufacturer , till 
Saturday , the  fatal  day  on  which  the  rebellion  broke  out.” 

And  when  General  Fox  was  quitting  the  Lord  Lieutenant 
on  Saturday  afternoon,  he  said — “ Whatever  you  do,  be  sure 
you  do  not  cause  any  alarm.  Ruat  Caelum — but  no  alarm. 
Do  every  thing  in  your  power,  but  let  it  be  with  as  little 
alarm  as  possible.” 

General  Tarleton  said  he  had  been  on  the  Staff  in  Ireland, 
and  had  made  many  inquiries  amongst  official  and  military  men. 
The  Colonel  of  the  62nd  Regiment  told  him  he  had  informed 
the  Secretary  of  the  existence  of  one  of  the  Depots,  but  no 
notice  was  taken  of  the  information,  and  it  was  not  discovered 
till  after  the  insurrection  had  broken  out.  He  had  been  in- 
formed in  Naas  that  Government  had  received  intelligence 
from  that  place,  but  it  was  not  attended  to  ; he  was  also 
aware  that  “ the  conspiracy  had  extended  to  the  South,  be- 
yond Cork,  where  the  conspirators  learned  by  means  of  tele- 
graphic fires  the  ill  success  of  the  insurrection  in  Dublin,  be- 
fore the  King’s  officers  knew  it  in  Cork.  It  was  by  this  informa- 
tion only  that  the  insurrection  was  prevented  from  being  gen- 
eral over  the  country.” 

Mr.  Fox  said,  when  the  explosion  took  place  in  Patrick- 
Btreet  (a  week  before  the  outbreak),  the  Commander-in-chief 
was  then  sent  for  to  the  Castle,  and  the  bare  fact  was  commu- 
nicated to  him,  without  any  instructions  or  further  information. 
41  Why  was  he  not  made  acquainted  with  all  the  circumstances 
which  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Government  ?”  “ The 


240 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


Lord  Lieutenant  had  an  allowance  of  £60,000  a-year  for  secret 
service  money,  in  order  to  enable  him  to  procure  information 
of  any  conspiracy  that  might  be  carried  on.” 

Lord  de  Blaquiere  said  the  insurrection  had  occasioned  a 
loss  of  thirty  lives  in  the  course  of  a quarter  of  an  hour.  The 
day  after  the  explosion,  some  of  the  stores  there  had  been  re- 
moved by  the  conspirators  to  another  Depot.  Lord  Castle- 
reagh  had  said  there  were  only  between  2000  and  3000  pikes 
found  in  the  Depot  in  Thomas-street.  “ He  (Lord  de  Bla- 
quiere) was  one  of  the  officers  appointed  to  examine  them,  and 
he  would  declare  there  could  not  be  less  than  12,000  pikes.”* 
The  part  taken  by  the  gentleman  “ on  whom  the  whole 
weight  of  the  government  devolved,”  and  the  keeping  back  of 
information  from  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  throws  some  light  on 
this  subject.  In  Spencer’s  “ State  of  Ireland,  written  dialogue- 
wise  between  Eudoxus  and  Ireneus,  the  former  speaks  of  “ one 
very  foul  abuse  which,  by  the  way,  he  may  not  omit — and 
that  is,  in  officers  who,  notwithstanding  that  they  are  specially 
employed  to  make  peace,  through  strong  execution  of  war,  yet 
they  do  so  dandle  their  doings  and  dally  in  the  service  to  them 
committed,  as  if  they  would  not  have  the  enemy  beaten  down, 
for  fear  afterwards  they  should  need  employment,  and  so  be 
discharged  of  pay.” 

After  detailing  at  much  length  how  the  officers,  for  colour 
sake,  send  “ some  heads  eftsoons  to  the  Governor  for  a com- 
mendation of  their  great  endeavour,  telling  how  weighty  a ser- 
vice they  performed  by  cutting  off  such  and  such  dangerous 
rebels.”  Eudoxus  asks,  “ Do  you  speak  of  under  magistrates 
or  principal  governors  ?”  Ireneus  replies — “ I do  speak  of  no 
particulars,  but  the  truth  may  be  found  out  by  trial  and  rea- 
sonable insight  into  some  of  their  doings.  And  if  I should  say 
there  is  some  blame  thereof  in  the  principal  governors,  I think 
I might  also  show  some  reasonable  proofs  of  my  speech. ”f 
The  plan  of  fomenting  conspiracies  outlived  the  days  of  the 
gentle  author  of  the  Faerie  Queene.  The  following  choice 
specimen  of  the  iniquitous  policy  will  show  that  it  reached  those 
of  Lord  Carhampton  in  1798  ; and  the  speech  of  Lord  Cas* 

Report  of  the  Debate  at  full  length.  Published  by  Mahon : Dub 
tin,  1804. 

f Spencer’s  View  of  the  State  of  Ireland.  18mo.  Edit,  p.  141 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


241 


tlereagh  in  March  1804,  can  leave  no  doubt  that  it  had  been 
in  full  operation  in  the  last  insurrection. 

In  a letter  of  the  Earl  of  Carhampton  to  Lord  Camden, 
cited  in  an  Orange  publication  in  1198 — “ Considerations  on 
the  situation  to  which  Ireland  is  reduced  by  the  Government 
of  Lord  Camden  ” — we  find  the  following  exordium  : — 

“ My  Lord — If  it  shall  please  your  Excellency  to  permit 
them  to  go  to  war  with  us,  and  will  permit  us  only  to  go  to 
law  with  them,  it  will  not  require  the  second  sight  of  a Scotch* 
man  to  foretel  the  issue  of  the  contest.” 

How  little  had  the  spirit  of  that  dreadful  policy  varied  from 
Spencer’s  time  to  that  of  Carhampton  and  Castlereagh  ! The 
first  named  worthy,  recommending  “ a good  plot,”  to  inveigle 
(a  troublesome  Chief)  one  Feagh  Mac  Hugh,  into  its  meshes, 
puts  the  following  words  into  the  mouth  of  Ireneus  : — “ Surely 
this  seemeth  a plot  of  great  reason  and  small  difficulty,  which 
promiseth  hope  of  a short  end.  But  what  special  directions 
will  you  set  down  for  the  services  and  risings  out  of  these  gar- 
risons ? ” To  which  Eudoxus  replies — “ none  other  than  the 
present  occasion  shall  minister  unto  them,  and  as  by  good 
j Espials  whereof  there  they  cannot  want  store,  they  shall  be 
drawn  continually  upon  him,  and  sometimes  all  at  one  instant 
baiting  him.”* 

This  was  poor  Robert  Emmet ! Ministered  to  by  good 
Espials  drawn  continually  upon  him,  and  baiting  him  at  the 
ring  of  treason,  till  they  brought  their  noble  victim  to  the  dust, 
and  the  plot  of  great  reason  and  small  difficulty  came  to  a shoi  t 
end  ! 

Robert  Emmet  died  in  the  26th  year  of  his  age.  In  stature, 
he  was  about  five  feet  eight  inches  ; slight  in  his  person,  active, 
and  capable  of  enduring  great  fatigue  ; he  walked  fast,  and  was 
quick  in  his  movements.  His  features  were  regular,  his  fore- 
head high  and  finely  formed  ; his  eyes  were  small,  bright,  and 
full  of  expression ; his  nose  sharp,  remarkably  thin,  and 
straight  ; the  lower  part  of  his  face  was  slightly  pock-pitted, 
and  his  complexion  sallow.  There  was  nothing  remarkable  in 
his  appearance,  except  when  excited  in  conversation,  and  when 
he  spoke  in  public  on  any  subject  that  deeply  interested  him  : 
his  countenance  then  beamed  with  animation — he  no  longer 
seemed  the  same  person — every  feature  became  expressive  of 
* Spencer’ j View  of  the  State  of  Ireland,  p 170. 


242 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


his  emotions — his  gesture,  his  action,  every  thing  about  hint 
seemed  subservient  to  the  impulses  of  his  feelings,  and  harmon* 
ized  with  the  emanations  of  a noble  intellect. 

The  portrait,  prefixed  to  this  memoir,  is  from  the  original 
copper-plate  engraving  of  a sketch  taken  at  his  trial  by  Petrie. 
At  the  sale  of  his  effects,  three  or  four  years  ago,  a large  col- 
collection  of  casts  were  sold,  among  them  were  casts  of  several 
of  the  United  Irishmen.  One  of  these,  which  turned  out  to  be 
a cast  of  Robert  Emmet,  was  purchased  by  a dealer  in  curiosi- 
ties, and  exposed  for  sale  in  Liffey-street.  There  it  was  seen, 
and  recognized  by  the  brother-in-law  of  Mr.  T.  A.  Emmet.  On 
a subsequent  inquiry  of  mine,  and  of  that  gentleman,  at  the 
house  of  the  person  who  had  purchased  the  cast  of  Robert 
Emmet,  as  well  as  the  others,  it  was  ascertained  that  the  whole 
collection  had  been  disposed  of  by  the  latter  to  Mr.  Ray.  On 
application  to  that  gentleman,  the  cast  presumed  to  be  that  of 
Emmet,  as  described  by  his  friend,  was  found,  on  my  showing 
it  to  the  latter,  the  various  points  of  resemblance  to  Robert’s 
features  left  no  doubt  of  its  identity.  The  peculiarities,  which 
chiefly  established  it,  were  the  marks  of  the  small  pox  on  cer- 
tain parts  of  the  face,  and  the  serrated  appearance  of  two  of 
the  upper  teeth  which  was  preserved  in  the  cast.  The  gentleman 
I refer  to,  considers  Petrie’s  sketch  of  Robert  Emmet,  as  having 
the  fault  of  all  the  portraits  of  Robert  Emmet,  a sombre  and 
austere  expression  of  countenance,  which  did  not  belong  to  the 
original.* 

In  bringing  this  memoir  to  a close,  I present  to  my  readers 
some  pieces  of  poetry  of  Robert  Emmet,  which  never  have 
been  published.  They  were  evidently  written  during  the  reign 
of  terror  in  1791,  or  ’98,  the  first  piece  in  the  latter  year,  all 
of  them  under  the  influence  of  feelings  harrowed  by  the  atro- 
cities committed  on  the  people  at  that  period.  One  of  them 
bears  his  initials — another,  in  his  hand  writing,  in  the  original, 
had  been  written  in  what  is  called  “invisible  ink,”  and  which, 
by  some  chemical  process,  had  been  rendered  barely  legible,  in 

* There  ie  another  portrait  of  Robert  Emmet  which  was  published 
by  John  Binns — shortly  after  his  arrival  in  this  country,  which  Judge 
Robert  Emmet  says  corresponds  with  his  early  recollections  of  his 
uncle,  but  as  it  makes  Robert  Emmet  appear  at  least  fifty  years  of 
age,  it  was  thought  more  judicious  to  insert  the  one  prefixed  to  thi? 
work. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


243 


purple  characters.  For  these  interesting  documents  I am  in* 
debted  to  Miss  Mary  M'Cracken.* 

“ ARBOUR  HILL,”  f BY  ROBERT  EMMET. 

No  rising  column  marks  this  spot 
Where  many  a victim  lies, 

But  oh ! the  blood  which  here  has  streamed, 

To  heaven  for  justice  cries. 

It  claims  it  on  the  oppressor’s  head, 

Who  joys  in  human  woe, 

Who  drinks  the  tears  by  misery  shed, 

And  mocks  them  as  they  flow. 

* It  has  been  already  observed,  that  whatever  records  of  the  lives 
and  nistories  of  the  United  Irishmen  have  been  rescued  from  oblivion, 
the  preservation  of  them  (in  most  instances  which  have  come  to  our 
knowledge,)  had  been  owing  to  the  fidelity  of  female  friendship,  or 
affection  on  the  part  of  their  surviving  relatives,  the  sisters  and  daugh- 
ters of  the  men  who  were  engaged  in  the  struggle  of  1798,  which 
neither  time,  nor  obloquy,  nor  new  ties  and  interests  had  estranged, 
nor  had  been  able  to  extinguish.  The  name  of  Mary  M‘Cracken  has 
become  associated  in  the  North  with  that  of  her  beloved  brother, 
Henry  Joy  M'Cracken.  The  recollection  of  every  act  of  his  seems  to 
have  been  stored  up  in  her  mind,  as  if  she  felt  the  charge  of  his  repu- 
cation  had  been  committed  to  her  especial  care.  In  that  attachment 
there  are  traits  to  be  noticed  indicative  not  only  of  singleness  of  heart, 
and  benevolence  of  disposition,  but  of  a noble  spirit  of  heroism,  strik- 
ingly displayed  in  the  performance  of  perilous  duties,  of  services  rend- 
ered at  the  hazard  of  life,  at  great  pecuniary  sacrifices,  not  only  to 
that  dear  brother,  but  at  a later  period  to  his  faithful  friend,  the  un- 
fortunate Thomas  Russell.  Perhaps  to  those  who  move  in  the  Dusy 
haunts  of  life,  and  become  familiarized  with  the  circumscribed  views 
and  actions  of  worldly-people,  the  rare  occurrence  of  qualites  of  ano- 
ther kind,  which  seem  to  realize  the  day-dreams  of  one’s  early  years, 
an  excellence  of  disposition  devoid  of  all  selfishness,  devoted  to  all 
goodness,  capable  of  all  sacrifices,  and  constant  in  all  trials, — that 
shakes  not  in  adversity,  and  becomes  insensible  to  fear  where  the  safe- 
ty of  friends  and  kindred  is  in  question, — in  one  who  seems  to  be  ut- 
terly unconscious  of  her  own  nobleness  of  mind,  may  appear  worthy 
of  admiratton. — Madden’s  United  Irishmen. 

f Arbour  Hill,  at  the  rear  of  the  Royal  Barracks,  in  Dublin,  was  a 
place  where  a great  number  of  executions  took  place,  and  the  burial 
of  those  executed  for  treason.  The  spot  chosen  for  their  interment 
was  “ croppies  hole,”  it  was  a piece  of  waste  ground  where  rubbish 
used  to  be  deposited. — R.  R.  M. 


244 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


It  claims  it  on  the  callous  Judge, 

Whose  hands  in  blood  are  dyed, 

Who  arms  injustice  with  the  sword, 

The  balance  throws  aside. 

It  claims  it  for  his  ruined  Isle, 

Her  wretched  children’s  grave ; 

Where  withered  Freedom  droops  her  head, 
And  man  exists — a slave. 

Oh ! sacred  justice,  free  this  land 
From  tyranny  abhorred; 

Resume  thy  balance  and  thy  seat, 

Resume — but  sheath  thy  sword. 

No  retribution  should  we  seek — 

Too  long  has  horror  reigned ; 

By  mercy  marked  may  Freedom  rise, 

By  cruelty  unstained. 


Nor  shall  a tyrant’s  ashes  mix, 

With  those  our  martyred  dead  ; 

This  is  the  place  where  Erin’s  sons, 
In  Erin’s  cause  have  bled. 

And  those  who  here  are  laid  at  rest, 
Oh  ! hallowed  be  each  name ; 

Their  memories  are  for  ever  blest— 
Consigned  to  endless  fame. 

TJnconsecrated  is  this  ground, 
Unblest  by  holy  hands ; 

No  bell  here  tolls  its  solemn  sound, 
No  monument  here  stands. 

But  here  the  patriot’s  tears  are  shed, 
The  poor  man’s  blessing  given  ; 

these  consecrate  the  virtuous  dead, 
These  waft  their  fame  to  heaven. 


LINES  BY  ROBERT  EMMET. 

Genius  of  Erin  tune  thy  harp 
To  Freedom,  let  its  sound  awake 
Thy  prostrate  sons,  and  nerve  their  hearty 
Oppression’s  iron  bonds  to  break. 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET 


245 


Long  and  strong  then  strike  the  lyre, 
Strike  it  with  prophetic  lays, 

Bid  it  rouse  the  slumbering  fire. 

Bid  the  fire  of  freedom  blaze. 

Tell  them  glory  waits  their  efforts, 
Strongly  wooed,  she  will  be  won, 
Freedom,  show,  by  peace  attended, 
Waits  to  crown  each  gallant  son. 

Greatly  daring,  bid  them  gain  her, 
Conquerors,  bid  them  live  or  die ; 
Erin  in  her  children  triumphs, 

Marked  by  glory  if  they  die. 

But,  if  her  sons,  too  long  opprest, 

No  spark  of  freedom’s  fire  retain, 
And,  with  sad  and  servile  breast, 

Basely  wear  the  galling  chain. 

Vainly  then  you’d  call  to  glory, 

Vainly  freedom’s  blessings  praise, 

Man  debased  to  willing  thraldom, 
Freedom’s  blessing  cannot  raise. 

Check  thy  hand,  and  change  thy  strain, 
Change  it  to  a sound  of  woe, 

Ireland’s  blasted  hopes  proclaim, 
Ireland’s  endless  sufferings  show. 

Show  her  fields  with  blood  ensanguined. 
With  her  children’s  blood  bedewed, 
Show  her  desolate  plains, 

With  their  murdered  bodies  strewed. 

Mark  that  hamlet,  how  it  blazes, 

Hear  the  shrieks  of  horror  rise, 

See,  the  fiends  prepare  their  tortures. 
See ! a tortured  victim  dies. 

Ruin  stalks  his  haggard  round, 

O’er  the  plains  his  banner  waves, 
Sweeping,  from  her  wasted  land, 

All  but  tyrants  and  theii  slaves. 

All  but  tyrants  and  their  slaves 
Shall  they  live  in  Erin’s  isle  ? 

O’er  her  martyred  patriots’  graves, 

Shall  Oppression’s  minions  smile. 


\ 


MEMOIR  OF  ROBERT  EMMET. 


46 


Erin’s  sons,  awake ! — awake ! 

Oh  ! too  long,  too  long,  you  sleep ; 
Awake ! arise  ! your  fetters  break, 

Nor  let  tout  country  bleed  and  weep. 

R K 


Ah ! where  is  now  my  peaceful  cot, 

Ah  ! where  my  happy  home  ? 

No  peaceful  cot.  alas  ! is  mine, 

An  exile  now  I roam. 

Far  from  my  country  I am  driven, 

A wanderer  sent  from  thee, 

But,  still,  my  constant  prayer  to  heaven, 
Shall  be  to  make  thee  free. 

R R 


LINES  BY  ROBERT  EMMET. 

Brothers  rise,  your  country  calls, 

Let  us  gain  her  rights,  or  die 
In  her  cause ; who  nobly  falls, 

Decked  with  brightest  wreath  shall  die ; 
And  Freedom’s  genius  o’er  his  bier, 

Shall  place  the  wreath,  and  drop  the  tetf 

Long  by ’s  power  opprest, 

Groaning  long  beneath  her  chain, 

"s  ill-used  power  detest, 

Burst  her  yoke,  your  rights  regain  ; 

The  standard  raise  to  liberty, 

Ireland ! you  shall  yet  be  free. 

Brothers,  march,  march  on  to  glory, 

In  your  country’s  cause  unite, 

Freedom’s  blessings  see  before  you, 

Erin’s  sons  for  freedom  fight ; 

s legions  we  defy, 

We  swear  to  conquer  or  to  di4w 


APPENDIX. 


The  manifesto  of  the  privisional  government,  drawn  up  by 
Robert  Emmet,  and  found  at  the  Depot  in  Marshalsea-lane, 
was  produced  on  the  trial  of  Edward  Kearney.  Lieutenant 
Coltman,  of  the  9th  Regiment,  proved  that  several  bundles  of 
this  document  were  found  in  the  Depot  “ quite  wet  from  the 
press.”  Extracts  from  the  documents  have  been  published, 
and  the  entire  manifesto  that  was  produced  on  Kearney’s  trial 
is  given  in  Ridgeway’s  Report,  but  knowing  the  unscrupulous 
conduct  of  the  government  agents  of  that  day  with  respect  to 
such  documents,  I thought  it  desirable  to  give  an  exact  copy 
of  the  original  paper,  the  authenticity  of  which  might  be 
depended  on.  I am  indebted  to  Miss  M‘Cracken  for  the  copy 
of  that  document,  and  of  the  proclamation  annexed  to  it, 
which  were  found  among  Russell’s  papers. 

“ THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT  TO  THE 
PEOPLE  OF  IRELAND. 

“ You  are  now  called  upon  to  show  the  world  that  you  are 
competent  to  take  your  place  among  nation^  ; that  you  have 
a right  to  claim  their  recogizance  of  you,  as  an  independ- 
ent country  ; by  the  only  satisfactory  proof  you  can  furnish 
of  your  capability  of  maintaining  your  independence,  your 
wresting  it  from  England  with  your  own  hands. 

“ In  the  development  of  this  system,  which  has  been  organ- 
ized within  the  last  eight  mouths  ; at  the  close  of  internal  de- 
feat, and  without  the  hope  of  foreign  assistance,  which  has 
been  conducted  with  a tranquillity  mistaken  for  obedience, 


248 


APPENDIX 


which  neither  the  failure  of  a similar  attempt  in  England  has 
retarded,  nor  the  renewal  of  hostilities  has  accelerated  ; in  the 
development  of  this  system  you  will  show  the  people  of  Eng- 
land, that  there  is  a spirit  of  perseverance  in  this  country  be- 
yond their  power  to  calculate  or  repress  ; you  will  show  to 
them  that  as  long  as  they  think  to  hold  unjust  dominion  over 
Ireland,  under  no  change  of  circumstances  can  they  count  on 
its  obedience,  under  no  aspect  of  affairs  can  they  judge  of  its 
intentions  ; you  will  show  to  them  that  the  question  which  it 
now  behooves  them  to  take  into  serious  consideration,  is  not 
whether  they  will  resist  a separation,  which  it  is  our  fixed  de- 
termination to  effect,  but  whether  or  not  they  will  drive  us 
beyond  separation,  whether  they  will  by  a sanguinary  resist- 
ance create  a deadly  national  antipathy  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, or  whether  they  take  the  only  means  still  left  of  driving- 
such  a sentiment  from  our  minds,  by  a prompt,  manly,  and 
sagacious  acquiescence  in  our  just  and  reasonable  determina- 
tion. If  the  secrecy  with  which  the  present  effort  has  been 
conducted,  shall  have  led  our  enemies  to  suppose  that  its  ex- 
tent must  have  been  partial,  a few  days  will  undeceive  them. 
That  confidence  which  was  once  lost  by  trusting  to  external 
support,  and  suffering  our  own  means  to  be  gradually  under- 
mined, has  been  again  restored.  W e have  been  mutually  pledg- 
ed to  each  other  to  look  only  to  our  own  strength,  and  that 
the  first  introduction  of  a system  of  terror,  the  first  attempt 
to  execute  an  individual  in  one  county,  should  be  the  signal  of 
insurrection  in  all.  We  have  now,  without  the  loss  of  a man, 
with  our  means  of  communication  untouched,  brought  our 
plans  to  the  moment  when  they  are  ripe  for  execution,  and,  in 
the  promptitude  with  which  nineteen  counties  will  come  for- 
ward at  once  to  execute  them,  it  will  be  found  that  neither 
confidence  nor  communication  are  wanting  to  the  people  of 
Ireland. 

“ In  calling  on  our  countrymen  to  come  forward,  we  feel 
ourselves  bound,  at  the  same  time,  to  justify  our  clajm  to  their 
confidence  by  a precise  declaration  of  our  views.  We  there- 
fore solemnly  declare  that  our  object  is  to  establish  a free  and 
independent  republic  in  Ireland  ; that  the  pursuit  of  this  ob- 
ject we  will  relinquish  only  with  our  lives  ; that  we  will  never, 
unless  at  the  express  call  of  our  country,  abandon  our  posts, 
until  the  acknowledgment  of  its  independence  is  obtained  from 


APPENDIX.  24? 

England,  and  that  we  will  enter  into  no  negociation  (but  for 
exchange  of  prisoners)  with  the  government  of  that  country 
while  a British  army  remains  in  Ireland.  Such  is  the  decla- 
ration on  which  we  call  first  on  that  part  of  Ireland  which  was 
once  paralysed  by  the  want  of  intelligence,  to  show  that  to 
that  cause  only  was  its  inaction  to  be  attributed  ; on  that  part 
of  Ireland  which  was  once  foremost  in  its  fortitude  in  suffer- 
ing ; on  that  part  of  Ireland  which  once  offered  to  take  the 
salvation  of  the  country  on  itself  ; on  that  part  of  Ireland 
where  the  flame  of  liberty  first  glowed  ; we  call  upon  the 
North  to  stand  up  and  shake  off  their  slumber  and  their  op- 
pression. 

“ Men  of  Leinster  ! stand  to  your  arms  ; to  the  courage 
which  you  have  already  displayed  is  your  country  indebted  for 
the  confidence  which  truth  feels  in  its  own  strength,  and  for 
the  dismay  with  which  our  enemies  will  be  overcome,  when  they 
find  this  effort  to  be  universal.  But,  men  of  Leinster,  you  owe 
more  to  your  country  than  the  having  animated  it  by  your 
past  example,  you  owe  more  to  your  own  courage  than  the 
having  obtained  protection  by  it.  If  six  years  ago  you  rose 
without  arms,  without  plan,  without  co-operation,  with  more 
troops  against  you  alone,  than  are  now  in  the  country  at  large, 
you  were  able  to  remain  six  weeks  in  open  defiance  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  within  a few  miles  of  the  capital,  what  will  you 
now  effect,  with  that  capital,  and  every  other  part  of  Ireland, 
ready  to  support  you  ? But  it  is  not  on  this  head  we  have 
need  to  address  you.  No  ! we  now  speak  to  you,  and,  through 
you,  to  the  rest  of  Ireland,  on  a subject  dear  to  us,  even  as  the 
success  of  our  country — its  honour.  You  are  accused  by  your 
enemies  of  having  Violated  that  honour  by  excesses,  which  they 
themselves  had  in  their  fullest  extent  provoked,  but  which  they 
have  grossly  exaggerated,  and  which  have  been  attributed  to 
you.  The  opportunity  for  vindicating  yourselves  by  actions 
is  now,  for  the  first  time,  in  your  power,  and  we  call  upon  you 
to  give  the  lie  to  such  assertions,  by  carefully  avoiding  all  ap- 
pearance of  intoxication,  plunder,  or  revenge,  recollecting  that 
you  lost  Ireland  before,  not  from  want  of  courage,  but  from 
not  having  that  courage  rightly  directed  by  discipline.  But 
we  trust  that  your  past  sufferings  have  taught  you  experience, 
and  that  you  will  respect  the  declaration  we  now  make,  which 
we  are  determined  by  every  means  in  our  power  to  enforce, 


250 


APPENDIX. 


The  nation  alone  has  the  right,  and  alone  possesses  the  power  of 
punishing  individuals,  and  whosoever  shall  put  another  to 
death,  except  in  battle,  without  a fair  trial  by  his  country,  is 
guilty  of  murder.  The  intention  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment of  Ireland,  is  to  claim  from  the  English  government  such 
Irishmen  as  have  been  sold  or  transported  by  it  for  their  at- 
tachment to  freedom,  and,  for  this  purpose,  it  will  retain  as 
hostages,  for  their  safe  return,  such  adh^ents  for  that  gov- 
ernment as  shall  fall  into  its  hands.  It  therefore  calls  upon  the 
people  to  respect  such  hostages,  and  to  recollect  that,  in  spil- 
liug  their  blood,  they  would  leave  their  own  countrymen  in  the 
hands  of  their  enemies. 

“ The  intentions  of  the  Provisional  Government  is  to  resign 
its  functions  as  soon  as  the  nation  shall  have  chosen  its  dele- 
gates, but,  in  the  mean  time,  it  is  determined  to  enforce  the 
regulations  hereunto  subjoined  ; it,  in  consequence,  takes  the 
property  of  the  country  under  its  protection,  and  will  punish 
with  the  utmost  rigour  any  person  who  shall  violate  that  pro- 
perty, and  thereby  injure  the  resources  and  future  prosperity 
of  Ireland. 

“Whosoever  refuses  to  march  to  any  part  of  the  country 
he  is  ordered,  is  guilty  of  disobedience  to  the  government, 
which  alone  is  competent  to  decide  in  what  place  his  service  is 
necessary,  and  which  desires  him  to  recollect  that  in  whatever 
part  of  Ireland  he  is  fighting,  he  is  still  fighting  for  its  free- 
dom. Whoever  presumes,  by  acts  or  otherwise,  to  give  coun- 
tenance to  the  calumny  propagated  by  our  enemies,  that  this 
is  a religious  contest,  is  guilty  of  the  grievous  crime,  that  of 
belying  the  motives  of  the  country.  Religious  disqualifications 
are  but  one  of  the  many  grievances  of  which  Ireland  has  to 
complain.  Our  intention  is  to  remove  not  that  only,  but  every 
other  oppression  under  which  we  labour.  We  fight  that  all 
of  us  may  have  our  country,  and,  that  done,  each  of  us  shall 
have  our  religion. 

“We  are  aware  of  the  apprehensions  which  you  have  ex- 
pressed, that,  in  quitting  your  own  counties,  you  leave  your 
wives  and  your  children  in  the  hands  of  your  enemies,  but  on 
this  head  have  no  uneasiness  ; if  there  are  still  men  base  enough 
to  persecute  those  who  are  unable  to  resist,  show  them  by 
your  victories  that  you  have  the  power  to  punish,  and,  by 
your  obedience,  that  you  have  the  power  to  protect,  and  we 


APPENDIX. 


251 


pledge  ourselves  to  you,  that  these  men  shall  be  made  to  feel 
that  the  safety  of  every  thing  they  hold  dear  depends  on  the 
conduct  they  observe  to  you.  Go  forth  tlieu  with  confidence, 
conquer  the  foreign  enemies  of  your  country,  and  leave  to  us 
the  care  of  preserving  its  internal  tranquillity  ; recollect  that 
not  only  the  victory,  but  also  the  honour  of  your  country  is 
placed  in  your  hands  : give  up  your  private  resentments,  and 
show  to  the  world  that  the  Irish  are  not  only  a brave,  but  also 
a generous  and  forgiving  people. 

“ Men  of  Munster  and  Connaught,  you  have  your  instruc- 
tions, you  will  execute  them.  The  example  of  the  rest  of  your 
countrymen  is  now  before  you,  your  own  strength  is  unbroken  ; 
five  months  ago  you  were  eager  to  act  without  any  other  assist- 
ance, we  now  call  upon  you  to  show  what  you  then  declared  you. 
•nly  wanted,  the  opportunity  of  proving  that  you  possess  the 
same  love  of  liberty,  and  the  same  courage  with  which  the  rest 
of  your  countrymen  are  animated. 

“We  turn  now  to  that  portion  of  our  countrymen  whose 
prejudices  we  had  rather  overcome  by  a frank  declaration  of 
our  intentions,  than  conquer  in  the  field  ; and,  in  making  this 
declaration,  we  do  not  wish  to  dwell  on  events,  which,  how- 
ever they  may  bring  ten-fold  odium  on  their  authors,  must  still 
tend  to  keep  alive  in  the  minds,  both  of  the  instruments  and 
victims  of  them,  a spirit  of  animosity,  which  it  is  our  wish  to 
destroy.  We  will  enter  into  no  detail  of  the  atrocities  and 
oppressions  which  Ireland  has  laboured  under,  during  its  con- 
nection with  England  ; but  we  justify  our  determination  to 
separate  from  that  country,  on  the  broad  historical  statement, 
that,  during  six  hundred  years,  she  has  been  unable  to  concili- 
ate the  affections  of  the  people  of  Ireland  ; that,  during  that 
time,  five  rebellions  were  entered  into,  to  shake  off  the  yoke  ; 
that  she  has  been  obliged  to  enter  into  a system  of  unprece- 
dented torture  in  her  defence  ; that  she  has  broken  every  tie 
of  voluntary  connection,  by  taking  even  the  name  of  independ- 
ence from  Ireland,  through  the  intervention  of  a parliament 
notoriously  bribed,  and  not  representing  the  will  of  the  peo- 
ple ; that  in  vindication  of  this  measure,  she  has  herself  given 
the  justification  of  the  views  of  the  United  Irishmen,  by  de- 
claring, in  the  words  of  her  ministers,  * That  Ireland  never  had, 
and  never  could  enjoy,  under  the  then  circumstances,  the  bene- 
fits of  British  connection  ; that  it  necessarily  must  happen, 


252 


APPENDIX 


\yhen  one  country  is  connected  with  another,  that  the  interests1 
of  the  lesser  will  be  borne  down  by  the  greater.  That  Eng- 
land had  supported,  and  encouraged  the  English  Colonist  in 
their  oppression  towards  the  natives  of  Ireland  ; that  Ireland 
had  been  left  in  a state  of  ignorance,  rudeness,  and  barbarism, 
worse  in  its  effects,  and  more  d3grading  in  its  nature,  than  that 
in  which  it  was  found  six  centuries  before.”*  Now  to  what 
cause  are  these  things  to  be  attributed  ? Did  the  curse  of  the 
Almighty  keep  alive  a spirit  of  obstinancy  in  the  minds  of  the 
Irish  people  for  six  hundred  years  ? Did  the  doctrines  of  the 
French  revolution  produce  five  rebellions  ? Could  the  misre- 
presentations of  ambitious  designing  men  drive  from  the  mind 
of  a whole  people  the  recollection  of  defeat,  and  raise  the  in- 
fant from  the  cradle,  with  the  same  feelings  with  which  his 
father  sank  to  the  grave  ? Will  this  gross  avowal,  which  our 
enemies  have  made  of  their  own  views,  remove  none  of  the 
calumny  that  has  been  thrown  upon  ours  ? Will  none  of  the 
credit,  which  has  been  lavished  on  them,  be  transferred  to  the 
solemn  declaration  which  we  now  make  in  the  face  of  God, 
and  our  country  ? 

“We  war  not  against  property, — we  war  against  no  religious 
sect, — we  war  not  against  past  opinions  or  prejudices, — we 
war  against  English  dominion.  We  will  not,  however,  deny 
that  there  are  some  men,  who,  not  because  they  have  support- 
ed the  government  of  our  oppressors,  but  because  they  have 
violated  the  common  laws  of  morality,  which  exist  alike  under 
all,  or  uuder  no  government,  have  put  it  beyond  our  power  to 
give  to  them  the  protection  of  a government.  We  will  not 
hazard  the  influence  we  may  have  with  the  people,  and  the 
power  it  may  give  us  of  preventing  the  excesses  of  revolution, 
by  undertaking  to  place  in  tranquillity  the  man  who  has  been 
guilty  of  torture,  free-quarter,  rape,  and  murder,  by  the  side 
of  the  sufferer,  or  their  relations  ; but  in  the  frankness  with 
which  we  warn  those  men  of  their  danger,  let  those  who  do 
not  feel  that  they  have  passed  this  boundary  of  mediation 
count  on  their  safety. 

“We  had  hoped,  for  the  sake  of  our  enemies,  to  have  taken 
them  by  surprize,  and  to  have  committed  the  cause  of  our 
country  before  they  could  have  time  to  commit  themselves 
against  it : but,  though  we  have  not  altogether  been  able  tc 
* “ Lord  Castlereagli’s  Speech.” 


APPENDIX. 


253 


succeed,  we  are  yet  rejoiced  to  find  tl  at  they  have  not  come 
forward  with  promptitude  on  the  side  of  those  who  have  de- 
ceived them  ; and  we  now  call  upon  them,  before  it  is  yet  too 
late,  not  to  commit  themselves  against  a people  which  they 
are  unable  to  resist,  and  in  support  of  a government,  which, 
by  their  own  declaration,  had  forfeited  its  claim  to  their  alle- 
giance. To  that  government,  in  whose  hands,  though  not  the 
issue,  at  least  the  features  with  which  the  present  contest  is 
marked,  or  placed,  we  now  turn.  How  is  it  to  be  decided  ? 
Is  open  and  honourable  force  alone  to  be  resorted  to  ? or  is  it 
your  intention  to  employ  those  laws  which  custom  has  placed 
in  your  hands,  and  to  force  us  to  employ  the  law  of  retalia- 
tion in  our  defence  ? 

“ Of  the  inefficacy  of  a system  of  terror,  in  preventing  the 
people  of  Ireland  from  coming  forward  to  assert  their  freedom, 
you  have  already  had  experience.  Of  the  effect  which  such  a 
system  will  have  on  our  minds,  in  case  of  success,  we  have  al- 
ready for  warned  you.  We  now  address  to  you  another  con- 
sideration : if  in  the  question  which  is  now  to  receive  a solemn 
and  we  trust  final  decision  ; if  we  have  been  deceived,  reflec- 
tion would  point  out  that  conduct  should  be  resorted  to  which 
was  best  calculated  to  prbduce  conviction  on  our  minds. 

“ What  would  that  conduct  be  ? 

“ It  would  be  to  show  us  that  -the  difference  of  strength  be- 
tween the  two  countries  is  such  as  to  render  it  unnecessary  for 
you  to  bring  out  all  your  forces  ; to  show  that  you  have  some- 
thing in  reserve  to  crusji  hereafter,  not  only  a greater  exertion 
of  the  people,  but  one  'rendered  still  greater  by  foreign  assist- 
ance. It  would  be  to  show  us,  that  what  we  vainly  supposed 
to  be  a prosperity  growing  beyond  your  grasp,  is  only  a par- 
tial exuberance,  requiring  but  the  pressure  of  your  hand  to  re- 
duce to  form. 

“ But  for  your  own  sakes,  do  not  resort  to  a system  which, 
while  it  increased  the  acrimony  of  our  minds,  would  leave  us 
under  the  melancholy  delusion,  that  we  had  been  forced  to 
yield,  not  to  the  sound  and  temperate  exertions  of  our  superior 
strength,  but  to  the  frantic  struggles  of  weakness,  concealing  it- 
self under  desperation.  Consider  that  the  distinction  of  rebel 
and  enemy,  is  of  a very  fluctuating  nature  ; that  during  the 
course  of  your  own  experience,  you  have  already  been  obliged 
to  lay  it  aside  : that  should  you  be  obliged  to  abandon  it  to> 


254 


APPENDIX. 


wards  Ireland,  you  cannot  hope  to  do  so  as  tranquilly  as  you 
have  done  towards  America  : for  in  the  exasperated  state  to 
which  you  have  roused  the  minds  of  the  Irish  people — a peo- 
ple whom  you  profess  to  have  left  in  a state  of  barbarism  and 
ignorance,  with  what  confidence  can  you  say  to  that  people, 
‘ While  the  advantage  of  cruelty  lay  upon  our  side,  we  slaugh- 
tered you  without  mercy,  but  the  measure  of  your  own  blood 
is  beginning  to  preponderate.’  It  is  no  longer  our  interest 
that  this  bloody  system  should  continue,  show  us  then  that  for- 
bearance which  we  never  taught  you  by  precept  or  example, 
lay  aside  your  resentment  ; give  quarter  to  us,  and  let  us  mu- 
tually forget  we  never  gave  quarter  to  you.  Cease  then,  we 
entreat  you,  uselessly  to  violate  humanity,  by  resorting  to  a 
system  inefficacious  as  a mode  of  defence  ; inefficacious  as  a 
mode  of  conviction  ; ruinous  to  the  future  relations  of  the  two 
countries  in  case  of  our  success  ; and  destructive  of  those  in- 
struments of  defence  which  you  will  then  find  it  doubly  neces- 
sary to  have  preserved  unimpaired.  But  if  your  determination 
be  otherwise,  hear  ours.  We  will  not  imitate  you  in  cruelty  ; 
we  will  put  no  man  to  death  in  cold  blood  ; the  prisoners 
which  first  fall  into  our  hands  shall  be  treated  with  the  respect 
due  to  the  unfortunate,  but  if  the  life  of  a single  unfortunate 
Irish  soldier  is  taken  after  the  battle  is  over,  the  orders  thence- 
forth to  be  delivered  to  the,  Irish  army  is,  neither  to  give  nor 
to  take  quarter.  Countrymen,  if  a cruel  necessity  force  us  to 
retaliate,  we  will  bury  our  resentment  in  the  field  of  battle  ; ’if 
we  fall,  we  will  fall  where  we  fight  for  our  country.  Fully 
impressed  with  this  determination,  of  the  necessity  of  adhering 
to  which  past  experience  has  but  too  fatally  convinced  us  ; 
fully  impressed  with  the  justice  of  our  cause,  which  we  now 
put  to  issue,  we  make  our  last  and  solemn  appeal  to  the  sword, 
and  to  heaven  ; and,  as  the  cause  of  Ireland  deserves  to  pros- 
per, may  God  give  us  the  victory.” 

11  Conformably  to  the  above  Proclamation,  the  Provisional 
Government  of  Ireland — decree  that  as  follows  : — 

1 “ prom  the  date,  and  promulgation  hereof,  tithes  are 
forever  abolished,  and  church  lands  are  the  property  of  the 
nation. 

2.  “ Prom  the  same  date,  all  transfers  of  landed  property 
are  prohibited,  each  person  paying  his  rent  until  the  National 


APPENDIX. 


255 


Government  is  established  ; the  national  will  declared,  and 
the  courts  of  justice  be  organized. 

3.  “ From  the  same  date,  all  transfer  of  bonds,  debentures, 
and  all  public  securities,  are  in  like  manner  forbidden,  and 
declared  void  for  the  same  time,  and  for  the  same  reason. 

4.  “ The  Irish  Generals,  commanding  districts,  shall  seize 
such  of  the  partisans  of  England  as  may  serve  as  hostages,  and 
shall  apprise  the  English  Commanders,  opposed  to  them,  that 
a strict  retaliation  shall  take  place,  if  any  outrages  contrary  to 
the  laws  of  war  shall  be  committed  by  the  troops  under  com- 
mand of  each  ; or  by  the  partisans  of  England  in  the  District 
which  he  occupies. 

5.  “ That  the  Irish  Generals  are  to  treat,  (except  where 
retaliation  makes  it  necessaryj,  the  English  troops  who  may 
fall  into  their  hands,  or  such  Irish  as  serve  in  the  Regular  Forces 
of  England,  and  who  shall  have  acted  conformably  to  the  laws 
of  war,  shall  be  treated  as  Prisioners  of  War  ; but  all  Irish 
Militia,  Yeomen,  or  Volunteer  Corps,  or  bodies  of  Irish,  or 
individuals,  who  fourteen  days  after  the  promulgation  and  date 
hereof  shall  be  found  in  arms,  shall  be  considered  as  Rebels, 
committed  for  trial,  and  their  properties  confiscated. 

6.  “ The  Generals  are  to  assemble  Court-Martials,  who  are 
to  be  sworn  to  administer  Justice  : who  are  not  to  condemn 
without  sufficient  evidence,  and  before  whom  all  Military  Of- 
fenders are  to  be  sent  instantly  for  trial. 

7.  “ No  man  is  to  suffer  death  by  their  sentence  but  for 
mutiny  ; the  sentence  of  such  others  as  are  judged  worthy  of 
death,  shall  not  be  put  into  execution  until  the  Provisional 
Government  declares  its  will  * nor  are  Court-Martials  on  any 
pretence  or  sentence,  nor  is  any  officer  to  suffer  the  punishment 
of  flogging,  or  any  species  of  torture  to  be  inflicted. 

8.  “ The  Generals  are  to  enforce  the  strictest  discipline,  and 
to  send  offenders  immediately  to  the  Court-Martial  ; and  are 
enjoined  to  chase  away  from  ,the  Irish  armies,  all  such  as  shall 
disgrace  themselves  by  being  drunk  in  the  nresence  of  the 
enemy. 

9.  “ The  Generals  are  to  apprize  their  respective  armies 
that  all  military  stores  and  ammunition,  belonging  to  the  Eng- 
lish Government,  be  the  property  of  the  captors,  and  the  value 

• equally  divided,  without  respect  of  rank,  between  them,  except 
that  the  widows,  orphans,  parents,  or  other  heirs  of  those 


256 


APPENDIX. 


who  gloriously  fall  in  the  attack,  shall  be  entitled  to  a double 
share. 

10.  “ As  the  English  nation  has  made  war  on  Ireland,  all 
English  property  in  ships  or  otherwise,  is  subject  to  the  same 
rule,  and  all  transfer  of  them  forbidden,  and  declared  void  in 
like  manner  as  is  expressed  in  No.  2,  and  3. 

11.  “The  Generals  of  the  different  districts  are  hereby  em- 
powered to  confer  rank  up  to  Colonels  inclusive,  on  such  as 
they  conceive  merit  it  from  the  nation,  but  are  not  to  make 
more  Colonels  than  one  for  fifteen  hundred  men,  nor  more 
Lieutenant  Colonels  than  one  for  every  thousand  men. 

12.  “ The  General  shall  seize  on  all  sums  of  public  money 
in  the  Custom  houses,  in  their  districts,  or  in  the  hands  of  the 
different  Collectors,  County  Treasurers,  or  other  Revenue 
Officers,  whom  they  shall  render  responsible  for  the  sums  in 
their  hands  The  Generals  shall  pass  receipts  for  the  amount, 
and  account  to  the  Provisional  Government  for  the  same. 

13.  “ When  the  people  elect  their  officers  up  to  the  Colo- 
nels, the  General  is  bound  to  confirm  it,  no  officer  can  be  broke 
but  by  sentence  of  a Court-Martial. 

14.  “The  Generals  shall  correspond  with  the  Provisional 
Government,  to  whom  they  shall  give  details  of  all  their  opera- 
tions ; they  are  to  correspond  with  the  neighbouring  Generals, 
to  whom  they  are  to  transmit  all  necessary  intelligence  and  to 
co-operate  with  them. 

15.  “ The  General  commanding  in  each  county  shall  as  soon 
as  it  is  cleared  of  the  enemy,  assemble  the  County  Committee, 
who  shall  be  elected  conformably  to  the  constitution  of  United 
Irishmen.  All  the  requisitions  necessary  for  the  army  shall  be 
made  in  writing,  by  the  Generals,  to  the  Committee,  who  are 
hereby  empowered,  and  enjoined,  to  pass  receipts  for  each  ar- 
ticle to  the  owners,  to  the  end  that  they  may  receive  their  full 
value  from  the  Nation. 

16.  “ The  County  Committee  is  charged  with  the  civil  direc- 
tion of  the  County,  the  care  of  the  national  property,  and  the 
preservation  of  order  and  justice  in  the  county,  for  which  pur- 
pose the  County  Committee  are  to  appoint  a High  Sheriff,  and 
one  or  more  Sub-Sheriffs,  to  execute  their  orders  ; a sufficient 
number  of  Justices  of  the  peace  for  the  County  ; a high  and  a 
sufficient  u umber  of  Petty  Constables  in  each  Barony,  who  are 


APPENDIX. 


251 


respectively  charged  with  the  duties  now  performed  by  those 
magistrates. 

17.  “ The  county  of  Cork,  on  account  of  its  extent  is  to  be 
divided,  conformably  to  the  boundaries  for  raising  Militia,  into 
the  counties  of  North  and  South  Cork  ; for  each  of  which  a 
County  Constable,  High  Sheriff,  and  all  Magistrates  above 
directed  are  to  be  appointed. 

18.  The  County  Committee  are  hereby  empowered  and  en- 
joined to  issue  warrants  to  apprehend  such  persons  as  it  shall  ap- 
pear, on  sufficient  evidence,  perpetrated  murder,  torture,  and 
other  breaches  of  the  acknowledged  articles  of  war  and  morality 
on  the  people,  to  the  end  that  they  may  be  tried  for  these  of- 
fences so  soon  as  the  competent  courts  of  justice  are  established 
by  the  nation. 

19.  The  County  Committee  shall  cause  the  sheriff,  or  his 
officers,  to  seize  on  all  the  personal  property  of  such,  to  put 
seals  on  their  effects,  to  appoint  proper  persons  to  preserve  all 
such  property  until  the  national  courts  of  justice  shall  have 
decided  on  the  fate  of  the  proprietors. 

20.  The  County  Committee  shall  act  in  like  manner  with 
all  state  and  church  lands,  parochial  estates,  and  all  public 
lands  and  edifices. 

21.  The  County  Committee  shall,  in  the  interim,  receive  all 
the  rents  and  debts  of  such  persons,  and  estates,  and  give  re- 
ceipts for  the  same  ; shall  transmit  to  the  government  an  exact 
account  of  their  value,  extent,  and  amount,  and  receive  the 
directions  of  the  provisional  government  thereon. 

22.  They  shall  appoint  some  proper  house  in  the  counties 
where  the  sheriff  is  permanently  to  reside,  and  where  the 
County  Committee  shall  assemble  ; they  shall  cause  all  the 
records  and  papers  of  the  county  to  be  there  transmitted,  ar- 
ranged, and  kept,  and  the  orders  of  the  government  to  be 
there  transmitted  and  received. 

23.  The  County  Committee  is  hereby  empowered  to  pay 
out  of  these  effects,  or  by  assessment,  reasonable  salaries  for 
themselves,  the  sheriffs,  justices,  and  other  magistrates,  whom 
they  shall  appoint. 

24.  They  shall  keep  a written  journal  of  all  their  pro- 
eedings,  signed  each  day  by  members  of  the  committee,  or  a 
sufficient  number  of  them,  for  the  inspection  of  government. 

“ 25.  The  County  Committee  shall  correspond  with  govern- 


258 


APPENDIX. 


ment  on  all  subjects  with  which  they  are  charged,  and  trans- 
mit to  the  general  of  the  district  such  information  as  they 
shall  conceive  useful  to  the  public. 

“26.  The  County  Committee  shall  take  care  that  all  state 
prisoners,  however  great  their  offences,  shall  be  treated  with 
humanity,  and  allow  them  sufficient  support,  to  the  end  that 
all  the  world  may  know  that  the  Irish  nation  is  not  actuated 
by  a spirit  of  revenge,  but  of  justice. 

“ 21.  The  provisional  government  wishing  to  commit,  as 
soon  as  possible,  the  sovereign  authority  to  the  people,  direct 
that  each  county  and  city  shall  elect,  agreeably  to  the  consti- 
tution of  United  Irishmen,  representatives  to  meet  in  Dublin, 
to  whom,  the  moment  they  assemble,  the  provisional  govern- 
ment will  resign  its  functions,  and,  without  presuming  to  dic- 
tate to  the  people,  they  beg  leave  to  suggest,  that  for  the 
important  purpose  to  which  these  electors  are  called,  integrity 
of  character  should  be  the  first  object. 

“ 28  The  number  of  representatives  being  arbitrary,  the  pro- 
visional government  have  adopted  that  of  the  late  House  of 
Commons,  300,  and,  according  to  the  best  returns  of  the  popu- 
lation of  the  cities  and  counties,  the  following  number  are  to 
be  returned  from  each  : — Antrim,  13  ; Armagh,  9 ; Belfast 
Town,  1 ; Carlow,  3 ; Cavan,  1 ; Clare,  8 ; Cork  County, 
north,  14  ; Cork  county,  south,  14  ; Cork  city,  6 ; Donegal, 
10  ; Down,  16  ; Drogheda,  1 ; Dublin  county,  4 ; Dublin  city, 
14  ; Fermanagh,  5 ; Galway,  10  j Kerry,  9 ; Kildare,  14  ; 
Kilkenny,  7 ; King’s  county,  6 ; Leitrim,  5 ; Limerick  county, 
10  ; Limerick  city,  3 ; Londonderry,  9 ; Longford,  4 ; Louth, 
4 ; Mayo,  12  ; Meath,  9 ; Monaghan,  9 ; Queen’s  county,  6 ; 
Roscommon,  8 ; Sligo,  6 ; Tipperary*,  13  ; Tyrone,  14  ; Water- 
ford county,  6 ; Waterford  city,  2 ; Westmeath,  5 ; Wick- 
low, 5. 

“ 29.  In  the  cities  the  same  regulations  as  in  the  counties 
shall  be  adopted  ; the  city  committees  shall  appoint  one  or 
more  sheriffs,  as  they  think  proper,  and  shall  take  possession 
of  all  the  public  and  corporation  properties  in  their  jurisdic- 
tion, in  like  manner  as  is  directed  in  counties. 

“ 30.  The  provisional  government  strictly  exhort  and  enjoin 
all  magistrates,  officers,  civil  and  military,  and  the  whole  of 
the  nation,  to  cause  the  law  of  morality  to  be  enforced  and 
respected,  and  to  execute,  as  far  as  in  them  lies,  justice  with 


APPENDIX. 


25£ 


mercy,  by  which  liberty  alone  can  be  estabished,  and  the  bless- 
ings of  divine  Providence  secured.” 

Another  printed  document,  purporting  to  be  a proclama- 
tion, was  likewise  found  in  the  Depot  olf  Thomas-street.* 

« CITIZENS  OF  DUBLIN. 

u A band  of  patriots  mindful  of  their  oath,  and  faithful  to 
their  engagements  as  United  Irishmen,  have  determined  to 
give  freedom  to  their  country,  and  a period  to  the  long  oppres- 
sion of  England.  In  this  endeavour  they  are  now  successfully 
engaged,  and  their  efforts  are  seconded  by  complete  and  uni- 
versal co-operation  from  the  country,  every  part  of  which,  from 
the  north  to  the  south,  pours  forth  its  warriors  in  support  of 
our  hallowed  cause. 

“ Citizens  of  Dublin,  we  require  your  aid  ; necessary  secrecy 
has  prevented  to  many  a knowledge  of  our  plan,  but  the  erec 
tion  of  the  national  standard,  the  sacred,  though  long  degrad- 
ed green,  will  be  found  a sufficient  call  to  arms,  and  rally  round 
it,  every  man  in  whose  breast  exists  a spark  of  patriotism,  or 
sense  of  duty  ; avail  yourselves  of  local  advantages,  in  a city 
each  street  becomes  a defile,  and  each  house  a battery  ; impede 
the  march  of  your  oppressors,  charge  them  with  the  arms  of 
the  brave,  the  pike,  and  from  your  windows  hurl  stones,  bricks, 
bottles,  and  all  other  convenient  instruments  on  the  heads  of 
the  satellites  of  your  tyrant,  the  mercenary  and  sanguinary 
soldiery  of  England. 

“ Orangemen,  add  not  to  the  catalogue  of  your  follies  and 
crimes  ; already  have  you  been  duped,  to  the  ruin  of  your 

country,  in  the  legislative  union  with  its . Attempt  not 

an  opposition  which  will  carry  with  it  your  inevitable  de- 
struction, return  from  the  paths  of  delusion,  return  to  the 
arms  of  your  countrymen,  who  will  receive  and  hail  your  re-  - 
pentance. 

“ Countrymen,  of  all  descriptions,  let  us  act  with  union  and 
concert ; all  sects,  Catholic,  Protestant,  Presbyterian,  are  in- 
discriminately embraced  in  the  benevolence  of  our  object ; re- 
press, prevent,  and  discourage  excesses,  pillage,  and  intoxica 
tion  ; let  each  man  do  his  duty,  and  remember  that  during 

* This  proclamation  was  written  by  Mr.  Long. 


APPENDIX. 


260 

public  agitation,  inaction  becomes  a crime  : be  no  other  com 
petition  known  but  that  of  doing  good  ; remember  against 
whom  you  fight,  your  oppressors  for  six  hundred  years,  remem- 
ber their  massacres,  their  tortures,  remember  your  murdered 
friends,  your  burned  houses,  your  violated  females,  keep  in 
mind  your  country,  to  whom  you  are  now  giving  her  high  rank 
among  nations,  and,  in  the  honest  terror  of  feeling,  let  us  all 
exclaim,  that  as  in  the  hour  of  her  trial  we  serve  this  country, 
so  may  God  serve  us  in  that  which  shall  be  our  last” 


MEMOIR 


THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET 


MEMOIR 


OF 

THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET 


The  following  memoir  of  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  is  chiefly 
compiled  from  the  biographies  of  Haines  and  Madden,  with 
occasional  notes  and  additions  from  other  sources 

Thomas  Addis  Emmet  was  the  second  son  of  an  eminent 
physician,  Dr.  Robert  Emmet,  who  held  for  many  years  in 
Dublin . the  appointment  of  State  Physician.  He  had  three 
sons  Temple,  Thomas  Addis,  and  Robert.  Temple  the  eldest, 
was  born  in  Cork  in  1161,  was  educated  at  the  school  of  Mr 
Kerr,  and  entered  College  in  1775  at  the  age  of  fourteen, 
under  Mr.  Hales.  He  was  called  to  the  bar  in  1781,  and 
during  his  short  professional  career,  a period  not  exceeding 
seven  years,  (for  he  died  in  1788,)  his  brilliant  talents  and  emi- 
nent legal  attainments  acquired  for  him  a character  that  in  the 
same  brief  space  was  probably  never  gained  at  the  Irish  bar. 

Mr.  Grattan  in  his  memoirs  of  his  father,  gives  the  follow- 
ing account  of  Temple  Emmet  : “ Temple  Emmet  before  he 
came  to  the  bar,  knew  more  law  than  any  of  the  Judges  on 
the  bench  ; and  if  he  had  been  placed  on  one  side,  and  the 
whole  bench  opposed  to  him,  he  could  have  been  examined 
against  them,  and  would  have  answered  better  both  in  Law 
and  Divinity  than  any  Judge  or  Bishop  in  the  land.”  Mr 
Grattan  speaks  of  his  eloquence  as  abounding  in  imagery, 
which  gave  to  much  of  a poetic  character  to  his  oratory.  The 
few,  however,  of  his  contemporaries  who  were  living  within 
the  author’s  recollection  entertained  a different  opinion  of  it* 


264 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


merits,  and  amongst  them  were  some  of  the  most  highly  gifted 
of  their  countrymen. 

He  was  the  ornament  and  support  of  the  first  Historical 
Society  of  Trinity  College.  Thomas  Addis  was  accustomed 
to  speak  of  him  as  one  of  the  foremost  men  in  point  of  talent 
that  Ireland  ever  produced.” 

Thomas  Addis  Emmet  was  born  in  Cork  the  24th  of  April, 
1734.  He  was  placed  at  the  same  school  as  Temple,  and  at 
the  age  of  fourteen  entered  Trinity  College,  in  1778,  under  the 
same  tutor  as  his  brother,  Mr.  Hale’s.  His  career  at  College, 
if  less  brilliant  than  that  of  his  brother  Temple,  was  such  as 
gave  ample  promise  of  his  future  eminence.  His  qualities  were 
not  of  the  same  shining  character.  The  power  of  his  imagina- 
tion were  less  remarkable  than  the  solidity  of  his  judgment  and 
the  logical  precision  and  acumen  of  his  reasoning  faculties. 
His  physical  conformation  was  not  robust,  he  was  small  of 
stature,  measured  in  his  gait,  and  retiring  and  unobtrusive  in 
his  deportment.  His  head  and  features  were  finely  formed  ; 
all  the  compactness  that  a phrenologist  would  look  for  in  the 
head  of  a man  of  profound  thought,  and  the  precision  in  out- 
line that  a physiognomist  would  expect  in  the  features  of  a 
man  of  fixed  principles  and  decided  character.  A slight  cast 
in  his  eyes,  accompanied  or  caused  by  a habit  of  closing  his 
eyelid,  incidental  to  what  is  called  “ nearness  of  sight,”  gave 
a kind  of  peering  expression  to  his  regard.  The  predominant 
expression  of  his  countenance  was  benevolence.  In  his  dress 
he  was  careless — almost  negligent ; he  bestowed  no  attention 
on  personal  appearance. 

Thomas  Addis  Emmet  being  destined  for  the  medical  pro- 
fession was  sent  to  Edinburgh  in  1788  to  pursue  his  studies. 
He  devoted  himself  to  them  with  uncommon  ardor,  and  his 
popularity  with  his  fellow  students  was  so  great  that  at  one 
time  he  was  president  of  no  less  than  five  societies,  some  of 
them  connected  with  literary,  some  with  scientific,  some  with 
medical  subjects  Having  visited  the  principle  continental 
schools  of  medicine,  travelled  through  Germany,  France,  and 
Italy,  he  returned  to  Ireland  about  1788,  the  period  of  the 
lamented  death  of  his  elder  brother,  which  sad  event  changed 
his  destiny,  for  he  relinguished  his  profession  and  decided  on 
going  to  the  bar.  He  was  admitted  in  1790. 

The  earliest  notice  I find  of  the  efforts  of  T.  A.  Emmet  at 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDTS  EMMET. 


265 


the  bar,  is  in  the  singular  case  in  which  James  Napper  Tandy 
instituted  an  action  against  the  Viceroy,  the  Earl  of  West- 
moreland. The  result  was  what  might  be  expected.  The 
case  is  interesting  for  the  report  of  Emmet’s  speech,  the  first 
of  his  on  record,  and  the  longest  of  any  that  have  reached  us. 

Before  the  alteration  in  the  constitution  of  the  United  Irish- 
men in  1795,  a case  occurred  before  Prime  Sergeant  Fitz 
gerald,  in  which  a conviction  was  obtained  on  a charge  of  ad 
ministering  the  United  Irishmen’s  oath  then  a capital  offence. 
Emmet  appeared  for  the  prisoner  on  a motion  in  arrest  of 
judgment.  He  took  up  the  pleadings  in  which  the  words  of 
the  .oath  were  recited,  and  read  them  in  a very  deliberate  man- 
ner, and  with  all  the  gravity  of  a man  who  felt  that  he  was 
binding  his  soul  with  the  obligations  of  a solemn  oath.  The 
words  were  to  the  following  effect : — I A.  B.,  in  the  presence 
of  God,  do  pledge  myself  to  my  country,  that  I will  use  all 
my  abilities  and  influence  in  the  attainment  of  an  impartial 
and  adequate  representation  of  the  Irish  nation  in  parliament ; 
and  as  a means  of  absolute  and  immediate  necessity  in  the  es- 
tablishment of  this  chief  good  of  Ireland,  I will  endeavour,  as 
much  as  lies  in  my  ability,  to  forward  a brotherhood  of  affec- 
tion, an  identity  of  interests,  a communion  of  rights,  and  aa 
mion  of  power,  among  Irishmen  of  all  religious  persuasions, 
vithout  which,  every  reform  in  parliament  must  be  partial, 
aot  national,  inadequate  to  the  wants,  delusive  to  the  wishes, 
and  insufficient  to  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  this  country.” 
Having  read  the  test — defended  its  obligations  with  a power 
of  reasoning  and  a display  of  legal  knowledge,  in  reference  to 
Jie  subject  of  the  distinction  between  legal  and  illegal  oaths, 
which  the  counsel  for  the  prosecution  described  as  producing 
an  extraordinary  impression,  he  addressed  the  court  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms  : — 

“ My  Lords — Here,  in  the  presence  of  this  legal  court,  this 
crowded  auditory — in  the  presence  of  the  Being  that  sees  and 
witnesses,  and  directs  this  judicial  tribunal, — here,  my  lords,  I, 
myself,  in  the  presence  of  God,  declare,  I take  the  oath.”  He 
then  took  the  book  that  was  on  the  table,  kissed  it,  and  sat 
down.  No  steps  were  taken  by  the  court  against  the  newly- 
sworn  United  Irishman,  the  amazement  of  its  functionaries  left 
them  in  no  fit  state  of  mind  either  for  remonstrance  or  reproval 
The  prisoners  received  a very  lenient  sentence. 


266 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


It  was  on  very  rare  occasions  that  T.  A.  Emmet  appeared 
as  counsel  for  the  United  Irishmen,  at  the  trials  of  1797  and 
1198.  An  understanding  had  been  entered  into  with  their 
leaders  that  he  should  take  no  prominent  part  in  their  behalf, 
from  the  time  that  he  became  intimately  connected  with  their 
proceedings  in  1796.  He  acted  in  the  capacity  of  Chamber 
Lawyer  to  their  Committees,  and  there  were  few  events  of  im- 
portance to  their  interests  on  which  he  was  not  consulted  by 
them. 

The  first  mention  made  of  Emmet’s  taking  any  active  part 
in  politics  is  in  Tone’s  Journal,  where  Emmet’s  introduction  to 
the  Sub-Committee  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  the  15th  October, 
1792,  is  recorded.  Tone  states,  that  he  was  well  received'  by 
the  members,  and  “ richly  deserved  their  admiration.”  11  He 
was  the  best  of  all  the  friends  to  Catholic  Emancipation,  al- 
ways excepting  Mr.  Hutton”  (himself).  From  this  time  Emmet, 
behind  the  scenes  of  Catholic  agitation,  continued  to  give  his 
pen  to  their  cause,  and  with  his  usual  heedlessness  of  self,  allowed 
others  to  take  the  merit  of  his  services.  At  this  time  he  was 
not  a member  of  the  Society  of  United  Irishmen,  but  long  be- 
fore he  joined  it  he  was  the  person  in  every  emergency  con- 
sulted by  the  leaders. 

When  Tone,  in  the  spring  of  1795,  was  about  to  quit  the 
country  for  America,  he  and  Russell  had  an  interview  with 
Emmet,  at  his  country  seat  at  Rathfarnham.  Tone’s  account 
of  this  interview  as  given  in  simple  and  expressive  language. 
“ A short  time  before  my  departure,”  says  he,  “ my  friend 
Russell  being  in  town  he  and  I walked  out  together  to  see 
Emmet,  who  has  a charming  villa  there.  He  showed  us  a 
little  study,  of  an  elliptical  form,  which  he  was  building  at  the 
bottom  of  the  lawn,  and  which  he  said  he  would  consecrate 
to  our  meetings,  if  ever  he  lived  to  see  our  country  emancipat- 
ed. I begged  of  him,  if  he  intended  Russell  to  be  of  the  party, 
in  addition  to  the  books  and  maps  it  would  naturally  con- 
tain, to  fit  up  a small  cellaret,  capable  of  containing  a few 
dozen  of  his  best  claret.  He  showed  me  that  he  had  not  omit- 
ted that  circumstance,  which  he  acknowledged  to  be  essential, 
and  we  both  rallied  Russell  with  considerable  success.*  As 


* Tone’s  passion  for  raillery  and  grave  irony  as  displayed  in  his  jour- 
nals. and  in  his  references  to  ^is  most  intimate  friends,  has  led  to  th« 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


261 


we  walked  together  towards  town,  I opened  my  plan  to  them 
both.  I told  them  I considered  my  compromise  with  govern- 
ment to  extend  no  farther  than  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  and 
the  moment  I landed  1 was  to  follow  any  plan  that  might 
suggest  itself  for  the  emancipation  of  my  country,  I then  pro- 
ceeded to  tell  them,  that  my  intention  was,  immediately  on  my 
arrival  in  Philadelphia,  to  wait  on  the  French  Minister,  to  de- 
tail to  him  fully  the  situation  of  affairs  in  Ireland,  and  endea- 
vour to  obtain  a recommendation  to  the  French  government, 
and  having  succeeded  so  far,  to  leave  my  family  in  America, 
set  off  immediately  for  Paris,  and  apply  in  the  name  of  my 
country,  for  the  assistance  of  France  to  enable  us  to  assert  our 
independence.  It  is  unnecessary,  I believe,  to  say,  that  this 
plan  met  with  the  warmest  approbation  and  support,  both  from 
Russell  and  Emmet  ; we  shook  hands,  and  having  repeated  our 
profession  of  unalterable  regard  and  esteem  for  each  other,  we 
parted  ; and  this  was  the  last  interview  which  I was  so  happy 
as  to  have  with  these  invaluable  friends  together.  I remember 
it  was  in  a little  triangular  field  that  this  conversation  took 
place,  and  Emmet  remarked,  that  it  was  in  one  like  it,  in 
Switzerland,  where  William  Tell  and  his  associates  planned  the 
downfall  of  the  tyranny  of  Austria. 

On  Tone’s  departure  from  Dublin,  to  embark  at  Belfast, 
Thomas  Addis  Emmet  addressed  the  following  letter  to  him  : — 

“ My  dear  friend, — I have  just  this  instant  heard  from  Simon 
M’Gruire  that  you  leave  town  to-night.  I can  scarcely  believe 
that  you  would  entirely  break  yourself  away  from  this  country, 
and  from  me  amongst  the  rest,  without  calling  on  me,  or  even 
writing  a line.  You  know,  and  I trust  will  always  consider, 

formation  of  very  erroneous  opinions  respecting  them.  In  his  exuber- 
ance of  vivacity,  Russell  figures  in  his  Journals  as  P.  P.  parish  priest, 
a profane  person  swearing  occasionally,  frequently  “ drunk,”  “ glori- 
ously drunk,”  and  disorderly.  But  when  Tone,  in  France,  hears  of 
the  arrest  of  his  friend,  he  thus  speaks  of  him,  in  allusion  to  the  man- 
ner in  which  he  had  made  mention  of  him  in  his  Journals. — “ My  heart 
smites  me,  when  I think  of  the  levity  with  which  I have  spoken  of  my 
poor  friend  Russell,  under  the  name  of  P.  P.”  The  fact  was,  Russell’s  well 
known  gravity  of  deportment  and  demeanor,  his  strong  sense  of  the 
importance  and  value  of  religion,  his  habitual  decorum  .and  propriety 
in  social  intercourse,  were  made  the  subject  of  ironical  jocularity  io 
Tone’s  diaries. — Life  of  T.  Russell. — Madden's  United  Irishmen. 


268 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


that  my  friendship  and  affectionate  regard  for  you  is  most 
undimiuished.  It  is  not  of  that  nature  to  shake  by  adversity, 
which  God  knows  how  soon  it  may  by  my  lot  to  undergo 
Wherever  you  are  you  shall  always  command  a steady  friend 
in  this  country  as  long  as  I reside  here.  Write  to  me  at  least 
when  you  reach  your  destination,  and  as  often  as  it  may  suit 
your  convenience.  Perhaps  your  letters  may  be  useful  to  me 
for  regulating  my  future  settlement  in  life.  Gpd  bless  you. 
Give  my  most  affectionate  compliments  to  Mrs.  Tone, 

and  believe  me,  sincerely,”  &c. 

The  organization  of  the  Union  was  intended  to  be  a com- 
plete representative  system.  It  underwent  two  important 
changes.  In  1794  the  Society  having  been  forcibly  dissolved, 
became  a secret  one  the  beginning  of  1795.  The  objects  ex- 
tended beyond  reform  and  emancipation,  and  members,  on 
admission  were  required  to  take  an  oath.  In  1796,  the  military 
. organization  was  engrafted  on  the  civil.  All  officers,  to  the 
rank  of  colonel,  were  elected  by  the  committees  ; those  of  a 
higher  grade,  by  the  executive  ; and  with  the  concurrence  of 
that  body,  the  colonels  had  the  nomination  of  an  adjutant- 
general  for  each  county.  The  commander-in-chief  was  nomi- 
nated by  the  Leinster  directory,  and  that  officer  was  Lord 
Edward  Fitzgerald.  The  Northern  directory  was  the  first 
founded.  Arthur  O’Connor  and  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald  esta- 
blished the  Leinster,  and  were  for  some  time  its  only  mem- 
bers. Bond,  Macneven,  M’Cormick,  and  Jackson,  came  in  at 
a later  period. 

Emmet,  who  had  been  a member  of  the  society  from  1796, 
became  one  of  the  directory  ;n  1797.  He  had  been  previously 
solicited  to  join  it  by  O’Connor,  and  had  declined  ; but  on 
O’Connor’s  arrest  and  imprisonment  in  the  Tower,  about  the 
middle  of  1797,  when  the  interests  of  the  Union  were  deprived 
of  the  services  of  its  chief  leader,  he  took  his  post. 

It  is  a matter  of  notoriety,  that  the  councils  of  the  United 
Irishmen  were  distracted  and  divided  on  the  most  important 
of  all  questions  to  their  cause,  namely,  the  question  of  risking 
an  attempt  on  their  own  resources,  or  deferring  that  attempt 
till  the  assistance  they  had  demanded  from  France,  had  been 
given  to  them.  In  favour  of  the  former  proceedings,  Lord  Ed- 
ward Fitzgerald,  Arthur  O’Connor,  and  Henry  Jackson,  not 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET.  268 

once  or  twice,  but  on  several  occasions,  expressed  tueir  opin 
nions  strongly,  while  at  various  times,  Emmet,  M’Cormick,  and 
Macneven,  as  Strenuously  opposed  them. 

The  application  to  France  had  been  made  by  the  directory, 
before  Emmet  joined  it,  and  was  determined  on  at  a meeting 
in  1796,  in  consequence  of  a letter  from  Tone,  who  was  then  in 
Paris,  stating  that  the  French  government,  on  representations 
made  to  it,  were  favourably  disposed  towards  the  objects  of  the 
Society.  On  this  intimation,  an  application  was  made  for 
assistance  to  the  French  directory,  and  a positive  assurance 
was  returned  that  it  would  be  granted.  The  garden  scene  in 
1795  can  leave  no  doubt  of  Emmet’s  concurrence  in  the  views 
on  which  Tone  acted. 

The  dependence  in  French  assistance  ultimately  proved  fatal 
to  the  TJnion.  This  was  the  opinion  of  T.  A.  Emmet  commu- 
nicated to  his  brother  barrister,  the  distinguished  Charles 
Glidden  Haines,  in  1812,  (both  attending  the  Supreme  Court 
at  Washington)  when  an  outline  of  his  early  career  and  the 
progress  of  the  struggle  he  had  embarked  in  was  given  to 
that  gentleman.  From  the  opinions  he  expressed  on  this  sub- 
ject, Haines  concluded  that  had  Ireland  never  relied  at  all  on 
France,  her  prospects  of  success  might  have  been  better  ; the 
French,  however,  having  once  promised,  it  was  reasonable  to 
place  reliance  on  that  promise,  and  as  it  turned  out,  the  re- 
liance thus  placed,  embarrassed  everything.  With  respect  to 
Napoleon,  Emmet  pronounced  him  the  worst  foe  that  Ireland 
ever  had. 

The  Government  having  allowed  the  plans  of  the  United 
Irishmen  to  come  to  a sufficient  degree  of  maturity  for  their 
purposes,  availed  themselves  of  the  services  of  a man,  whose 
very  name  sounds  in  one’s  ears  like  a calamity.  Reynolds  the 
informer. 

The  deputies  were  arrested  on  his  information  at  Bond’s,  the 
12th  of  March,  1798,  Emmet,  Macneven,  Jackson,  and  Sweet- 
man  were  taken  the  same  day  at  their  several  abodes,  brought 
to  the  Castle,  examined  there,  and  committed  to  Newgate. 

Against  Emmet  there  was  no  specific  charge,  no  overt  act 
of  treason  brought  against  him.  From  the  time  of  O’Connor’s 
arrest,  he  was  looked  upon  as  the  prime  mover  in  the  con- 
spiracy, the  head-piece  of  the  Union,  and  in  that  opinion  there 
was  no  mistake. 


270 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


There  were  twenty  of  the  leaders  men  of  the  Union,  from 
various  parts  of  the  country,  particularly  from  the  North,  then 
confined  in  Newgate.  • 

The  wife  of  Emmet  at  that  period  had  an  opportunity  of 
displaying  that  heroic  devotion  to  her  husband  which  she  was 
destined  to  be  called  on  to  exhibit  for  upwards  of  four  years 
in  the  several  prisons  he  was  immured  in.  Soon  after  his  con- 
finement she  obtained  permission  to  visit  him.  The  cell  in 
which  he  was  confined  was  about  twelve  feet  square.  She 
managed  to  secret  herself  in  this  wretched  abode  for  some 
days,  one  of  the  turnkeys  who  had  charge  of  Emmet’s  cell  be- 
ing privy  to  her  concealment.  Her  husband  shared  his  scanty 
allowance  with  her  ; and  there  a lady,  bred  in  the  lap  of  lux- 
uary,  accustomed  to  all  the  accommodations  that  are  possessed 
by  one  in  her  sphere  in  life,  shared  the  gloom  and  privations 
of  a dungeon. 

The  gaoler  at  length  discovered  that  Mrs.  Emmet  was  an 
inmate  of  her  husband’s  cell.  She  was  immediately  ordered 
to  quit  the  place,  but  to  the  astonishment  of  the  officers  of  the 
prison  who  were  not  accustomed  to  have  their  orders  disobey- 
ed, she  told  them,  “her  mind  was  made  up  to  remain  with  her 
husband  and  she  would  not  leave  the  prison.” 

The  gaoler,  whom  Emmet  speaks  of  as  “ a man  of  unfeeling 
and  ruffianly  deportment,”  stood  awe-stricken  before  a feeble, 
helpless  creature,  whom  he  had  only  to  order  one  of  his  mir- 
midons  to  tear  from  the  arms  of  her  husband  to  be  obeyed. 
He  retired,  and  Emmet  was  given  to  understand  that  orders 
had  been  given  to  the  man  by  his  employees  not  to  use  force, 
but  the  first  time  Mrs.  Emmet  left  the  prison  she  was  not  to 
be  permitted  to  return.  No  such  opportunity  for  her  exclu- 
sion was  afforded  by  that  lady.  She  continued  to  share  her 
husband’s  captivity  for  upwards  of  twelve  months. 

But  once  in  that  time  she  left  the  prison,  and  then  only  to 
visit  her  sick  child,  when  she  appealed  to  the  wife  of  the 
gaoler,  “ as  the  mother  of  a family,”  to  take  pity  on  her  wretch- 
edness, struggling  as  she  was,  between  her  duty  to  her  hus- 
band, and  the  yearnings  of  nature  towards  her  sick  child.  It 
cheers  one  to  find  that  even  such  an  appeal  as  this  was  not 
made  in  vain.  At  midnight  this  woman  conducted  Mrs.  Em- 
met through  the  apartments  of  the  gaoler  to  the  street.  The 
following  night,  after  remaining  with  her  child  at  the  house  of 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


271 


Dr.  Emmet  during  the  day,  she  returned  to  the  gaol,  gained 
admittance  by  the  same  means,  and  was  on  the  point  of  enter- 
ing her  husband’s  cell  when  one  of  the  keepers  discovered  her, 
but  too  late  to  exclude  her  from  the  prison.  From  that  time 
she  availed  herself  no  more  of  the  same  facility  for  leaving  or 
entering  the  prison.  Shortly  after  this  occurrence  Emmet  and 
Macneven  were  removed  to  Kilmainham  gaol,  and  Mrs.  Em 
met  was  allowed  to  accompany  her  husband. 

In  the  month  of  July,  1798,  negotiations  were  entered  into 
by  the  state  prisoners  with  the  Irish  government.  The  orgi- 
nal  draught  of  a paper  on  this  subject,  unpublished,  drawn  up 
chiefly  by  Emmet,  exists  in  the  handwriting  of  himself,  Sweet- 
man  and  Macneven.  It  was  drawn  up  by  them  on  their  arri- 
val in  France,  after  their  liberation  from  Fort  George,  and 
remained  in  the  possession  of  John  Sweeetman.  The  following 
part  of  the  statement  is  in  the  handwriting  of  T.  A.  Emmet  : — 

‘ We,  the  undersigned,  until  this  day  state  prisoners  and  in 
ilose  custody,  feel  that  the  first  purpose  to  which  we  should 
apply  our  liberty  is  to  give  the  world  a short  account  of  a 
transaction  which  has  been  grossly  misrepresented  and  falsified, 
but  respecting  which  we  ’nave  been  compelled  to  silence  for 
nearly  the  last  three  years.  The  transaction  alluded  to,  is  the 
agreement  entered  into  by  us  and  other  state  prisoners,  with 
the  Irish  Government,  at  the  close  of  the  month  Qf  July,  1798, 
and  we  take  this  step  without  hesitation,  because  it  can  in  no 
wise  injure  any  of  our  friends  and  former  fellow-prisoners,  w( 
being  among  the  last  victims  of  perfidy  and  breach  of  faith. 

From  the  event  of  the  battles  of  Antrim  and  Ballinahinch 
early  in  June,  it  was  manifest  that  the  northern  insurrection  had 
failed  of  consolidating  itself.  The  severe  battle  of  Vinegar- 
Hill,  on  the  21st  of  the  same  month,  led  to  its  termination  in 
Leinster,  and  the  capitulation  of  Ovid’s-town*  on  the  12th  of 
July,  may  be  understood  as  the  last  public  appearance  in  the 
field  of  any  body  capable  of  serving  as  a rallying  point.  In 
short,  the  insurrection,  for  every  useful  purpose  that  could  be 
expected  from  it,  was  at  an  end , but  blood  still  continued  to 

* The  event  preceding  the  massacre,  of  the  capitulated  body  of  the 
United  Irishmen,  on  the  Rath  of  the  Curragh  of  Kildare,  by  the  com- 
mand of  Major  General  Sir  James  Duff,  executed  chiefly  by  the  yeo» 
manry  cavalry  of  Captain  Bagot,  and  the  Fox-hunter's  corps,  com 
manded  by  Lord  Roden. 


272 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


flow,  courts-martial,  special  commissions,  and  above  all  san- 
guinary Orangemen,  now  rendered  doubly  revengeful  and  malevo- 
lent from  their  recent  terror,  desolated  the  country,  and  devoted 
to  death  the  most  virtuous  of  our  countrymen.  These  were 
lost  to  liberty  while  she  was  gaining  nothing  by  the  sacrifice. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  affairs  when  the  idea  of  entering 
into  a compact  with  Government  was  conceived  by  one  of  the 
undersigned,  and  communicated  to  the  rest  of  us,  conjointly 
with  the  other  prisoners  confined  in  the  Dublin  prison,  by  the 
terms  of  which  compact  it  was  intended  that  as  much  might  be 
saved,  and  as  little  given  up  as  possible.  It  was  the  more 
urgently  pressed  upon  our  minds,  %nd  the  more  quickly  matured 
by  the  impending  fate  of  two  worthy  men.*  Accordingly,  on 
the  24th  of  J uly,  the  state  prisoners  began  a negotiation  with 
Government,  and  an  agreement  was  finally  concluded,  by  the 
persons  named  by  their  fellow-prisoners,  at  the  Castle  of 
Dublin,  and  was  finally  ratified  by  the  Lord  Chancellor,  Lord 
Castlereagh,  and  Mr.  Cooke,  three  of  the  King’s  ministers.  In 
no  part  of  this  paper  were  details  or  perfect  accuracy  deemed 
necessary,  because  the  ministers,  and  particularly  Lord  Castle- 
reagh, frequently  and  solemnly  declared  that  it  should  in  every 
part  be  construed  by  Government  with  the  utmost  liberality 
and  good  faith,  and  particularly  the  last  clause  was  worded 
in  this  loose  manner,  to  comply  with  the  express  desire  of  the 
ministers,  who  insisted  upon  retaining  to  Government  the  en- 
tire popularity  of  the  measure  ; but  it  was  clearly  and  expressly 
understood,  and  positively  engaged  that  every  leading  man 
not  guilty  of  deliberate  murder , should  be  included  in  the  agree- 
ment, who  should  choose  to  avail  himself  of  it,  in  as  full  and 
ample  a manner  as  the  contracting  parties  themselves,  and 
that  there  should  be  a general  amnesty,  with  the  same  excep- 
tions, for  the  body  of  the  people. 

We  entered  into  this  agreement  the  more  readily,  because  it 
appeared  to  us  that  by  it  the  public  cause  lost  nothing.  We 
knew,  from  the  different  examinations  of  the  state  prisoner 
before  the  Privy  Council,  and  from  conversation  with  ministeis, 
that  Government  was  already  in  possesion  of  all  the  important 


* Michael  Byrne  who  was  hanged  pending  the  negociatious,  and 
Oliver  Bond  who  was  found  outside  the  door  of  his  cell,  dead  from 
apoplexy,  the  government  asserted. 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET 


27a 


knowledge  which  they  could  obtain  from  us.  From  whence 
the)  obtained  their  information  was  not  entirely  known  to  us, 
but  it  was  now  manifest  that  Reynolds , M’Ginn,  and  Hughes, 
not  to  speak  of  the  minor  informers,  had  put  them  in  possession 
of  every  important  fact  respecting  the  internal  state  of  the 
Union,  and  it  was  from  particular  circumstances  well  known  to 
one  of  us,  and  entirely  believed  by  the  rest,  that  its  external 
relations  had  been  betrayed  to  the  English  Cabinet  through 
the  agency  of  a foreigner  with  whom  we  negotiated.  * * * * 

Nevertheless,  those  with  whom  we  negotiated*  seemed  ex- 
tremely anxious  for  our  communications.  Their  reasons  for  this 
anxiety  may  have  been  many,  but  two  particularly  suggested 
themselves  to  our  minds  ; they  obviously  wished  to  give  proof  to 
the  enemies  of  an  Irish  Republic  and  of  Irish  independence,  of  the 
facts  with  which  they  were  themselves  acquainted,  while  at  the 
same  time,  they  concealed  from  the  world,  their  real  sources 
of  intelligence.  Nor  do  we  believe  we  are  uncharitable  in  at- 
tributing to  them  the  hope  and  wish  of  rendering  unpopular 
and  suspected  men,  in  whom  the  United  Irishmen  had  been 
accustomed  to  place  an  almost  unbounded  confidence.  The 
injurious  consequences  of  Government  succeeding  in  both  these 
objects  were  merely  personal,  and  as  they  were  no  more,  though 
they  were  revolting  and  hateful  to  the  last  degree,  we  did  not 
hesitate  to  devote  ourselves  that  we  might  make  terms  for  our 
country.  What  were  those  terms  ? That  it  should  be  rescued 
from  civil  and  military  executions  ; that  a truce  should  be  ob- 
tained for  liberty,  which  she  so  much  required.  * * * 

If  our  country  has  not  actually  benefited  to  the  extent  of  our 
wishes  and  of  our  stipulations,  let  it  be  remembered  that  this 
has  not  been  owing  to  the  compact , but  to  the  breach  of  the 
compact , the  gross  and  flagrant  breach  of  it,  both  as  to  the  let- 
ter and  the  spirit,  in  violation  of  every  principle  of  plighted 
faith  and  honour.  * * * 

The  Irish  parliament  thought  fit,  about  the  month  of  Sep- 
tember, in  the  same  year,  to  pass  an  act,  to  be  founded  expressly 
on  this  agreement.  To  the  provisions  of  that  law  we  do  not 
think  it  worth  while  to  allude,  because  their  severity  and  injus- 
tice are  lost  in  comparison  with  the  enormous  falsehood  of  its 
preamble.  In  answer  to  that,  we  most  distinctly  and  formally 
deny  that  any  of  us  did  ever  publicly  or  privately,  directly,  or  indir 
* Th»  Irish  Government. 


214 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET 


rectly,  acknowledge  crimes , retract  opinions  or  implore  pardon , 
as  is  therein  most  falsely  stated.  A full  and  explicit  declara 
tion  to  this  effect  would  have  been  made  public  at  the  time, 
had  it  not  been  prevented  by  a message  from  Lord  Cornwallis, 
delivered  to  one  of  the  subscribers,  on  the  12th  of  that  month. 
Notwithstanding  we  had  expressly  stipulated  at  the  time  of 
the  negotiation  for  the  entire  liberty  of  publication,  in  case 
we  should  find  our  conduct  or  motives  misrepresented,  yet  this 
perfidious  and  inhuman  message  threatened  that  such  a decla- 
ration would  be  considered  as  a breach  of  the  agreement  on 
our  part,  and  in  that  case  the  executions  in  general  should  go 
on  as  formerly . 

Thus  was  the  truth  stifled  at  the^time,  and  we  firmly  believe 
that  to  prevent  its  publication  has  been  one  of  the  principal 
reasons  why,  in  violation  of  the  most  solemn  engagements,  we 
were  kept  in  custody  ever  since,  and  transported  from  our  na- 
tive country  against  our  consent.”  * * * 

In  consequence  of  the  compact  with  the  Government  on  the 
10th  of  August,  T.  A.  Emmet  was  examined  before  the  Secret 
Committee  of  the  House  of  Lords.  A very  small  portion- of 
this  examination  was  given  in  the  parliamentary  report,  pur- 
porting to  contain  the  examinations  of  the  state  prisoners.  On 
their  liberation  from  Fort  George,  Emmet,  O’Connor,  and 
Macneven,  published  in  London  a pamphlet,  containing  a me- 
moir of  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  Union,  which  they  had 
delivered  to  the  Irish  Government,  and  an  account  of  their 
examinations,  in  which  the  suppressed  portion  of  their  evidence 
were  given.  The  pamphlet  is  now  rarely  to  be  met  with,  and 
from  it  the  following  account  of  the  examination  of  T.  A.  Em- 
met is  taken,  after  having  compared  it  with  the  original  docu- 
ment in  the  possession  of  one  of  the  parties  to  the  compact. 

EXAMINATION. 

BUBSTANCE  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET’S  EXAMINATION,  BEFORI 
THE  SECRET  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  LORDS,  ON  FRIDAY 
AUGUST  10th,  1798. 

Committee  — Were  you  a United  Irishman  ? 

Emmet. — My  Lords,  I am  one. 

Com. — Were  you  a member  of  the  Executive  ? 


MEMOIR  OP  TI<6$As'  EMMET. 


275 


Emmet.  I was  of  the  Executive  from  the  mcfttfi  of  Jana- 
*ry  to  tne  month  of  May,  1797,  and  afterwards  from  Decem- 
ber, 1797,  till  I was  arrested. 

I was  then  asked,  as  to  the  military  organization,  which  I 
detailed.  They  then  asked,  when  the  returns  included  fire* 
arms  and  ammunition. 

Emmet.  After  the  Insurrection  and  Indemnity  Acts  had 
been  passed,  when  the  people  were  led  to  think  on  resistance, 
and  after  4,000  persons  had  been  driven  from  the  county  of 
Armagh  by  the  Orangemen. 

Com.  Was  not  the  name  of  Orangeman  used  to  terrify  the 
people  into  the  United  system? 

Emmet.  I do  not  know  what  groundless  fears  may  have 
been  propagated  by  ignorant  people,  but  I am  sure  no  unfair 
advantage  was  taken  by  the  executive.  The  Orange  princi- 
ples were  fairly  discussed,  as  far  as  they  were  known,  and  we 
always  found,  that  wherever  it  was  attempted  to  establish  a 
lodge,  the  United  Irish  increased  very  much. 

Lord  Dillon.  Why,  where  was  it  endeavoured  to  introduce 
them,  except  in  the  North  and  the  city  of  Dublin  ? 

Emmet.  My  Lord,  I cannot  tell  you  all  the  places  in  which 
it  was  endeavoured,  but  I will  name  one  in  the  county  of  Ros- 
common, where,  I am  told,  it  made  many  United  Irishmen. 

Lord  Dillon.  Well,  but  that  was  but  very  lately,  and  I 
endeavoured  to  resist  it. 

Committee.  When  where  the  first  communications  with 
France  ? 

Emmet. — The  first  I heard  of  were  after  the  Insurrection 
and  Indemnity  Acts  had  been  carried  ; the  next  I heard  of 
was  after  the  French  fleet  had  left  Bantry  Bay,  and  after  it 
was  manifest  the  effort  for  reform  would  not  succeed  ; and  per- 
mit me  to  add,  on  my  oath,  it  was  my  intention  to  propose  to, 
and  from  conversations  I had  with  some  of  the  executive  di- 
rectory, I am  sure  it  would  have  been  carried  then,  that  if  there 
had  been  any  reasonable  hope  of  reform  being  adopted,  to 
send  one  more  messenger  to  France,  anji  he  should  have  told 
them,  the  difference  between  the  people  and  the  Government 
was  adjusted,  and  nOt  to  attempt  a second  invasion. 

They  then  took  me  into  detail  through  the  whole  of  the 

negotiations  and  messages • stated  that  the  demand  on  our 

part  was  from  five  to  ten  thousand  men,  and  40,000  stand  of 


476  MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 

arms,  by  the  first  agent ; that  the  instructions  to  the  second 
agent  differed  by  requesting  more  arms  in  consequence  of  the 
disarming  the  north,  which  had  intervened,  and  that  the  French 
had  promised  we  should  be  at  perfect  liberty  to  choose  our 
own  form  of  government.  It  was  expressly  stipulated  with 
them  that  they  should  condu 't  themselves  so. 

Lord  Chancellor. — As  they  did  in  Holland  ? 

Emmet. — As  Rochambeau  did  in  America,  my  lords.  They 
then  entered  into  the  subject  of  the  separation. 

Lord  Chancellor. — How  is  it  possible,  Mr.  Emmet  ? Just 
look  on  the  map,  and  tell  how  you  can  suppose  that  Ireland 
could  exist  independent  of  England  or  France  ? 

Emmet. — My  lords,  if  I had  any  doubt  on  that  subject,  I 
should  have  never  attempted  to  effect  a separation,  but  I have 
given  it  as  much  consideration  as  my  faculties  would  permit, 
and  I have  not  a shadow  of  doubt,  that  if  Ireland  were  once 
independent,  she  might  defy  the  combined  efforts  of  France 
and  England. 

Archbishop  of  Cashel. — My  God  ! her  trade  would  be  de- 
stroyed ! 

Emmet. — Pardon  me,  my  lord  ; her  trade  would  be  infinitely 
increased.  One  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  when  Ireland 
contained  not  more  than  one  million  and  a half  of  men,  and 
America  was  nothing,  the  connection  might  be  said  to  be  neces- 
sary to  Ireland,  but  now  that  she  contains  five  millions,  and 
America  is  the  best  market  in  the  world,  and  Ireland  the  best 
situated  country  in  Europe  to  trade  with  that  market,  she  has 
outgrown  the  connection. 

Lord  Chancellor. — Yes,  I remember  talking  to  a gentleman 
of  your  acquaintance,  and  I believe  one  of  your  body  and  way 
of  thinking,  who  told  me  that  Ireland  had  nothing  to  com- 
plain of  from  England,  but  that  she  was  strong  enough  to  set 
up  for  herself. 

Emmet. — I beg,  my  lords,  that  may  not  bo  considered  my 
opinion.  I think  Ireland  has  a great  many  things  to  complain 
of  against  England.  * I am  sure  she  is  strong  enough  to  set 
up  for  herself  ; and  give  me  leave  to  tell  you,  my  lords,  that 
if  the  government  of  this  country  be  not  regulated  so  that  the 
control  may  be  wholly  Irish,  and  that  the  commercial  arrange- 
ments between  the  two  countries  be  not  put  on  the  footing  of 
perfect  equality,  the  connection  cannot  last. 


MEMOIR  OP  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


277 


Lord  Ck incdlor. — What  would  yon  do  for  coals  ? 

Emmet. — In  every  revolution,  and  in  every  war,  the  people 
must  submit  to  some  privations,  but*  I must  observe  to  your 
lordships,  that  there  is  a reciprocity  between  the  buyer  and 
seller,  and  that  England  would  suffer  as  much  as  Ireland  if  we 
did  not  buy  her  coals.  However,  I will  grant  our  fuel  would 
become  dearer  for  a time,  but  b,y  paying  a higher  price  we 
could  have  a full  and  sufficient  abundance  from  our  own  coal 
mines,  and  from  bogs,  by  means  of  our  canals. 

Archbishop  of  Cashel. — Why,  twelve  frigates  would  stop 
up  all  our  ports. 

Emmet. — My  lord,  you  must  have  taken  a very  imperfect 
survey  of  the  ports  on  the  western  coasts  of  this  kiugdom,  if 
you  suppose  that  twelve  frigates  would  block  them  up  ; and  I 
must  observe  to  you,  that  if  Ireland  was  for  three  months  sepa- 
rated from  England,  the  latter  would  cease  to  be  such  a formi- 
dable naval  power. 

Lord  Chancellor. — Well,  I cannot  conceive  the  separation 
could  last  twelve  hours. 

Emmet. — I declare  it  to  God,  I think  that  if  Ireland  were 
separated  from  England,  she  would  be  the  happiest  spot  on 
the  face  of  the  globe.  * 

At  which  they  all  seemed  astonished. 

Lord  Chancellor. — But  how  could  you  rely  on  France  that 
she  would  keep  her  promise  of  not  interfering  with  your  gov- 
ernment ? 

Emmet. — My  reliance,  my  lords,  was  more  on  Irish  power 
than  on  French  promises  ; for  I was  convinced  that,  though 
she  could  not  easily  set  up  the  standard  herself,  yet,  when  it 
was  once  raised,  a very  powerful  army  would  flock  to  it,  which, 
organized  under  its  own  officers,  would  have  no  reason  to  fear 
100,000  Frenchmen,,  and  we  only  stipulated  for  a tenth  part 
of  that  number. 

Lord  Kilwarden. — You  seem  averse  to  insurrections,  I sup- 
pose it  was  because  you  thought  it  impolitic  ? 

Emmet. — Unquestionably  : for  if  I imagined  an  insurrection 
could  not  have  succeeded  without  a great  waste  of  blood  and 
time,  I should  have  preferred  it  to  invasion,  as  it  would  not 
have  exposed  us  to  the  chance  of  contributions  being  required 
by  a foreign  force  ; but  as  I did  not  think  so,  and  as  I was 
certain  an  invasion  would  succeed  speedily,  and  without  much 


2?8 


MEMOIR  OP  TFlOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


struggle,  I preferred  it  even  at  the  hazard  of  that  inconve 
nience,  which  we  took  every  pains  to  prevent. 

Lord  Dillon . — Mr.  Emmet,  you  have  stated  the  views  cf 
the  executive  to  be  very  liberal  and  enlightened,  and  I believe 
yours  were  so,  but  let  me  ask  you,  whether  ft  was  not  intend 
ed  to  cut  off,  in  the  beginning  of  the  contest,  the  leaders  cf 
the  opposition  party  by  a summary  mode,  such  as  assassina- 
tion ? my  reason  for  asking  you  is,  John  Sheares’s  proclama- 
tion, the  most  terrible  paper  that  ever  appeared  in  any  country, 
it  says,  that  “ many  of  your  tyrants  have  bled,  and  others 
must  bleed,”  &c. 

Emmet. — My  lords,  as  to  Mr.  Sheares’s  proclamation,  he 
was  not  of  the  executive  when  I was. 

Lord  Chancellor. — He  was  of  the  new  executive. 

Emmet. — I do  not  know  that  he  was  of  any  executive,  ex- 
cept from  what  your  lordship  says,  but  I believe  he  was  joined 
with  some  others  in  framing  a particular  plan  of  insurrection 
for  Dublin  and  its  neighbourhood,  neither  do  I know  what 
value  he  annexed  to  those  words  in  his  proclamation,  but  I 
can  answer,  that  while  I was  of  the  executive  there  was  no 
such  design,  but  the  contrary,  for  we  conceived  when  one  of 
you  lost  your  lives  we  lost  a hostage  Our  intention  was  to 
seize  you  all,  and  keep  you  as  hostages  for  the  conduct  of 
England,  and  after  the  revolution  was  over,  if  you  would  not 
live  under  the  new  government,  to  send  you  out  of  the  coun- 
try. I will  add  one  thing  more,  which  though  not  an  answer 
to  your  question,  you  may  have  a curiosity  to  hear.  In  such 
a struggle  it  was  natural  to  expect  confiscations  ; our  inten- 
tion was,  that  every  wife  who  had  not  instigated  her  husband 
to  resistance  should  be  provided  for  out  of  the  property, 
notwithstanding  confiscation,  and  every  child  who  was  too 
young  to  be  his  own  master,  or  form  his  own  opinions,  was  to 
have  a child’s  portion.  Your  lordships  will  now  judge  how 
far  we  intended  to  be  cruel. 

Lord  Chancellor.  —Pray,  Mr.  Emmet,  what  caused  the  late 
insurrection  ? 

Emmet. — The  free  quarters,  the  house  burnings,  the  tortures, 
and  the  military  executions  in  the  counties  of  Kildare,  Carlow, 
and  Wicklow. 

Lord  Chancellor. — Don’t  you  think  the  arrests  of  the  12th 
of  March  caused  it  ? 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


279 


Emmet. — No,  but  I believe  if  it  had  not  been  for  those  ar 
rests  it  would  not  have  taken  place,  for  the  people,  irritated 
by  what  they  suffered,  had  been  long  pressing  the  executive  to 
consent  to  an  insurrection,  but  they  had  resisted  or  eluded  it, 
and  even  determined  to  persevere  in  the  same  line.  After 
these  arrests,  however,  other  persons  came  forward,  who  were 
irritated  and  thought  differently,  who  consented  to  let  the  par- 
tial insurrection  take  place. 

Lord  Chancellor. — Were  all  the  executive  arrested  or  put 
to  flight  by  the  arrests  on  the  12th  of  March  ? 

Emmet. — Your  lordship’s  will  excuse  my  answering  to  that 
question,  as  it  would  point  out  individuals. 

Lord  Chancellor. — Did  you  not  think  the  Government  very 
foolish  to  let  you  proceed  so  long  as  they  did  ? 

Emmet. — No,  my  lord.  Whatever  I imputed  to  Govern- 
ment, I did  not  accuse  them  of  folly.  I knew  we  were  very 
attentively  watched,  but  I thought  they  were  right  in  letting  us 
proceed.  I have  often  said,  laughing  among  ourselves,  that 
if  they  did  right  they  would  pay  us  for  conducting  the  revolu- 
tion, conceiving  as  I then  did,  and  as  I still  do,  that  a revolu- 
tion is  inevitable,  unless  speedily  prevented  by  very  large  mea- 
sures of  conciliation.  It  seemed  to  me  an  object  with  them 
that  it  should  be  conducted  by  moderate  men,  of  good  moral 
characters,  liberal  education,  and  some  talents  ; rather  than 
by  intemperate  men  of  bad  characters,  ignorant  and  foolish, 
and  into  the  hands  of  one  or  other  of  those  classes  it  undoubt- 
edly will  fall.  I also  imagined  the  members  of  Government 
might  be  sensible  of  the  difference  between  the  change  of  their 
situation,  being  effected  by  a sudden  and  violent  convulsion  or 
by  the  more  gradual  measures  of  a well  conducted  revolution, 
if  it  were  effected  suddenly  by  an  insurrection  ; and  I need 
not  tell  your  lordship’s  that  if  there  had  been  a general  plan 
of  acting,  and  the  North  had  co-operated  with  Leinster,  the 
last  insurrection  would  have  infallibly  and  rapidly  succeeded, 
in  such  case  you  would  be  tumbled  at  once  from  your  pinnacle  ; 
but  if  a revolution  were  gradually  accomplished,  you  would 
have  had  time  to  accomodate  and  habituate  yourselves  to  your 
new  situations.  For  these  reasons  I imagined  Government 
did  not  wish  to  irritate  and  push  things  forward. 

Lord  Chancellor. — Pray,  do  you  think  Catholic  emancipation 
and  parliamentary  reform  any  objects  with  the  common  people  ? 


/so  MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 

Emmet. — As  to  Catholic  emancipation,  I do  not  think  it 
matters  a feather,  or  that  the  poor  think  of  it.  As  to  parli- 
mentary  reform,  I do  not  think  the  common  people  ever  thought 
of  it  until  it  was  inculcated  into  them,  that  a reform  would 
cause  a removal  of  those  grievances  which  they  actually  do  feel. 
From  that  time  I believe  they  have  become  very  much  attached 
to  the  measure. 

Lord  Chancellor. — And  do  you  think  that  idea  has  been  suc- 
cessfully inculcated  into  the  common  people  ? 

Emmet. — It  has  not  been  my  fortune  to  communicate  much 
with  them  on  the  subject,  so  that  I cannot  undertake  to  say 
how  far  it  has  been  successfully  inculcated  into  them  ; but 
of  this  I am  certain,  that  since  the  establishment  of  the  United 
Irish  system  it  has  been  inculcated  into  all  the  middling  classes, 
and  much  more  among  the  common  people,  than  ever  it  was 
before. 

Lord  Chancellor. — And  what  grievances  would  such  a re- 
formed legislature  remove  ? 

Emmet. — In  the  first  place  it  would  cause  a complete  aboli- 
tion of  tithes ; in  the  next,  by  giving  the  common  people  an 
increased  value  in  the  democracy,  it  would  better  their  situ- 
ation, and  make  them  more  respected  by  their  superiors  ; the 
condition  of  the  poor  would  be  ameliorated  ; and  what  is  per- 
haps of  more  consequence  than  all  the  rest,  a system  of  national 
education  would  be  established. 

Lord  Dillon. — The  abolition  of  tithes  would  be  a very  good 
thing,  but  do  not  you  think  it  would  be  more  beneficial  to  the 
landlords  than  the  tenants  ? 

Archbishop  of  Cashel. — Ay,  it  is  they  who  would  benefit  by 
it 

Lmmet. — My  Lords,  I am  ready  to  grant  that  if  tithes  were 
now  abolished,  without  a reform,  there  are  landlords  who  would 
raise  the  rent  on  their  tenants,  when  they  were  making  new 
leases,  the  full  value  of  the  tithes,  and,  if  they  could,  more  ; 
but  if  a reform  succeeded  the  abolition  of  tithes,  such  a reformed 
legislature  would  very  badly  know,  or  very  badly  perform  its 
duty,  if  it  did  not  establish  such  a system  of  landed  leases  as 
would  prevent  landlords  from  doing  so  ; and,  let  me  tell  your 
lordships,  that  if  a revolution  ever  takes  place,  a very  different 
system  of  political  economy  will  be  established  from  what  has 
hitherto  prevailed  here 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


281 


Lord  Glentworth. — Then  your  intention  was  to  destroy  the 
church  ? 

Emmett — Pardon  me,  my  Lord,  my  intention  never  was  tc 
destroy  the  church.  My  wish  decidedly  was  to  overturn  the 
Establishment. 

Lord  Dillon. — I understand  you — and  have  it  as  it  is  in 
France  ? 

Emmet. — As  it  is  in  many  parts  of  America,  my  Lord. 

Lord  Kilwarden. — Pray,  Mr.  Emmet,  do  you  know  of  any 
communications  with  France  since  your  arrest  ? 

Emmet. — I do,  my  Lord  ; Mr.  Cooke  told  me  of  one. 

Lord  Kilwarden. — But  do  you  not  know  in  any  other  way 
whether  communications  are  still  going  on  between  this  coun- 
try and  France  ? 

Emmet. — No  ; but  I have  no  doubt  that  even  after  we  shall 
have  left  this  country,  there  will  remain  among  the  500,000 
and  upwards,  which  compose  the  Union,  many  persons  of  suf- 
ficient talents,  enterprise,  enthusiasm,  and  opportunity,  who 
will  continue  the  old,  or  open  a new  communication  with 
France,  if  it  shall  be  necessary,  and  in  looking  over  in  my  own 
mind,  the  persons  whom  I know  of  most  talents  and  enterprise, 
I cannot  help  suggesting  to  myself  persons  I think  most  likely 
to  do  so,  but  I must  be  excused  pointing  at  them. 

Thomas  Addis  Emmet. 

N.  B. — I have  only  noted  down  such  questions  and  answers 
as  I imagine  will  not  be  inserted  in  the  reports  of  the  Secret 
Committee. 


SECOND  EXAMINATION. 

THE  EXAMINATION  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET,  BEFORE  THE 
SECRET  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  AUGUST  14TH, 

1798. 

Lord  Casllereagh  mentioned  that  the  minutes  of  my  ex- 
amination before  the  Lords  had  been  transmitted  to  them,  and 
that  they  only  wanted  to  ask  me  a few  questions  in  explanation 
of  those  minutes.  The  general  turn  of  the  examination  was 
therefore  the  same  as  that  before  the  Upper  House,  but  I 
could  observe  much  more  manifestly  than  before,  a design  out 


282 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


of  my  answers  to  draw  the  conclusion,  that  nothing  would  con- 
tent the  people  but  such  changes  as  would  be  a departure  from 
what  they  choose  to  call  the  English  constitution,  and  the  Eng- 
lish system,  and  therefore  I presume  they  meant  to  infer,  that 
the  popular  claims  must  be  resisted  at  all  hazards.  The  speaker 
seemed  to  me  to  take  the  lead  in  conducting  the  investigation 
of  this  point. 

Lord  Castlcreagh. — Mr.  Emmet,  you  said  in  your  examina- 
tion before  the  Lords,  that  the  French  had  not  made  known 
the  place  where  they  intended  landing  ; how  then  will  you  ex- 
plain an  address  which  we  have  here,  stating  that  the  French 
were  shortly  expected  in  Bantry  Bay  ? 

Emmet. — My  Lord,  I know  nothing  at  present  of  that  ad- 
dress, but  I suppose  on  farther  inquiry  it  will  be  found  to  be 
some  mistake,  as  I am  positive  they  never  mentioned  Bantry 
Bay  in  any  communication  I know,  on  the  contrary,  Galway 
Bay  was  looked  on  as  the  most  probable  place  of  their  landing. 

N.  B. — I find  on  inquiry,  that  address  is  without  a date  and 
was  written  after  the  French  had  disappeared  from  Bantry 
Bay,  and  were  generally  expected  to  return. 

Mr.  Alexander — I have  here  some  resolutions  (which  he  read, 
and  which,  among  other  things,  spoke  of  the  extent  of  the  con- 
fiscations which  would  be  made  in  the  event  of  a revolution, 
and  how  they  should  be  applied)  do  you  know  anything  of 
them  ? 

Emmet. — I have  a recollection  of  having  read  them  before, 
and  if  that  recollection  be  right,  they  are  resolutions  that  have 
been  passed  by  an  individual  society  at  Belfast,  and  were  seized 
at  the  arrests  of  Barrett,  Burnside  and  others. 

Mr.  Alexander. — They  are  the  same. 

Emmet — Then  I hope  the  Committee  will  draw  no  inference 
from  them,  as  to  the  views  of  the  executive  or  of  the  whole 
body.  You  know  the  North  well,  and  that  every  man  there 
turns  his  mind  more  or  less  on  speculative  politics  ; but  cer- 
tainly the  opinion  of  a few  of  the  least  informed  among  them 
cannot  be  considered  as  influencing  the  whole. 

Mr.  J.  C.  Beresford.- — Ay,  but  would  you  be  able  to 
make  such  people  give  up  their  own  opinion  to  follow  yours  ? 

Emmet. — I am  convinced  we  should,  because  I know  we 
have  done  it  before,  on  poirts  where  their  opinions  and  wishes 
were  very  strong. 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


28: 


Mr.  Alexander. — How  did  you  hope  to  hold  the  people  in 
order  and  good  conduct  when  the  reins  of  government  were 
loosened  ? 

Emmet. — By  other  equally  powerful  reins.  It  was  for  this 
purpose  I considered  the  promoting  of  organization  to  be  a 
moral  duty.  Having  no  doubt  that  a revolution  would  and 
will  take  place,  unless  prevented  by  removing  the  national 
grievances,  I saw  in  the  organization  the  only  way  of  prevent- 
ing its  being  such  as  would  give  the  nation  lasting  causes  of 
grief  and  shame.  Whether  there  be  organization  or  not,  the 
revolution  will  take  place,  but  if  the  people  be  classed  and 
arranged  for  the  purpose,  the  control  which  heads  of  their  own 
appointment  will  have  over  them,  by  means  of  the  different  de- 
grees of  representation  and  organs  of  communication,  will,  I 
hope,  prevent  them  from  committing  those  acts  of  outrage  and 
cruelty  which  may  be  expected  from  a justly  irritated,  but  igno- 
rant and  uncontroled  populace. 

Mr.  Alexander. — But  do  you  think  there  were  in  the  TJnion 
such  organs  of  communication  as  had  an  influence  over  the 
lower  orders,  and  were  at  the  same  time  fit  to  communicate  and 
do  business  with  persons  of  a better  condition  ? 

Emmet. — I am  sure  there  were  multitudes  of  extremely 
shrewd  and  sensible  men,  whose  habits  of  living  were  with  the 
lower  orders,  but  who  were  perfectly  well  qualified  for  doing 
business  with  persons  of  any  condition. 

Speaker. — You  say  the  number  of  United  Irishmen  is  five 
hundred  thousand — do  you  look  upon  them  all  as  fighting 
men  ? 

Emmet. — There  are  undoubtedly  some  old  men  and  some 
young  lads  among  them,  but  I am  sure  I speak  within  bounds 
when  I say  the  number  of  fighting  men  in  the  Union  cannot  be 
less  than  three  hundred  thousand. 

Speaker — I understand,  according  to  you,  the  views  of  the 
United  Irish  went  to  a Republic,  and  separation  from  England, 
but  that  they  would  probably  have  compounded  for  a reform 
in  Parliament.  Am  I not  right,  however,  to  understand  that 
the  object  next  their  hearts  was  a separation  and  a republic  ? 

Emmet— Pardon  me,  the  object  next  their  hearts  was  a re- 
dress of  their  grievances  ; two  modes  of  accomplishing  that 
object  presented  themselves  to  their  view,  one  was  a reform  by 
peaceable  means,  the  other  was  a revolution  and  a republic.  J 


284 


MEM0TR  OF  TTTOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


hare  no  doubt  that  if  they  could  flatter  themselves  that  the 
object  next  their  hearts  would  be  accomplished  peaceably  by  a 
reform,  they  would  prefer  it  infinitely  to  a revolution  and  re- 
public, which  must  be  more  bloody  in  their  operation,  but  I am 
also  convinced,  when  they  saw  they  could  not  accomplish  the 
object  next  their  hearts,  a redress  of  their  grievances,  by  a re- 
form, they  determined  in  despair  to  procure  it  by  a revolution, 
which  I am  persuaded  is  inevitable,  unless  a reform  be  granted. 

Speaker. — You  say  that  a revolution  is  inevitable  unless  a 
reform  be  granted  ; what  would  be  the  consequences  of  such  a 
reform  in  redressing  what  you  call  the  grievances  of  the  people  ? 

Emmet.- — In  the  first  place  I look  to  the  abolition  of  tithes. 
I think  a reformed  legislature  would  also  produce  an  ameliora- 
tion of  the  state  of  the  poor,  and  a diminution  of  the  rents  of 
lands  would  establish  a system  of  national  education,  and  would 
regulate  the  commercial  intercourse  between  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland,  on  the  footing  of  perfect  equality,  and  correct  the 
bloody  nature  of  your  criminal  code. 

Speaker. — You  speak  of  the  abolition  of  tithes,  do  you  in- 
clude in  that  the  destruction  of  the  Establishment  ? 

Emmet. — I have  myself  no  doubt  of  the  Establishment’s  be- 
ing injurious,  and  I look  to  its  destruction,  but  I cannot  under- 
take to  say  how  far  the  whole  of  that  measure  is  contemplated 
by  the  body  of  the  people,  because  I have  frequently  heard  an 
acreable  tax  proposed  as  a substitute,  which  necessarily  sup- 
poses the  preservation  of  this  Establishment. 

Speaker. — Don’t  you  think  the  Catholics  peculiarly  object  to 
tithes  ? 

Emmet. — They  certainly  have  the  best  reason  to  complain, 
but  I rather  think  they  object  as  tenants  more  than  as  Catho- 
lics ; and  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  tenantry  of  the  king- 
dom ; and  if  any  other  way  of  paying  even  a Protestant  Es- 
tablishment, which  did  not  bear  so  sensibly  on  their  industry, 
were  to  take  place,  I believe  it  would  go  a great  way  to  con- 
tent them,  though,  I confess,  it  would  not  content  me  ; but  I 
must  add  that  I would  (and  I am  sure  so  would  many  others 
who  think  of  establishments  like  me,)  consent  to  give  the  pre- 
sent incumbents  equivalent  pensions. 

Lord  Castlereagh. — Don’t  you  think  the  Catholics  look  to 
the  accomplishing  the  destruction  of  the  Establishment  ? 

Emmet. — From  the  declaration  they  made  in  1792,  or  1793 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


285 


I am  sure  they  did  not  then  ; I cannot  say  how  far  their  opin- 
ions may  have  altered  since,  but  from  many  among  them  pro- 
posing a substitute  for  tithes,  I am  led  to  believe  they  are  not 
yet  gone  so  far, 

Lord  Gastlereagh. — But  don’t  you  think  they  will  look  to  its 
destruction  ? 

Emmet. — I cannot  pay  so  bad  a compliment  to  the  reasons 
which  have  convinced  myself,  as  not  to  suppose  they  will  con- 
vince others.  As  the  human  mind  grows  philosophic,  it  will,  I 
think,  wish  for  the  destruction  of  all  religious  establishments, 
and  therefore,  in  proportion  as  the  Catholic  mind  becomes 
philosophic , it  will  of  course  entertain  the  same  wishes — but  I 
consider  that  as  the  result  of  its  philosophy , and  not  of  its  reli- 
gion. 

Lord  Castlereagh. — Don’t  you  think  the  Catholics  would 
wish  to  set  up  a Catholic  Establishment,  in  lieu  of  the  Protest- 
ant one  ? 

Emmet. — Indeed  I don’t  ; even  at  the  present  day,  perhaps 
some  old  priests,  who  have  long  groaned  under  the  penal  laws  ; 
might  wish  for  a retribution  to  themselves,  but  I don’t  think 
the  young  priests  would  wish  for  it,  and  I am  convinced  the  laity 
would  not  submit  to  it,  and  that  the  objections  to  it  will  be 
every  day  gaining  strength. 

Speaker. — You  also  mention  that  a reform  would  diminish 
the  rents  of  lands  ; how  do  you  think  that  would  be  done  ? 

Emmet. — I am  convinced  rack-rents  can  only  take  place  in 
a country  otherwise  essentially  oppressed,  if  the  value  of  the 
people  was  raised  in  the  state,  their  importance  would  induce 
the  landlords  to  consult  their  interests,  and  therefore  to  better 
their  condition.  Thus  I think  it  would  take  place,  even  with- 
out any  law  bearing  upon  the  matter. 

Mr.  Alexander. — Mr.  Emmet,  you  have  gone,  the  circuit  for 
many  years  ; now  have  you  not  observed  that  the  condition  of 
the  people  has  been  gradually  bettering  ? 

Emmet. — Admitting  that  the  face  of  the  country  has  assum- 
ed a better  appearance  ; if  you  attribute  it  to  the  operations 
of  any  laws  you  have  passed.  I must  only  declare  my  opinion, 
that  it  is  post  hoc  sed  non  et  hoe.  As  far  as  the  situation  of  the 
lower  orders  may  have  been  bettered  in  Ireland,  it  results  from 
the  increased  knowledge,  commerce,  and  intercourse  of  the  dif- 
ferent states  of  Europe  with  one  another,  and  is  enjoyed  in  this 


286 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


country*  only  in  common  with  the  rest  of  civilized  Europe  and 
America.  I believe  the  lower  orders  in  all  these  countries  have 
been  improved  in  their  condition  within  these  twenty  years,  but 
I doubt  whether  the  poor  of  this  country  have  been  bettered 
in  a greater  proportion  than  the  poor  in  the  despotic  states  of 
Germany. 

Speaker. — You  mention  an  improved  system  of  national 
education,  are  there  not  as  many  schools  in  Ireland  as  in  Eng- 
land ? 

Emmet. — I believe  there  are,  and  that  therfe  is  in  propor- 
tion as  great  a fund  in  Ireland  as  in  England,  if  it  were  fairly 
applied  ; but  there  is  this  great  difference,  the  schools  are  Pro- 
testant schools,  which  answer  very  well  in  England,  but  do 
little  good  among  the  Catholic  peasantry  of  Ireland.  Another 
thing  to  be  considered  is,  that  stronger  measures  are  immedi- 
ately necessary  for  educating  the  Irish  people  than  are  neces- 
sary in  England  ; in  the  latter  country  no  steps  were  taken  to 
counteract  the  progress  of  knowledge,  it  had  fair  play,  and  was 
gradually  advancing,  but  in  Ireland  you  have  brutalized  the 
public  mind,  by  long-continued  operation  of  the  Popery  laws, 
which,  though  they  have  been  repealed,  have  left  an  effect  that 
will  not  cease  these  fifty  years.  It  is  incumbent  then  on  you 
to  counteract  that  effect  by  measures  which  are  not  equally  ne- 
cessary in  England. 

Speaker. — You  mentioned  criminal  code  ; in  what  does  that 
differ  from  the  English  ? 

Emmet. — It  seems  to  me  that  it  would  be  more  advisable, 
in  reviewing  one  criminal  law,  to  compare  the  crime  with  the 
punishment,  than  the  Irish  code  with  the  English,  there  is, 
however,  one  difference  that  occurs  to  me  on  the  instant,  ad- 
ministering unlawful  oaths  is  in  Ireland  punished  with  death. 

Lord  Gastlereagh. — That  is  a law  connected  with  the  secu- 
rity of  the  state. 

Emmet — If  it  is  intended  to  keep  up  the  ferment  of  the  pub- 
lic mind,  such  laws  may  be  necessary,  but  if  it  be  intended  to 
allay  that  ferment,  such  laws  are  perfectly  useless. 

Speaker. — Would  putting  the  commercial  intercourse  on  the 
footing  of  equality  satisfy  the  people  ? 

Emmet— 1 think  that  equality  of  situations  would  go  nearer 
satisfying  the  people  than  any  of  the  other  equalities  that  hav« 
been  alluded  to. 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


281 


Speaker. — Then  your  opinion  is  that  we  cannot  avoid  a re- 
volution, unless  we  abandon  the  English  constitution,  and  the 
English  system  in  our  establishment  education,  and  criminal 
laws? 

j Emmet. — I have  already  touched  on  the  latter  subject,  and 
as  to  the  English  constitution,  I cannot  conceive  how  a reform 
in  Parliament  can  be  said  to  destroy  that. 

Speaker. — Why,  in  what  way  does  the  representation  differ 
in  Ireland  from  that  in  England  ; are  there  not  in  England 
close  boroughs,  and  is  not  the  right  of  suffrage  there  confined 
to  405.  freeholders? 

Emmet. — If  I were  an  Englishman  I should  be  discontented, 
and  therefore  cannot  suppose  that  putting  Ireland  on  a footing 
with  England  would  content  the  people  of  this  country  ; if, 
however,  you  have  a mind  to  try  a partial  experiment,  for 
the  success  of  which  I would  not  answer,  you  must  consider 
how  many  are  the  close  boroughs  and  large  towns  which  con- 
tribute to  the  appointment  of  558,  and  diminish  in  the  same 
proportion  the  number  of  the  close  boroughs  and  towns  which 
contribute  to  the  appointment  of  our  300  ; even  that  would  be 
a gain  to  Ireland  ; but  that  there  should  not  be  mistake  or 
confusion  of  terms,  let  us  drop  the  equivocal  words,  English 
constitution , and  then  I answer,  I would  not  be  understood  to 
say,  that  the  government  of  king,  lords,  and  commons,  would 
be  destroyed  by  a reform  of  the  lower  house. 

Lord  Castlereagh. — And  do  you  not  think  that  such  a house 
could  not  co-exist  with  the  government  of  king  and  lords  ? 

Emmet. — If  it  would  not,  my  lord,  the  eulogies  that  have  been 
passed  on  the  British  constitution  have  been  very  much  mis- 
placed ; but  I think  they  could  all  exist  together,  if  the  king 
and  lords  meant  fairly  by  the  people  ; if  they  should  persist  in 
designs  hostile  to  the  people,  I do  believe  they  would  be  over- 
thrown. 

(It  was  then  intimated,  that  they  had  got  into  a theoretical 
discussion,  and  that  what  they  wished  to  enquire  into  was  facts.) 

Sir  J.  Parnel. — Mr.  Emmet,  while  you  and  the  executive 
were  phifosophizing,  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald  was  arming  and 
disciplining  the  people  ? 

Emmet. — Lord  Edward  was  a military  man,  and  if  he  was  do- 
ing so,  he  probably  thought  that  was  the  way  in  which  he  could 
be  most  useful  to  his  country,  but  I am  sure,  that  if  those  with 


288 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMKT. 


whom  he  acted  were  convinced  that  the  grievances  of  the  peo 
pie  were  redressed,  and  that  force  was  become  unnecessary,  he 
would  have  been  persuaded  to  drop  all  arming  and  disciplining. 

Mr.  J.  C.  Beresford. — I knew  Lord  Edward  well,  and 
always  found  him  very  obstinate. 

Emmet. — I knew  Lord  Edward  right  well,  and  have  done  a 
great  deal  of  business  with  him,  and  have  always  found,  when 
he  had  a reliance  on  the  integrity  and  talents  of  the  person  he 
acted  with,  he  was  one  of  the  most  persuadable  men  alive,  bu* 
if  he  thought  a man  meant  dishonestly  or  unfairly  by  him,  ht 
was  as  obstinate  as  a mule.  (Many  questions  were  then  put 
to  me  relative  to  different  papers  and  proceedings  of  the  United 
Irish  ; among  the  rest,  John  Sheares’s  proclamation  was  men- 
tioned with  considerable  severity.  I took  that  opportunity  of 
declaring,  that  neither  the  execution  of  John  Sheares,  nor  the 
obloquy  that  was  endeavoured  to  be  cast  on  his  memory  should 
prevent  my  declaring  that  I considered  John  Shares  a very 
honourable  and  humane  man.) 

Mr.  French. — Mr.  Emmet,  can  you  point  out  any  way  of  in- 
ducing the  people  to  give  up  their  arms. 

Emmet. — Redressing  their  grievances,  and  no  other. 

Lard  Castlereagh. — Mr.  Emmet,  we  are  unwillingly  obliged 
to  close  this  examination  by  the  sitting  of  the  House. 

Emmet. — My  Lord,  if  it  be  the  wish  of  the  Committee,  I 
will  attend  it  at  any  other  time. 

Lord  Castlereagh. — If  we  want  you,  then  we  shall  send  for 
you. 

After  the  regular  examination  was  closed,  I was  asked  by 
many  of  the  members  whether  there  were  many  persons  of  pro- 
perty in  the  Union,  I answered  that  there  was  immense  pro- 
perty in  it.  They  acknowledged  there  was  great  personal 
property  in  it,  but  wished  to  know  was  there  much  lauded 
property,  I answered  there  was.  They  asked  me  was  it  in  fee 
simple,  to  that  I could  give  no  answer.  The  Attorney-Gene- 
ral said  there  was  in  it  many  landlords  who  had  large  tracts 
of  land,  and  felt  their  landlords  to  be  great  grievances.  I ad- 
mitted that  to  be  the  fact.  They  asked  me  had  we* provided 
any  form  of  government.  I told  them  we  had  a provisional 
government  for  the  instaut,  which  we  retained  in  memory,  but 
as  to  any  permanent  form  of  government,  we  thought  that,  and  • 
many  other  matters  relating  to  the  changes  which  would  bo 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


289 


come  necessary,  were  not  proper  objects  for  our  discussion,  but 
should  be  referred  to  a committee  chosen  by  the  people. 

They  did  not  ask  me  what  the  provisional  government  was. 

Thomas  Addis  Emmet 

On  the  18th  of  March,  1799,  after  a year’s  imprisonment, 
Emmet  received  notice  to  prepare  for  embarkation  the  follow 
ing  morniug.  The  place  of  his  destination  was  kept  a profound 
secret,  and  this  circumstance  caused  the  most  serious  appre- 
hensions to  his  relatives.  His  sister,  at  a late  hour  that  even- 
ing, on  hearing  of  the  order  that  had  been  given,  proceeded 
immediately  to  the  Castle,  and  demanded  an  interview  with 
the  Viceroy,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  fate  that  was 
destined  for  her  brother.  She  presented  herself  to  the  Vice- 
roy with  the  spirit  that  seemed  to  be  characteristic  of  her  race, 
Lord  Cornwallis  was  moved  even  to  tears,  at  the  earnestness 
of  her  supplication,  the  anxiety  exhibited  in  her  looks,  the 
strength  of  feeling,  and  energy  of  character  displayed  in  the 
effort  she  had  made.  He  treated  her  with  kindness,  and  as- 
sured her  that  “ no  harm  should  happen  to  her  brother  that 
the  apprehension  of  a meditated  descent  on  Ireland  had  ren- 
dered it  necessary  to  remove  the  state  prisoners  to  a place  of 
security,  that  place  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  name,  but  that 
the  treatment  of  her  brother  and  his  companions  should  be  all 
his  friends  or  theirs  could  wish.  Miss  Emmet  returned  to  her 
family,  and  the  intelligence  she  brought,  little  as  it  was,  re- 
lieved the  minds  of  her  parents  of  much  of  their  alarm. 

At  daybreak  the  following  morning,  Thomas  Addis  Emmet 
bid  a last  farewell  to  his  country.  He  never  more  set  his  foot 
upon  its  soil.  The  evening  before  his  departure  he  was  visited 
by  his  sister,  he  parted  with  her  for  the  last  time.  Father, 
mother,  sister,  and  brother,  in  the  brief  space  of  four  or  five 
years  were  laid  in  the  grave,  within  which  period  the  last  but 
one  of  the  race  of  Emmet  that  was  left  in  the  land  of  his 
birth  perished  on  the  scaffold. 

On  the  9th  of  April,  1799,  Emmet  and  his  companions 
arrived  at  Fort  George.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Stuart,  a bro- 
ther of  the  Earl  of  Murray,  descended  from  a royal  race,  then 
far  advanced  in  years,  filled  the  office  of  Lieutenant-G  overnoi 
C Fort  George.  His  name  and  memory  will  always  be  re 
. -«mbered  in  Ireland  with  respect  and  honour,  for  his  human* 


290 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


and  generous  conduct  to  Emmet,  his  wife,  and  their  com 
panions. 

It  seemed  to  be,  from  the  beginning  of  their  confinement  at 
Fort  George,  the  object  of  the  Irish  Government,  of  which 
Lord  Castlereagh  was  virtually  the  head,  to  render  their 
situation  as  painful  as  possible,  by  means  of  representations 
made  of  their  conduct  and  designs  to  the  English  Minister  ; 
on  the  contrary,  the  Duke  of  Portland  did  not  seem  inclined 
to  act  towards  them  with  the  wished-for  severity,  and  the 
officer  in  whose  charge  they  were  placed  endeavoured  to  miti- 
gate the  rigor  of  every  order  that  he  received  in  relation  to 
them,  so  far  as  a due  regard  to  his  duty  allowed  him.  He 
told  Emmet  at  the  commencement  of  their  acquaintance,  “ He 
looked  upon  him,  and  the  other  State  prisoners,  as  gentlemen, 
and  as  such  he  was  disposed  to  treat  them.,,  He  kept  his 
word.  During  the  first  year  of  their  confinement,  several 
orders,  very  absurd  and  of  very  unnecessary  severity,  had  been 
wrung  from  the  Duke  of  Portland  by  the  malignity  of  the 
representations  made  by  the  Irish  Minister.  The  prisoners 
were  forbidden  the  use  of  pen  and  ink,  for  the  purpose  of 
writing  to  their  friends,  “ except  in  the  presence  of  a keeper,” 
on  account  “ of  the  great  abuse  of  that  privilege  by  the  Dub- 
lin prisoners.”  “ The  reason  assigned  for  this  last  restriction 
makes  it  plain  that  the  brain  from  which  it  originated  was 
that  of  the  Irish  Minister  or  his  clerk,  and  the  source  his 
heart.”*  Verbal  communication  was  prohibited  except  in  the 
presence  of  a sentinel,  the  time  allowed  for  exercise  was  re- 
stricted to  about  an  hour  in  the  day  for  each  individual  ; their 
allowance  was  reduced,  and  their  correspondence  with  their 
friends  encumbered  with  formalities,  which  could  serve  no  use- 
ful purpose.  All  these  severities  were  gradually  mitigated  by 
the  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  at  length  the  restrictions  existed 
only  in  name.  Mrs.  Emmet,  who  was  not  permitted  to  ac- 
company her  husband  to  Fort  George,  had  made  repeated 
applications  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  from  the  time  of  the  re- 
moval of  Emmet,  to  be  allowed  to  visit  him.  The  answers 
-etnrned  to  the  poor  lady  were  couched  in  terms  of  frigid 
jurtesy  refusing  her  request.  Mrs.  Emmet  informed  her 
iiusnand,  in  a letter  which  he  received  the  19th  of  November, 
1800,  that  after  making  application  at  the  Castle  during  nine 
* Dr.  Dickson’s  Narrative,  p.  136. 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


291 


months,  Lord  Castlereagh  at  length  had  consented  to  her  visit 
ing  her  husband,  but  under  conditions  which  amounted  to  a 
prohibition,  and  that  she  was  then  about  to  apply  in  person  to 
the  Duke  of  Portland. 

Previously,  however,  to  her  making  this  personal  applica- 
tion,  she  had  applied  to  his  Grace  by  letter.  The  influence 
that  was  exerted  to  defeat  her  object  may  be  gathered  from 
the  conditions  on  which  the  British  Minister  was  willing  to 
comply  with  her  request.  There  is  no  transaction  of  those 
times  with  which  Lord  Castlereagh  was  connected  which  ex- 
hibits more  unmanliness  of  character  than  the  representations 
made  by  him  to  the  British  Minister  with  regard  to  a lady  of 
exalted  worth,  a wife  devoted  to  her  husband,  the  mother  of 
five  children,  a lady,  in  fine,  in  the  unfortunate  circumstances 
of  Mrs.  Emmet,  as  being  a person  undeserving  the  merciful 
consideration  of  government.  “ Suspected  of  having  imbibed 
the  principles’’  of  her  husband,  and  on  that  account  to  be  de- 
barred from  his  society,  except  under  circumstances  that  were 
an  outrage  on  her  feelings.  The  following  is  a copy  of  the 
Duke  of  Portland’s  order,  in  consequence  of  the  application 
then  made  by  her. 

“ Sir, — Mrs.  Emmet,  wife  of  Mr.  Emmet,  one  of  the  prison- 
ers at  Fort  George,  has  obtained  my  permission  to  see  her 
husband,  but  as  she  is  suspected  of  having  imbibed  his  princi- 
ples, you  will  take  particular  care  that  she  shall  not  be  the 
means  of  communication  between  him  and  the  disaffected  in 
Ireland.  She  is  only  to  see  him  in  the  presence  of  a proper 
person,  and  you  are  to  take  such  steps  as  that  she  may  not 
carry  any  letters  or  papers  in  or  out  of  the  Fort. 

“ I have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 

“ Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Portland. 

“ The  Hon.  Lieutenant-Governor  Stuart .” 

In  the  month  of  July  following,  she  proceeded  to  London, 
obtained  a personal  interview  with  the  Duke  of  Portland,  and 
the  result  was  such  as  might  be  expected,  permission  was 
granted  her,  not  only  to  visit  her  husband,  but  to  take  her 
children  and  reside  with  him,  and  she  attributed  the  indulgence, 
in  a great  measure  to  the  favorable  reputation  of  her  husband’i 


292 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


character  and  conduct,  which  had  been  made  by  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Stuart.  From  the  time  of  Mrs.  Emmet’s  arrival  in 
Fort  George,  till  the  liberation  of  the  prisoners,  the  conduct 
of  the  good  old  governor  to  Mrs.  Emmet  was  more  like  that 
of  a father  than  the  guardian  of  a prison,  (for  such  the  fortress 
uuder  his  command  had  been  made.)  His  kindness  to  her 
children  was  unceasing,  and  his  respectful  attention  to  her  hus- 
band plainly  showed  in  what  light  “ the  rebel-leader”  was  re- 
garded by  him. 

On  one  occasion  a fire  broke  out  at  night  in  the  fortress. 
The  governor  was  called  up  and  on  ascertaining  that  no  dan- 
ger was  to  be  apprehended,  he  instantly  ran  to  Emmet’s  apart- 
ment to  remove  his  apprehensions  for  himself  and  family,  and 
the  next  day  the  following  note  was  addressed  to  Emmet  : — 
The  Lieutenant-Governor’s  compliments  to  Mr.  Emmet.  He 
hopes  Mrs.  Emmet  suffered  no  inconvenience  from  the  alarm 
of  fire  which  was  given  last  night.  As  the  idea  of  being 
locked  in,  may  occasion  a disagreeable  sensation  to  a lady’s 
mind,  in  case  of  any  sudden  occurrence,  (though  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor  flatters  himself  that  none  in  future  will  arise),  he 
will  give  directions  that  the  passage  door  leading  to  Mr 
Emmet’s  apartments  shall  not  in  future  be  locked,  being  con- 
vinced that  Mr.  Emmet  would  make  no  improper  use  of  all  the 
doors  being  left  open. — To  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  Esq” 

In  November,  1800,  Emmet  received  a letter  from  his  fel- 
low student,  Home,  the  Lord  Advocate  of  Scotland,  informing 
him  that  “ all  his  applications  were  fruitless,  and  his  expecta- 
tions vain  notwithstanding  his  most  earnest  interference  in  his 
favour.” 

Mrs.  Emmet,  in  the  mean  time,  was  permitted  to  make  ex- 
cursions in  the  neighborhood,  wherever  she  thought  proper, 
she  was  visited  by  some  of  the  families  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Fort,  and  visited  them  in  turn.  The  Lieutenant-Governor 
sent  a message  to  her  husband,  informing  the  latter  that  he 
might  accompany  his  wife  whenever  he  thought  proper  to 
escort  her.  Emmet  returned  a written  reply,  expressing  his 
gratitude  for  the  Governor’s  kindness  on  all  occasions,  but 
begging  respectfully  to  decline  the  indulgence  offered,  in  the 
event  of  its  coming  from  the  British  Government,  but  if  it 
came  from  the  Lieutenant-Governor  he  would  willingly  and 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


293 


thankfully  accept  his  offer.  Stuart  wrote  in  reply  that  the 
offer  had  been  his  own  spontaneous  act,  and  as  such  it  was  ac- 
cepted. During  Mrs.  Emmet’s  residence  at  Fort  George  she 
was  col  fined.  The  child  was  called  Jane  Erin  Emmet. 

After  a confinement  of  one  year  in  the  Dublin  prisons  and  ol 
three  years  in  Fort  George,  in  violation  of  a solemn  engage 
ment,  the  Government  determined  on  the  liberation  of  the  pri- 
soners. But  when  the  list  of  pardoned  persons  came  to  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  from  the  Home-Office,  it  was  ascertained 
that  Emmet’s  name  was  not  specified.  The  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor sent  for  Emmet,  and  with  visible  emotion  told  him  there 
was  no  order  for  his  liberation  or  removal.  The  cause  of  the 
omission  of  his  name,  and  of  making  him  an  exception  to  the 
lenity  of  Government,  as  the  liberation  of  the  prisoners  was 
then  absurdly  called  could  not  be  imagined.  Stuart  turning 
to  him  as  he  was  about  to  leave  the  room,  said,  “ Mr.  Emmet, 
you  shall  go,  I will  take  all  hazards  and  all  responsibility.  You 
shall  go  to-morrow  with  the  rest  of  the  prisoners,  and  I will 
stand  between  you  and  the  Government.”  The  Emmets 
parted  with  the  good  old  man  who  had  acted  with  so  much 
kindness  towards  them  as  with  an  old  friend.  They  embarked 
with  the  other  state  prisoners  for  Cuxhaven,  on  the  30th  of 
June,  1802,  and  landed  in  Holland,  on  the  4th  of  July. 

Emmet  and  his  family  proceeded  to  Hamburgh.  They 
spent  some  time  at  Amsterdam  and  Rotterdam,  and  passed 
the  winter  of  1802  in  Brussels  ; there  Emmet  received  intel- 
ligence of  his  father’s  death.*  During  his  stay  at  Amsterdam, 
in  1802,  he  was  visited  by  his  brother  Robert,  about  six 
months  before  the  return  of  the  latter  to  Ireland.-)*  The  par- 
ticulars of  that  meeting,  and  the  circumstances  which  grew 
out  of  it,  appertain  more  especially  to  the  memoir  of  Robert 
Emmet,  and  are  given  in  it.  It  may  be  sufficient  to  state  that 
Emmet,  in  the  beginning  of  1803,  went  to  France,  and  in  the 
autumn  of  the  same  year  took  place  those  negotiations  with 
Napoleon  which  are  fully  detailed  in  the  memoir  of  Robert 
Emmet. 

* Dr.  Emmet  was  buried  in  the  Church-yard  of  St.  Anne’s,  in  Daw- 
son street,  Dublin. 

f Dr.  Madden  mistakes  in  this  particular.  Judge  Emmet  says,  that 
T.  A.  Emmet’s  last  meeting  vith  his  brother  Robert  took  place  in 
Brussels. 


294 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


In  October,  1804,  lie  embarked  with  his  family  at  Bor- 
deaux for  America,  and  arrived  in  New  York  on  the  1 7th  of 
November  same  year. 

Emmet’s  career  in  America  has  been  traced  by  one  of  his 
professional  friends  in  that  country,  Charles  Glidden  Haines, 
a gentleman  distinguishe  1 at  the  bar,  and  one  of  the  counsel- 
lors of  the  Supreme  Court  at  Washington.  This  gentleman’s 
eminence  in  his  profession,  his  talents,  and  his  close  intimacy 
with  Emmet,  render  him  fully  competent  to  the  task  under- 
taken by  him. 

In  1812,  while  he  and  Mr.  Emmet  were  attending  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States,  they  lived  together  in  the 
same  house,  and  Emmet  was  prevailed  on  by  his  friend  to  give 
him  a sketch  of  his  career,  which  was  committed  to  writing 
by  the  latter.  It  remained  with  him  during  his  life  unpub- 
lished, but  after  his  decease  it  was  given  to  the  public  along 
with  a biographical  memoir  of  himself  in  1829. 

The  following  extracts  are  taken  verbatim  from  Mr.  Haines’s 
narrative  : 

“ In  1804,  we  find  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  a resident  of  our 
own  country.  He  now  moves  on  a new  theatre,  and  occupies 
a wide  space  in  the  consideration  of  a people  to  whom  he  was 
hitherto  a stranger.  He  is  no  longer  embarked  in  the  trou- 
bled scenes  of  Europe.  He  commenced  his  career  in  the  ser- 
vice of  his  country  to  aid  in  conducting  a most  important  revo- 
lution to  a successful  issue,  and  he  failed  in  his  attempt.  About 
six  years  of  the  most  valuable  part  of  his  life  has  been  lost  by 
imprisonment  and  the  calamities  attendant  on  the  part  which 
he  acted.  He  now  commences  a new  career,  and  with  what 
success,  this  narrative  may  present  some  slight  proof. 

“ When  Mr.  Emmet  came  to  the  United  States,  he  was 
about  forty  years  of  age.  His  fortune  had  been  broken,  and 
he  had  a family  to  sustain  and  educate.  For  some  time'  he 
doubted  which  profession  he  would  pursue — medicine  or  law. 
He  was  competent  to  undertake  either.  His  friends  advised 
him  to  go  to  the  bar,  and  a great  loss  would  have  occurred  to 
this  country  had  he  not  done  so.  He  then  concluded  to  re- 
move to  the  Western  country — to  the  State  of  Ohio.  He  had 
landed  in  New  York,  and  had  soon  after  made  a visit  to  some 
parts  of  the  Southern  country,  and  Walter  Jones,  Esq.,  a 
most  eminent  counsellor  and  advocate  in  the  District  of  Co- 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


295 


Inmbia,  had  procured  Mr.  Emmet’s  admission  to  the  bar  at 
Alexandria.  A slave  population  prevented  his  residence  at 
the  South.  He  had  selected  Ohio  as  a future  residence  for 
many  reasons.  Land  was  cheap  and  the  country  new  ; he 
had  a rising  and  increasing  family,  which  he  wished  to  plant 
about  him,  the  competition  was  not  so  closely  waged  at  the 
bar  as  in  some  other  places,  and  every  thing  was  young  and 
new  in  polity  and  laws. 

“ The  venerable  George  Clinton  was  then  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  and  the  most  popular  and  powerful  man 
in  the  State.  He  was  a plain,  stern,  ardent  Republican,  and 
of  Irish  blood.  lie  sent  for  Mr.  Emmet,  and  told  him  to  re- 
main in  the  city  of  New  York.  He  said  that  Mr.  Emmet’s 
great  talents  would  command  patronage.  General  Hamilton, 
one  of  the  brightest  ornaments  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived, 
had  fallen  in  a private  quarrel,  and  there  was  a great  opening 
at  the  bar,  which  Mr.  Emmet  could  occupy.  As  to  the 
western  country,  Governor  Clinton  said  it  was  a wilderness, 
and  no  place  for  a great  lawyer.  Mr.  Emmet  replied  that  he 
would  gladly  remain  in  New  York,  but  he  could  not  practise 
without  a previous  study  of  three  years  or  perhaps  six,  in 
order  to  become  a counsellor  and  advocate,  such  were  the  rules 
of  Court  adopted  in  New  York,  and  while  he  was  studying 
law  his  family  would  want  bread.  Governor  Clinton  told  him, 
in  answer,  not  to  be  discouraged,  if  the  Supreme  Court  de- 
clined giving  him  a license,  the  Legislature  would  give 
him  one  by  an  express  statute.  George  Clinton  no  doubt 
could  have  effected  this  offer.  He  was  the  idol  of  the  people, 
and  the  guardian  spirit  which  presided  over  the  Republican 
party.  De  Witt  Clinton  was  then  Mayor  of  the  city  of  New 
York,  an  office  at  that  time  attended  with  an  income  of  twenty 
thousand  dollars  a-year.  He  was  then  a great  leader  in  the 
Republican  ranks,  a statesman  of  uncommon  promise,  and  had 
recently  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
He  also  sent  for  Mr.  Emmet,  advised  him  to  remain  in  New 
York,  and  tendered  him  his  utmost  services  and  influence.  He 
thought  with  George  Clinton,  his  uncle,  as  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  as  to  what  could  be  done  with  the  Legislature. 
Under  these  auspices,  Mr.  Emmet  changed  his  plans  of  future 
life,  and  concluded  to  pursue  fortune  and  fame  in  the  city  ol 
New  York.  George  and  De  Witt  Clinton  then  made  a formal 


296 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


application  to  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Chief- 
Justice  Spencer  was  then  on  the  bench  as  a puisne  Judge, 
Judge  Thompson  and  Vice-President  Tompkins  were  alsc 
there.  Chancellor  Kent  was  the  Chief  Justice.  Spencer, 
Thompson,  and  Tompkins  were  found  friendly,  Kent  pecu- 
liarly hostile.  Judge  Spencer  was  strong  and  decided,  and  Mr. 
Emmet  always  mentions  the  kindness,  the  friendship,  and  the 
effective  aid  of  Vice-President  Tompkins  with  many  expres- 
sions of  gratitude.  Within  the  last  two  years  he  argued  a 
most  important  cause  for  the  Vice-President,  without  fee  or 
reward,  and  obtained  a verdict  of  130,000  dollars,  it  being  a 
suit  with  the  United  States.  He  said  he  did  it  with  great 
pleasure,  in  remembrance  of  former  friendship.  Chancellor 
Kent  was  a warm,  and  I may  almost  say  a violent  Federalist. 
He  execrated  all  Republican  principles  in  Europe,  and  was 
the  disciple  of  Edmund  Burke  as  to  the  French  revolution. 
He  looked  on  Mr.  Emmet  with  an  unkind  eye,  and  raised  his 
voice  against  his  appearing  in  the  forums  of  our  State.  To 
the  honour  of  the  Chancellor,  however,  let  it  now  be  said,  that 
he  has  more  than  once  expressed  joy  to  Mr.  Emmet  that  the 
other  judges  overruled  his  illiberal  objections.  Mr.  Emmet 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  New  York  without  a resort  to  the 
Legislature.  It  was  a violation  of  the  rules  of  Court  that 
his  great  talents  and  his  sufferings  palliated  and  excused. 

“ Mr.  Emmet  now  commenced  that  splendid  career  at  the 
American  bar,  that  has  not  only  elevated  the  character  of  the 
profession,  but  reflected  back  a lustre  on  his  native  land.  The 
Irish  bar  have  reason  to  be  proud  of  the  exile  who  has  so 
essentially  aided  in  giving  immortality  to  Irish  genius.  Very 
soon  after  Mr.  Emmet  appeared  at  our  bar,  he  was  employed 
in  a case  peculiarly  well  calculated  for  the  display  of  his  extra- 
ordinary powers.  Several  slaves  had  escaped  from  a neigh- 
bouring State  and  found  a refuge  here.  Their  masters  seized 
them,  and  the  rights  of  their  masters  became  a matter  of  con- 
troversy.. Mr.  Emmet,  I have  been  informed,  was  retained 
by  the  Society  of  Friends — the  real,  steady,  ardent  and  per- 
severing friends  of  humanity  and  justice,  and  of  course  es- 
poused the  cause  of  the  slaves.  His  effort  is  said  to  have 
been  overwhelming.  The  novelty  of  his  manner,  the  enthusi- 
asm which  he  exhibited,  his  broad  Irish  accent,  his  pathos  and 
violence  of  gesture,  created  a variety  of  sensations  in  the 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


291 


audience  His  Republican  friends  said  that  his  fortune  was 
made,  and  they  were  right. 

“ Mr.  Emmet’s  strong  and  decided  attachment  to  Demo- 
cratic principles  was  known  even  before  he  reached  the  Ame- 
rican shore.  Coming  to  a country  where  he  could  breathe 
and  speak  freely,  he  did  not  find  it  necessary  to  repress  those 
bold  and  ardent  sentiments  which  had  animated  his  bosom 
while  toiling  for  the  emancipation  of  Ireland.  He  mingled  in 
the  ranks  of  the  Republican  party.  Transatlantic  politics  it 
is  well  known  had  extended  their  agitations  and  influence  to 
this  country.  The  federal  party  hated  France,  hated  Ireland 
in  her  revolutionary  character,  and  hated  Charles  James  Fox 
and  his  Whig  party  in  England.  The  line  drawn  in  this 
country  is  still  visible.  Mr.  Emmet  was  viewed  by  the  oppo- 
nents of  Mr.  Jefferson’s  administration  as  a fugitive  Jacobin. 
Hence  he  was  doomed  to  some  little  persecution  even  in  this 
country.  The  great  men  of  the  New  York  bar  were  federal- 
ists. They  therefore  turned  their  faces  against  Mr.  Emmet. 
They  formed  a combination,  and  agreed  to  decline  all  profes- 
sional union  and  consultation  with  him.  Mr.  Emmet  has  told 
me  the  names  of  this  shameful  league,  but  as  they  are  now  his 
warmest  friends  and  admirers,  and  as  I respect  and  esteem 
them,  their  names  shall  not  go  from  me.  One  man’s  name, 
however,  I shall  mention  ; for  although  a firm  federalist,  and 
an  eminent  man,  he  nobly  denounced  the  combination,  and  all 
its  objects.  I speak  of  Cadwallader  D.  Colden.  He  and  Mrs. 
Colden,  an  amiable  and  excellent  lady,  have  paid  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Emmet  the  highest  marks  of  respect  and  civility,  ever 
since  they  became  inhabitants  of  the  United  States.  When 
Mr.  Emmet  ascertained  the  existence  of  the  league,  he  did  not 
hesitate  what  to  do.  His  native  boldness  and  decision  of 
character  governed  his  conduct.  He  determined  to  carry  the 
war  into  the  enemy’s  country.  He  did  not  wait  for  an  attack. 
He  proved  the  assailant.  Wherever  he  met  any  of  the 
league  at  the  bar,  he  assumed  the  attitude  of  professional  war. 
and  he  lost  nothing  by  contact.  If  Mr.  Emmet  has  any  one 
extraordinary  power,  it  is  the  ready  talent  of  successful  and 
over-awing  reply.  His  spirit  is  always  dauntless,  fear  he  never 
knew.  Hence  he  generally  came  off  victorious  in  the  wars 
against  the  combination. 

The  league  was  soon  dissolved.  Business  flowed  in,  and  Mr 


298 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


Emmet  assumed  a standing,  and  was  able  to  maintain  it,  that 
put  all  opposition  at  defiance.  It  was  not  long  after  his  ar 
rival  and  settlement  at  New  York,  that  his  profession  pro* 
duced  him  ten  thousand  dollars  a year.  During  some  years, 
within  a more  recent  period,  it  has  amounted  to  an  annual  in- 
come of  fifteen  thousand  dollars. 

In  1807,  Mr.  Emmet  appeared  before  the  American  public 
in  a controversy  with  tlufus  King.  Mr.  King  was  the  federal 
candidate  for  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York.  Mr.  Em- 
met, on  political  and  personal  grounds,  was  opposed  to  his 
election.  At  a meeting  of  the  Hibernian  Society,  he  broke  out 
into  an  eloquent  appeal  to  his  countrymen,  and  urged  them  to 
rally  and  embody  against  Mr.  King.  This  roused  the  temper 
of  Mr.  King’s  friends,  and  the  federal  papers,  especially  the 
New  York  Evening  Post , poured  a torrent  of  invective  on  the 
head  of  Mr.  Emmet.  Severe  epithets  and  hard  names  were 
applied  to  him.  He  had  seen  political  war  before,  and  was  not 
to  have  his  lips  sealed  this  time.  He  addressed  two  letters  to 
Mr.  King,  and  the  last  was  long  and  severe,  As  this  will 
probably  reach  posterity,  I will  barely  notice  its  tenor  and  al- 
legations. Mr.  Emmet  always  considered  Mr.  King  as  instru- 
mental in  preventing  the  emigration  of  Irish  patriots  to  the 
United  States,  previous  to  their  imprisonment  in  Fort  George. 
Mr.  King  belonged  to  the  federal  school  in  politics.  Among 
other  distinctions  in  the  country,  there  was  what  was  termed 
the  French  party  and  the  British  party.  The  federal  party 
generally  sided  with  the  British  Government,  in  all  controver- 
cies  connected  with  continental  politics.  The  Irish  patriots 
had  sought  aid  from  France,  and  encountered  the  general 
aversion  of  the  federalists  of  this  country.  Mr.  King  naturally 
set  his  countenance  against  the  contemplated  revolution  in  Ire- 
land, and  was  not  favourably  disposed  to  the  emigration  of  what 
were  termed  Irish  rebels  by  the  Court  of  St.  James.  How 
far  he  enterfered,  or  how  far  the  British  Government  feigned 
his  interference,  I cannot  say,  but  it  was  used  as  a pretext, 
if  not  well-founded.  It  will  be  recollected,  that  there  was  a 
treaty  between  the  Anglo-Irish  Government  and  Mr.  Emmet, 
Mr.  O’Connor,  and  Dr.  Macneven.  Among  other  proffered 
advantages,  was  the  liberation  of  the  prisoners  for  a residence 
in  the  United  States.  That  liberation  was  subsequently  de- 
nied, in  violation  of  the  treaty.  Mr.  Emmet  in  his  letter  tc 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDTS  EMMET.  29? 

Mr.  King,  adverts  to  his  interferrence  with  grea^  fueling  and 
with  no  small  indignation.  * * * 

“ I express  no  opinion  as  to  the  degree  of  reproach  which 
should  be  attached  to  the  character  of  Mr.  King,  but  I will 
not  omit  what  is  very  honourable  to  himself  and  to  his  sons. 
The  former  has  more  than  once  paid  the  highest  compliment 
to  Mr.  Emmet’s  talents,  and  in  his  late  argument  in  the  great 
steamboat  cause,  left  the  Senate  for  two  days,  to  witness  and 
hear  his  stupendous  efforts  as  an  orator.  Mr.  King’s  sons  have- 
always  paid  the  highest  respect  to  Mr.  Emmet,  and  wherever 
his  family  have  appeared  in  private  circles,  been  marked  and 
particular  in  their  civilty.  These  are  small  things,  but  they 
indicate  good  feelings. 

In  August,  1812,  the  Counsel  of  Appointment  conferred 
upon  Mr.  Emmet  the  office  of  Attorney-General  of  the  State 
of  New  York.  This  was  a post  of  honour,  but  could  not  add 
to  his  professional  fame  or  emolument.  He  held  the  office  but 
for  a short  time,  and  has  never  since  sought  or  received  any 
public  appointment.  * * * 

u Helvetius  remarks,  that  the  sun  of  glory  shines  only  on 
the  tomb  of  greatness.  His  observation  is  too  often  true,  but 
facts  and  living  proofs  sometimes  contradict  it.  Mr.  Emmet 
walks  on  iii  life,  amid  the  eulogiums,  the  admiration,  and  the 
enthusiastic  regard  of  a great  and  enlightened  community. 
Without  the  glare  and  influence  of  public  office,  without  titles 
and  dignities,  who  fills  a wider  space,  who  commands  more  res- 
pect, than  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  ? Like  a noble  and  simple 
column,  he  stands  among  us  proudly  pre-eminent — destitute  of 
pretensions,  destitute  of  vanity,  and  destitute  of  envy.  In  a 
letter  which  I recently  received  from  a friend  who  resides  in 
the  western  part  of  the  Union,  a lawyer  of  eminence,  he  speaks 
of  the  New  York  bar.  ‘Thomas  Addis  Emmet/  says  he,  ‘ is 
the  great  luminary,  whose  light  even  crosses  the  western  moun- 
tains. His  name  rings  down  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
we  hail  his  efforts  with  a kind  of  locale  pride.’  * * * 

“ The  mind  of  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  is  of  the  highest  order. 
His  penetration  is  deep,  his  views  comprehensive,  his  distinc- 
tions remarkably  nice.  His  powers  of  investigation  are  vigor 
ous  and  irresistible.  If  there  be  anything  in  a subject  he  will  go 
to  the  bottom.  He  probes  boldly,  reacheg  the  lowest  depths 
by  his  researches,  analyses  everything,  and  embraces  the  wholf 


300 


MEMOtt  0E  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


ground.  He  may  be  said  to  have  a mind  well  adapted  to  prtf 
found  and  powerful  investigation.  In  the  next  place,  he  has 
great  comprehension.  He  sees  a subject  in  all  its  bearings  and 
relations.  He  traces  out  all  its  various  operations.  He  be- 
gins at  the  centre  and  diverges,  until  it  becomes  necessary 
again  to  return  to  the  centre.  As  a reasoner, — a bare  strict 
reasoner,  Mr.  Emmet  would  always  be  placed  in  an  elevated 
rank.  No  matter  how  dry,  how  difficult,  how  repulsive  the 
topic,  no  matter  what  may  be  its  intricacies  and  perplexities, 
if  any  man  can  unfold  and  amplify  it,  he  is  equal  to  the  task. 

“ The  subject  of  this  memoir  is  not  less  distinguished  for  his 
knowledge  of  the  theory  of  the  bar  than  he  is  of  the  practice.  As 
a special  pleader,  he  has  great  experience  and  precision,  and 
whoever  looks  through  the  decisions  of  cases  in  the  New  York 
reports,  and  those  argued  in  the  Suprejne  Court,  at  Washing- 
ton, where  he  has  been  concerned,  will  be  convinced  of  the 
fact  here  asserted.  It  has  been  said,  that  while  Erskine  daz- 
zled, charmed,  and  astonished  all  who  heard  him  in  Westmin- 
ster Hall,  the  hard  head  and  watchful  skill  of  the  nisi  prius 
lawyer  was  always  perceptible.  Mr.  Emmet,  while  he  displays 
wonderful  powers  of  eloquence,  and  indulges  in  bursts  of  lofty 
and  noble  sentiment  and  appeals  to  the  great  moral  maxims 
that  must  govern  men  in  this  world  while  we  have  laws,  morals 
and  obedience  to  order,  never  forgets  the  landmarks  of  profes- 
sional watchfulness  ; he  is  still  the  well-disciplined  lawyer,  con- 
tending for  his  client. 

“ I must  now  mention  another  advantage  that  distinguishes 
Mr.  Emmet  in  his  professional  career.  His  historical  illustra- 
tions are  numerous,  pertinent  and  happy.  In  this  he  excels 
any  man  whom  I have  ever  heard.  He  was  educated  in  Eu- 
rope, and  was  for  many  years  not  only  a political  man,  but  as- 
sociated on  intimate  terms  with  the  first  men  of  the  age.  He 
not  only  read,  but  has  heard  and  saw.  In  addition  to  what 
we  find  in  the  volumes  of  history,  he  collected  many  things 
which  floated  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  times,  well  calculated 
to  give  a clue  to  the  character  of  men  and  of  transactions  lost 
to  the  ordinary  historian.  * * * As  a classical  scholar,  but 
few  men  can  stand  before  Mr.  Emmet  in  point  of  attainments. 
He  is  familiar  with  the  great  writers  of  antiquity — the  master 
spirits  who  have  infused  their  genius  and  their  sentiment  into 
the  popular  feelings  of  ages  which  have  rolled  on  long  after  th( 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


301 


poet  and  the  orator,  the  statesman  and  the  historian,  have  ceased 
to  glow,  to  speak,  to  guide,  or  to  write.  He  has  closely  con- 
sulted those  oracles'  of  wisdom,  those  disciples  of  philosophy, 
those  sons  of  the  muses,  whose  opinions,  sentiments,  and  effusions, 
lighten  the  sorrows  of  human  existence,  inspire  the  mind  with 
noble  ideas,  and  cheer  the  ardent  and  persevering  devotions  of 
the  student.  The  man  of  whom  I speak  was  more  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  poets  of  Greece  and  Rome,  than  with  the 
prose-writers  ; at  least  such  is  the  fact  evinced  in  his  speeches 
and  conversation.  Virgil  and  Horace  are  always  on  his 
tongue,  and  Juvenal  is  sometimes  called  to  his  aid.  There  is 
a reason  for  this  kind  of  learning  in  Mr.  Emmet.  His  early 
education  was  in  the  schools  of  Europe.  He  had  all  the  dis- 
cipline and  all  the  primitive  advantages  peculiar  to  those 
schools.  The  Latin  and  the  Greek  tongues  were  introduced  to 
his  notice  while  yet  a child,  and  for  years  they  were  his  daily 
companions.  The  writings  of  the  British  classics  he  has  also 
consulted  with  a delight  and  advantage  which  often  appear  in 
his  arguments.  Shakespeare,  in  particular,  he  often  quotes. 
One  of  the  greatest  chains  of  Mr.  Emmet’s  eloquence,  is  the 
fancy  which  he  continually  displays.  He  possesses  an  imagin- 
ation boundless  as  the  world  of  light,  in  its  grandeur  and  beau- 
ty. Its  flights  are  bold,  its  pictures  soft,  magnificent,  or  aw- 
ful, as  the  subject  may  require.  This  power  is  greater  in  Mr. 
Emmet  than  in  any  other  lawyer  whom  I have  ever  heard.  It 
enables  him  to  shed  a charm  over  every  subject  which  he 
touches.  To  the  most  dry  and  meagre  topic,  he  can  impart 
interest  and  attraction.  All  his  figures  indicate  taste  and  pro- 
priety. They  are  often  bold  and  daring,  and  frequently  show 
very  great  accuracy  and  precision  of  language.  It  falls  to  his 
province  to  impress  on  the  mind  of  every  hearer,  a recollection 
as  lasting  as  life,  No  man  who  ever  heard  him  for  an  hour 
can  forget  his  figure,  his  face,  his  manner,  and  a great  part  of 
his  very  language.  Some  of  his  peculiar  figures  of  speech  would 
be  well  remembered. 

“ I have  already  spoken  of  Mr.  Emmet’s  readiness  at  retort. 
Whoever  rouses  his  energies  by  a rude  assault  or  a stroke  of 
satire  is  sure  to  hear  of  it  again,  and  generally  has  good  rea- 
son to  regret  the  ill-timed  provocation.  In  1815,  he  made  his 
first  appearance  at  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  at 
Washington.  He  and  Mr.  Pinckney  were  brought  in  con- 


802 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  aDDIS  EMMET. 


tact.  The  latter  closed  the  argument  in  a very  important 
cause  in  which  they  were  both  engaged,  and  with  his  charac- 
teristic arrogance  alluded  to  the  fact  of  Mr.  Emmet’s  migra- 
tion to  the  United  States.  When  he  had  concluded  his  argu- 
ment, Mr.  Emmet  being  for  the  respondent  in  error,  had  no 
right  to  reply,  but  he  nevertheless  rose,  and  after  correcting  a 
trifling  error  in  some  of  Mr.  Pinckney’s  statements,  he  took 
up  the  mode  and  manner  in  which  his  opponent  had  treated 
him.  He  said  he  was  Mr.  Pinckney’s  equal  in  birth,  in  rank, 
in  his  connections,  and  he  was  not  his  enemy.  It  was  true  he 
was  an  Irishman.  It  was  true  that  in  attempting  to  rescue  an 
oppressed,  brave,  and  generous-hearted  people,  he  had  been 
driven  front  the  forum  in  his  own  land.  It  was  true  that  he 
had  come  to  America  for  refuge,  and  sought  protection  beneath 
her  constitution  and  her  laws,  and  it  was  also  true  that  his 
learned  antagonist  would  never  gather  a fresh  wreath  of  laurel, 
or  add  lustre  to  his  well-earned  fame,  by  alluding  to  those 
facts  in  a tone  of  malicious  triumph.  He  knew  not  by  what 
name  arrogance  and  presumption  might  be  called  on  this  side 
of  the  ocean,  but  sure  he  was  that  Mr.  Pinckney  never  ac- 
quired these  manners  in  the  polite  circles  of  Europe,  which  he 
had  long  frequented  as  a public  minister.  Mr.  Pinckney  was 
not  ready  at  retort,  and  he  made  no  reply  ; but  a few  days 
afterwards  it  so  happened  that  he  and  Mr.  Emmet  were  again 
opposed  to  each  other  in  a cause  of  magnitude,  and  it  fell  to 
Mr.  Emmet’s  part  to  close  the  argument,  who  was  determined 
that  his  antagonist  should  be  put  in  mind  of  his  former  deport- 
ment and  expressions.  Mr.  Pinckney  was  aware  of  the  thun- 
derbolt in  store,  and  took  the  opportunity  of  paying  to  Mr. 
Emmet’s  genius,  fame,  and  private  worth,  the  highest  tribute 
of  respect.  This  respect  was  never  afterwards  violated.  When 
Mr.  Emmet  rose  out  of  his  place  as  before  stated,  Chief-Justice 
Marshall  indicated  great  uueasiness,  thinking  that  something 
unpleasant  might  be  the  result.  Mr.  Justice  Livingston 
reached  forward  his  head,  and  remarked  in  a whisper,  ‘ Let  him 
go  on  ; I’ll  answer  that  he  says  nothing  rude  or  improper.’ 
With  this,  as  well  as  with  the  result,  the  Chief-Justice  was 
satisfied.  Mr.  Emmet’s  deportment  at  the  bar  is  mild,  uibane, 
dignified,  and  conciliating.  To  the  junior  members  of  the  pro- 
fession in  particular,  he  is  a model  of  obliging  civility — always 
speaking  favourably  of  their  efforts,  and  kindly  of  their  exer- 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


303 


cions,  however  meager  and  discouraging.  To  me  he  has  given 
many  sound  lessons  of  advice.  ‘ Let  me  see  you  do  that  again / 
has  been  his  language  of  reprehension  when  condemning  some 
particular  habit  or  fault. 

“ Mr.  Emmet’s  appearance  and  manners  are  plain  and  sim- 
ple in  the  extreme.  His  dress  is  wholly  unstudied.  Every- 
thing, however,  shows  the  utmost  delicacy  of  feeling.  Modest, 
unassuming,  unobtrusive,  and  perfectly  polite,  he  would  alone 
attract  the  attention  of  a stranger  by  that  amiable  temper 
and  obliging  disposition  that  manifested  themselves  on  all  oc- 
casions. 

“ In  his  private  character,  the  object  of  this  memoir  is  with- 
out a blemish.  Generous,  humane,  obliging,  and  strictly 
honest,  a heart  open,  frank,  and  ardent.  Upright  in  all  his 
dealiugs  ; rigid  and  austere  in  his  habits,  temperate  and 
rational  in  all  his  enjoyments  ; liberal  and  free  from  prejudice 
upon  every  subject,  kind  and  affectionate  as  a husband,  a 
father,  and  a friend,  anxious  to  do  good  and  diminish  evil. 
Such  a man  is  Mr.  Emmet.” 

Emmet  had  little  correspondence  with  his  friends  in  Ireland 
from  the  time  of  his  departure  from  Fort  George.  His  com- 
munications were  confined  to  three  or  four  individuals,  and  had 
very  little  reference  to  political  matters.  The  following  ex- 
tracts from  some  of  his  letters  will  be  read  with  interest.  It 
is  only  to  be  regretted  that  so  few  documents  or  papers  of  his 
are  in  existence,  or  available  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  up  a 
memoir  of  this  kind. 

Emmet’s  correspondence  with  Mr.  Rufus  King  (alluded  to 
in  Mr.  Haines’s  memoir),  in  which  the  characteristics  of  his 
mind  are  exhibited  in  a clearer  light  than  in  any  other  of  his 
letters  which  have  fallen  under  the  author’s  observations  will 
be  found  preceding  his  other  letters. 

The  following  communication  from  Rufus  King,  when  Ame- 
rican Minister  to  the  Court  of  London,  to  one  of  the  Irish 
state  prisoners,  will  explain  the  severity  of  Emmet’s  letter  to 
him. 

“Brighton,  August  23rd,  1199. 

“ Sir, — I ought  to  inform  you,  that  I realty  have  no  auth 
rity  to  give  or  refuse  permission  to  you  or  any  other  foreign 
to  go  to  the  United  States,  the  admission  and  resident  / 


304 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


strangers  in  that  country  being  a matter  that,  by  a late  law,* 
exclusively  belongs  to  the  President.  It  is  true  that  the 
government  of  this  country,  in  the  course  of  the  last  year,  in 
consequence  of  my  interference , gave  me  assurance  that  a parti- 
cular description  of  persons  in  Ireland,  who  it  was  understood 
were  going  to  the  United  States,  should  not  be  allowed  to  pro- 
ceed without  our  consent  ; this  restraint  would  doubtless  be 
withdrawn  in  favour  of  individuals  against  whose  emigration  I 
should  not  object , and  I conclude  that  it  is  upon  this  supposi- 
tion that  you  have  taken  the  trouble  to  communicate  to  me 
3*)ur  desire  to  go  and  reside  in  the  United  States.  Without 
presuming  to  form  an  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  late  dis- 
turbances in  Ireland,  I entertain  a distinct  one  in  relation  to 
the  political  situation  of  my  own  country.  In  common  with 
others,  we  have  felt  the  influence  of  the  changes  in  France, 
and  unfortunately  a portion  of  our  inhabitants  has  erroneously 
supposed  that  our  civil  and  political  institutions,  as  well  as  our 
national  policy,  might  be  improved  by  a close  imitation  of 
France.  This  opinion,  the  propagation  of  which  was  made 
the  duty  and  became  the  chief  employment  of  the  French 
agents  residing  amongst  us,  created  a more  considerable  divi- 
sion among  our  people,  and  required  a greater  watchfulness 
and  activity  from  the  government,  than  could  beforehand  have 
been  apprehended. 

I am  sorry  to  make  the  remark,  and  shall  stand  in  need  of 
your  candour  in  doing  so,  that  a large  proportion  of  the  emi- 
grants from  Ireland,  and  especially  in  the  middle  States,  has, 
upon  this  occasion,  arranged  themselves  on  the  side  of  the 
malcontents.  I ought  to  except  from  this  remark  most  of  the 
enlightened  and  well-educated  Irishmen  who  reside  among  us, 
and  with  a few  exceptions,  I might  confine  it  to  the  indigent 
and  illiterate,  who,  entertaining  an  attachment  to  freedom,  are 
unable  to  appreciate  those  salutary  restraints  without  which, 
it  degenerates  into  anarchy.  It  would  be  injustice  to  say  that 
the  Irish  emigrants  are  more  national  than  those  of  other  coun- 
tries, yet  being  a numerous,  though  very  minor  portion  of  our 
population,  they  are  capable,  from  causes  it  is  needless  now  to 
explain,  of  being  generally  brought  to  act  in  concert,  and,  uuder 
artful  leaders,  may  be,  as  they  have  been,  enlisted  in  mischiev- 
ous combinations  agains  our  government.  This  view  leads  me 
* The  Alien  Law. 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


305 


to  state  to  you  without  reserve,  the  hesitation  that  I have  felt 
in  your  case,  on  the  one  hand  we  cannot  object  to  the  acquisi- 
tion of  inhabitants  from  abroad,  possessing  capital  and  skill  in 
a branch  of  business  that,  with  due  caution,  may  without  risk 
or  difficulty,  and  with  public  as  well  as  private  advantage,  be 
established  among  us,  but  on  the  other  hand,  if  the  opinions  of 
such  inhabitants  are  likely  to  throw  them  into  the  class  of  mal- 
contents, their  fortune,  skill,  aDd  consequent  influence  would 
make  them  ten  fold  more  dangerous,  and  they  might  become 
a disadvantage  instead  of  a benefit  to  our  country.  You  must 
be  sensible  that  I possess  no  sufficient  means  of  forming  an 
opinion  respecting  your  sentiments,  but  the  motives  which  led 
me  to  interfere  with  your  Government  to  restrain  the  emigra- 
tion of  the  persons  above  alluded  to,  oblige  me  to  observe  a 
due  caution  on  the  present  occasion,  at  the  same  time,  I desire 
not  to  act  with  illiberality,  and  should  be  unwilling  to  bring 
upon  my  country  the  slightest  imputation  of  inhospitality. 
What  Mr.  Wilson*  has  written,  so  far  as  it  goes  is  satisfactory, 
and  on  the  whole,  I have  concluded,  after  this  unreserved  com- 
munication, which  I hope  will  be  received  with  the  same  candor 
as  it  is  made,  to  inform  you,  authorizing  you  to  make  use  of 
the  information,  that  I witdraw  every  objection  that  may  be 
supposed  to  stand  in  the  way  of  your  being  permitted  to  go  to 
the  United  States,  adding  only  that  you  may  carry  with  you 
an  unbiassed  mind,  may  And  the  state  of  the  country,  as  I be- 
lieve you  will,  favorable  to  your  views  of  business,  and  its 
government  deserving  your  attachment. 

I must  beg  your  excuse  for  the  great  delay  which  has  occurred 
in  sending  you  this  answer,  which,  I assure  you,  has  risen  from 
other  causes  than  the  want  of  due  respect  to  your  letters. 

With  great  consideration, 

I have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

Rufus  King. 


To  Rufus  King  Esq. 

“ Sir, — From  certain  paragraphs  in  the  Evening  Post , I ap- 
prehended that  it  may  become  necessary  for  me  to  obtrude 
myself  on  the  public.  As  in  that  event  1 should  wish  to  derive 
* The  American  Consul  in  Dublin. 


306 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET, 


some  credit  from  the  character  of  my  adversary,  I request  t<i 
be  informed  whether  you  propose  submitting  to  the  world  any 
explanation  of  your  interference  with  the  British  Government, 
respecting  the  Irish  state  prisoners,  in  the  year  1798. 

I put  the  question  to  you  in  this  way,  because  I have  not 
the  honour  of  any  personal  acquaintance  with  you,  because  I 
intend  that  everything  which  may  pass  between  you  and  me 
on  this  subject,  shall  be  public,  and  because  I have  been 
informed  that  private  applications  for  an  explanation  of  that 
transaction  have  been  heretofore  made  to  you  by  some  of  my 
fellow-sufferers  from  your  conduct,  and  that  you  did  not  think 
fit  to  favour  them  with  a reply, 

I am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Addis  Emmet. 

New  York,  April  4th,  1807. 

To  Rufus  King  Esq. 

“ Sir, — From  your  silence  on  the  subject  of  my  letter  of  the 
4th  inst.,  I presume  that  I am  not  to  be  honoured  with  a reply. 
Perhaps  this  may  be  owing  to  my  temerity  in  addressing  him 
whom  Mr.  Coleman  calls  ‘ the  first  man  in  the  country  V Of 
the  height  to  which  your  friends  exalt  or  wish  to  exalt  you,  I 
confess  I was  not  aware  when  I rashly  ventured  to  question 
the  propriety  of  some  part  of  your  past  conduct.  I thought 
that,  in  this  country,  you  had  many  equals  ; and  I protest  that 
I imagined  Mr.  Jefferson,  for  instance,  was  your  superior.  You 
will,  Sir,  however,  I hope,  excuse  my  ignorance  in  this  respect, 
and  attribute  it  to  the  circumstance  of  my  being  an  alien,  and 
of  course  not  yet  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  local  politics 
of  this  country. 

Though  you,  Sir,  have  not  honoured  me  with  your  notice,  1 
have  been  abundantly  honoured  by  your  friends  ; and  yet,  ex- 
traordinary as  it  may  appear,  I mean  to  pay  little  attention  to 
their  assiduities,  but  to  envelope  myself  in  dignity  like  your 
own.  As  far  as  they  have  attempted  to  attack  my  character, 
l shall  leave  it  to  be  defended  by  others,  or  rather  to  defend 
itself.  Not  that  I affect  to  be  insensible  of  the  value  of  public 
opinion,  but  in  truth,  Sir,  in  the  present  pressure  of  professional 
business,  I have  not  time  to  do  justice  both  to  you  and  to  my- 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


301 


lelf  ; and  I think  it  of  infinitely  more  importance  to  the 
community,  in  the  existing  crisis,  to  make  known  what  you  are, 
than  what  I am.  You  are  the  candidate  for  public  favor,  and 
your  conduct  is  the  proper  subject  of  public  inquiry.  Permit 
me,  however,  Sir,  before  I enter  upon  that  interesting  topic, 
to  make  a tew  general  observations  touching  myself.  Mr. 
Coleman  has  brought  forward  some  extracts  from  the  reports 
of  the  Secret  Committee  in  Ireland  ; I think  it  more  than  pro- 
bable that  he  was  not  himself  in  possession  of  these  documents 
— from  whom  then  did  he  receive  them  ? There  is  no  person 
in  this  country  more  likely  to  have  them,  than  the  gentleman 
who  was  at  that  time  the  resident  minister  at  London.  When 
you  handed  them  to  him,  your  memory  might  have  served  you 
to  state,  that  as  soon  as  those  reports  appeared  in  the  public 
prints,  Dr.  Macneven,  Mr.  O’Connor,  and  myself,  at  that  time 
state  prisoners,  by  an  advertisement  to  which  we  subscribed 
our  names,  protested  against  the  falsehood  and  inaccuracy  of 
those  reports,  for  which  act  we  were  remitted  to  close  custody 
in  our  rooms  for  upwards  of  three  months,  and  a proposal  was 
made  in  the  Irish  House  of  Commons,  by  Mr.  McNaughten,  an 
Orangeman,  to  take  us  out  and  hang  us  without  trial  1 You 
might  also,  perhaps  have  recollected  (for  it  has  been  published) 
that  while  we  were  in  this  situation  other  state  calumnies 
reached  the  ears  of  one  of  our  fellow  sufferers  in  another  pri- 
son, who  wrote  a letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Courier  in  London, 
for  the  purpose  of  contradicting  them,  and  enclosed  a copy  of 
his  letter  to  Lord  Castlereagh.  Upon  this  Mr.  Secretary 
Cook  was  sent  to  inform  him,  that  if  he  published  the  contra- 
diction, he  should  be  hanged  ; to  that  he  replied  he  was  ready 
to  meet  the  event,  upon  which  Mr.  Cooke  told  him,  that  since 
he  was  indifferent  about  his  own  life,  he  must  know  that,  if  he 
persevered,  the  whole  system  of  courts-martial,  massacre  and 
horror,  should  be  renewed  throughout  the  country.  By  that 
menace  he  was  effectually  restrained. 

Had  you  thought  of  mentioning  those  things,  you  might  have 
jocularly  added,  that  though  these  statements  might  serve  some 
present  party  purposes,  it  was  rather  more  unfair  to  judge  of 
us  by  the  calumnies  of  the  Irish  Government  than  it  would  be 
to  judge  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  his  friends  by  the  editorial  arti- 
cles in  the  Evening  Post.  The  weapons  you  are  using  have 
been  tried  in  Ireland  among  my  friends  and  my  enemies,  where 


308 


MEMOTR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


everything  was  minutely  known,  and  they  failed  of  effect.  If 
I had  even  done  anything  mean  or  dishonourable,  if  I had  aban* 
doned  or  compromised  my  character,  my  country,  or  my  cause, 

I should  not  be  esteemed  and  beloved  in  Ireland,  as  I am 
proud  to  know  I am.  I should  not  enjoy  the  affection  and 
respect  of  my  republican  countrymen  in  America,  as  you,  Sir, 
and  your  friends  confess  I do.  It  would  not  be  in  the  power 
of  one  who  had  departed  from  the  line  of  duty  in  theirs  and 
his  common  country,  by  simply  expressing  to  them  his  senti- 
ments  of  you,  to  do  you  such  an  essential  injury  as  I am  ac- 
cused of  having  committed. 

“ Another  charge  made  against  me  is,  that  I am  an  alien,  in- 
terfering in  the  politics  of  this  country.  Be  it  so  for  a moment, 
and  let  me  ask  why  is  it  that  I am  an  alien  in  this  my  adopted 
country,  at  this  day  ? Because,  in  consequence  of  your  inter- 
ference I was  prevented  from  coming  to  it  in  1*198,  and  from 
being  naturalized  upwards  of  three  years  ago.  Supposing  then 
that  I should  refrain  from  intermeddling  with  politics  in  every 
other  case,  when  you  are  concerned,  I feel  myself  authorized 
to  exercise  the  rights  of  a citizen  as  far  as  by  law  I may  ; for 
you  know  it  is  an  established  law  of  equity  and  good  sense, 
that  no  man  shall  be  benefitted  by  his  own  wrong.  But  how 
do  I come  forward  ? Not  as  a citizen,  but  as  a witness.  Allow 
me  to  ask  you,  if  I possessed  a knowledge  of  facts  which  could ' 
prove  Mr.  Jefferson  guilty  of  a robbery  or  a cheat,  and  unfit  to 
be  entrusted  with  power,  would  you  think  me  culpable  if,  not- 
withstanding my  alienage,  I made  them  known  to  the  public, 
to  prevent  their  being  deceived  and  misled  ? And  shall  I not 
be  permitted,  because,  in  consequence  of  your  very  misconduct, 
I am  not  a citizen,  to  testify  to  facts  which  will  prove  you  unfit 
to  be  trusted  in  this  country  with  any  kind  of  delegated 
power  ? Whether  Peter  Porcupine  or  Mr.  Carpenter  ever 
went  through  the  forms  of  naturalization,  I know  not,  but 
perhaps  they  might  both  be  safely  considered  as  aliens,  and 
yet  I have  never  heard  any  of  your  friends  censure  their  in- 
terference in  the  politics  of  America.  I do  not  mention  these 
gentlemen  as  my  models,  nor  propose  their  example  as  my  vin- 
dication, but  I wish  to  show  the  pliability  of  those  principles 
which  are  to  be  erected  into  a barrier  against  me. 

“ As  a witness,  then,  Sir,  I come  forward  to  testify,  not  to 
my  countrymen,  but  to  the  electors  of  this  city,  to  the  whole 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDTS  EMMET. 


30G 


of  the  United  States,  if  you  should  ever  aspire  to  govern  them, 
and  I now  present  you  with  my  evidence. 

“ In  the  summer  of  H98,  after  the  attempt  of  the  people  of 
Ireland  for  their  emancipation  had  been  completely  defeated  ; 
after  every  armed  body  had  been  dispersed  or  had  surrendered, 
except  a few  men  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  mountains  of 
Wicklow  ; while  military  tribunals,  house-burnings,  shootings, 
torture,  and  every  kind  of  devastation  were  desolating  and 
overwhelming  the  defenceless  inhabitants,  some  of  the  state 
prisoners  then  in  confinement,  entered  into  a negotiation  with 
the  Irish  Ministers  for  effecting  a general  amnesty  ; and,  as 
an  inducement,  offered,  among  other  things  not  necessary  to 
the  examination  of  your  conduct,  to  emigrate  to  such  country 
as  might  be  agreed  upon  between  them  and  the  government. 
When  I consented  to  this  offer,  for  one,  (and  it  was  the  case 
with  the  great  majority,)  I solemnly  declare  that  I was  per- 
fectly apprised  that  there  were  no  legal  grounds  discovered 
upon  which  to  proceed  against  me.  I further  knew  that  the 
Crown  Solicitor  had,  in  answer  to  the  inquiries  of  my  friends, 
informed  them  that  there  was  no  intention  of  preferring  a bill 
of  indictment  against  me.  So  much  for  the  personal  consid- 
erations by  which  I might  have  been  actuated,  and  now,  Sir, 
to  return. 

“ The  offer  was  accepted,  the  bloody  system  was  stopped  for 
a time,  and  was  not  renewed  until  after  your  interference,  and 
after  the  British  Ministry  had  resolved  openly  to  break  its 
faith  with  us.  On  our  part  we  performed  our  stipulations  with 
the  most  punctilious  fidelity,  but  in  such  a manner  as  to  pre- 
serve to’ us  the  warmest  approbation  of  our  friends,  and  to  ex- 
cite the  greatest  dissatisfaction  in  our  enemies.  Government 
soon  perceived,  that  on  the  score  of  interest  it  had  calculated 
badly,  and  had  gained  nothing  by  the  contract.  It  was  afraid 
of  letting  us  go  at  large  to  develope  and  detect  the  misrepre- 
sentations and  calumnies  that  were  studiously  set  afloat,  and 
had  therefore,  I am  convinced,  determined  to  violate  its  en- 
gagements by  keeping  us  prisoners  as  long  as  possible.  How 
was  this  to  be  done  ? In  the  commencement  of  our  negotia- 
tion, Lord  Castlereagh  declared,  as  a reason  for  government’s 
possessing  a negative  on  our  choice,  that  it  had  no  worse  place 
in  view  for  our  emigration  than  the  United  States  of  America. 
We  had  made  one  election  to  go  there,  and  called  upon  him  to 


BIO 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


have  our  agreement  carried  into  execution.  In  that  difficulty 
you,  Sir,  afforded  very  effectual  assistance  to  the  faithlessness 
of  the  British  Cabinet.  On  the  16th  of  September,  Mr, 
Marsden,  then  Under  Secretary,  came  to  inform  us  that  Mr. 
King  had  remonstrated  against  our  being  permitted  to  emi- 
grate to  America.  This  astonished  us  all,  and  Dr.  Macneven 
very  plainly  said  that  he  considered  this  as  a mere  trick  be- 
tween Mr.  King  and  the  British  Government.  This  Mr. 
Marsden  denied,  and  on  being  pressed  to  know  what  reason 
Mr.  King  could  have  for  preventing  us,  who  were  avowed  Re- 
publicans, from  emigrating  to  America,  he  significantly  an- 
swered, ‘ Perhaps  Mr.  King  does  not  desire  to  have  Repub- 
licans in  America.’  Your  interference  was  then,  Sir,  made 
the  pretext  of  detaining  us  for  four  years  in  custody,  by  which 
very  extensive  and  useful  plans  of  settlement  within  these 
States  were  broken  up.  The  misfortunes  which  you  brought 
upon  the  objects  of  your  persecution  were  incalculable.  Almost 
all  of  us  wasted  four  of  the  best  years  of  our  lives  in  prison. 
As  to  me,  I should  have  brought  along  with  me,  my  father 
and  his  family,  including  a brother,  whose  name  perhaps  you 
even  will  not  read  without  emotions  of  sympathy  and  respect. 
Others  nearly  connected  with  me  would  have  come  partners  in 
my  emigration.  But  all  of  them  have  been  torn  from  me.  I 
have  been  prevented  from  saving  a brother,  from  receiving  the 
dying  blessings  of  a father,  mother,  and  sister,  and  from 
soothing  their  last  agonies  by  my  cares  ; and  this,  Sir,  by 
your  unwarrantable  and  unfeeling  interference. 

“ Your  friends,  when  they  accuse  me  of  want  of  moderation 
in  my  conduct  towards  you,  are  wonderfully  mistaken.  They 
do  not  reflect,  or  know,  that  I have  never  spoken  of  you  with- 
out suppressing  (as  I do  now)  personal  feelings  that  rise  up 
within  me,  and  swell  my  heart  with  indignation  and  resent- 
ment. But  I mean  to  confine  myself  to  an  examination  of 
your  conduct,  as  far  as  it  is  of  public  importance. 

“ The  step  you  took  was  unauthorized  by  your  own  govern- 
ment. Our  agreement  with  that  of  Ireland  was  entered  into 
on  the  29th  of  July, — your  prohibition  was  notified  to  us  on 
the  16th  of  September,  deduct  seven  days  for  the  two  com- 
munications between  Dublin  and  London,  and  you  had  pre- 
cisely forty  two  days,  in  the  calms  of  summer,  for  transmitting 
your  intelligence  to  America,  and  receiving  an  answer.  Ai 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


311 


jrou  had  no  order,  then,  what  was  the  motive  of  your  unau« 
thorized  act? 

“ I cannot  positively  say,  but  I will  tell  you  my  conviction. 
The  British  Ministry  had  resolved  to  detain  us  prisoners  con- 
trary to  their  plighted  honour  ; and  you,  Sir,  I fear,  lent  your 
ministerial  character  to  enable  them  to  commit  an  act  of  per- 
fidy, which  they  would  not  otherwise  have  dared  to  perpetrate. 
Whether  our  conduct  in  Ireland  was  right  or  wrong,  you  have 
no  justification  for  yours  The  constitution  and  laws  of  this 
country  gave  you  no  power  to  require  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment that  it  should  violate  its  faith,  and  withdraw  from  us  its 
consent  to  the  place  we  had  fixed  upon  for  our  voluntary  emi- 
gration. Neither  the  President  nor  you  were  warranted  to 
prevent  our  touching  these  shores  ; though  the  former  might, 
under  the  Alien  act,  have  afterwards  sent  us  away  if  he  had 
reason  to  think  we  were  plotting  any  thing  against  the  United 
States.  1 have  heard  something  about  the  law  of  nations ; 
but  you  are  too  well  acquainted  with  that  law  not  to  know 
that  it  has  no  bearing  on  this  subject.  Our  emigration  was 
voluntary,  and  the  English  Government  had,  in  point  of  jus- 
tice, no  more  to  do  with  it  than  to  signify  that  there  was  no 
objection  to  the  place  of  residence  we  had  chosen. 

Another  circumstance  which  compels  me  to  believe  a collu- 
sive league  between  you,  in  your  capacity  of  resident  Minister 
from  America,  and  the  Cabinet  of  St.  James’s,  is  the  very  ex- 
travagant and  unwarrantable  nature  of  your  remonstrance, 
which  had  the  Ministry  been  sincere  towards  us,  they  could 
not  have  possibly  overlooked.  If  they  had  intended  to  ob- 
serve their  compact,  you,  Sir,  would  have  been  very  quickly 
made  to  feel  the  futility  of  your  ill-timed  application.  You 
would  have  been  taught  that  it  was  a matter  of  mere  private 
arrangement  between  government  and  us,  with  which  you  had 
no  more  to  do  than  the  Minister  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  Portu- 
gal, or  any  other  neutral  power.  What  inference  ought  fairly 
to  be  made  from  the  facts  I have  stated,  every  man  must 
decide  for  himself.  On  me  they  have  forced  a conviction, 
which,  if  you  can  shake  it,  I shall  much  more  gladly  forego 
than  I state  it  here,  that  in  the  instance  alluded  to,  you  de- 
graded the  dignity  and  independence  of  the  country  you  repre- 
sented, you  abandoned  the  principles  of  its  government  and  its 
policy,  and  you  became  the  tool  of  a foreign  state,  to  give  it 


SI3  MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADRIS  EMMET, 

the  colourable  pretext  for  a crime.  If  so,  is  it  fit  that  yoQ 
Bhould  hereafter  be  entrusted  with  any  kind  of  delegated 
authority  ? What  motives  you  may  have  had  for  that  con* 
duct,  if  in  truth  it  was  yours,  I caunot  undertake  to  say.  Mr. 
Marsden  seemed  to  doubt  whether  you  wished  for  Republicans 
in  America  ; and  I shrewdly  suspect  he  spoke  what  the  Brit- 
ish ministry  thought  of  your  politics. 

“ Perhaps  it  may  be  said  that  you  were  yourself  deceived 
by  those  very  calumnies  of  which  I have  complained.  I sin- 
cerely wish  that  I could  believe  that  such  were  the  fact— but 
observe  this  argument.  W e contradicted  the  misstatements  of 
the  Committees  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  of  Ireland,  by  an 
advertisement  written  in  prison,  signed  by  our  names,  and  pub- 
lished on  the  27th  of  August : it  must  have  reached  London 
on  the  1st  or  2nd  of  September  ; your  remonstrance  must 
have  been  made  on  or  before  the  1 2th,  for  it  was  communi- 
cated to  us  on  the  16th.  The  effect  produced  by  our  adver- 
tisement was  electrical,  and  the  debate  which  it  caused  on  the 
very  evening  of  its  appearance,  in  the  Irish  House  of  Com- 
mons, was  remarkable.  As  you  doubtless  read  the  news- 
papers of  the  day,  these  facts  could  not  have  been  unknown 
to  you.  Why  then  should  you  be  deceived  by  representations 
which  we  had  recently  contradicted  under  circumstances  so 
extraordinary  ? Mr.  King,  did  you  enter  so  deeply  into  the 
revolution  of  your  country  as  to  implicate  your  life  in  the  issue 
of  its  fortunes  ? From  the  strong  attachment  of  your  politi- 
cal friends,  I presume  you  were  a distinguished  leader  in  those 
eventful  times  ; if  not,  you  had  certainly  read  their  history. 
Did  you  remember  the  calumnies  which  had  been  thrown  out 
by  British  agents  against  the  most  upright  and  venerable 
patriots  of  America  ? Did  you  call  to  mind  the  treatment 
which  had  been  given  in  South  Carolina  to  Governor  Gadsen, 
to  General  Rutherford,  Colonel  Isaacs,  and  a number  of  others 
who  had  surrendered  to  that  very  Lord  Cornwallis,  with 
whom,  through  his  Ministers,  we  negociated  ; and  that  those 
distinguished  characters  were,  in  violation  of  their  capitulation 
and  the  rights  of  parole,  sent  to  St.  Augustine,  as  we  were 
afterwards  to  Fort  George  ? How  then  is  it  possible  that 
you  could  have  been  a dupe  to  the  misrepresentations  of  the 
British  Government  ? 

“ These  remarks  I address,  with  all  becoming  respect  to  the 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET.  81S 

1 first  man  in  the  country  ; ’ yet  in  fact,  Sir,  I do  not  clearly 
see  in  what  consists  your  superiority  over  myself.  It  is  true 
you  have  been  a resident  minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James’s  ; 
and  if  what  I have  read  in  the  public  prints  be  true,  and  if  you 
be  apprised  of  my  near  relationship  and  family  connection  with 
the  late  Sir  John  Temple,  you  must  acknowledge  that  your  in- 
terference as  resident  minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James’s, 
against  my  being  permitted  to  emigrate  to  America,  is  a very 
curious  instance  of  the  caprice  of  fortune.  But  let  that  pass. 
To  what  extent  I ought  to  yield  to  you  for  talents  and  infor- 
mation, is  not  for  me  to  decide.  In  no  other  respect,  however, 
do  I feel  your  excessive  superiority.  My  private  character 
and  conduct,  are,  I hope,  as  fair  as  yours  ; and  even  in  these 
matters  which  I consider  as  trivial,  but  upon  which  aristocratic 
pride  is  accustomed  to  stamp  a value,  I should  not  be  inclined 
to  shrink  from  competion.  My  birth  certainly  will  not  humble 
me  by  the  comparison  ; my  paternal  fortune  probably  much 
greater  than  yours  ; the  consideration  in  which  the  name  I 
bear  was  held  in  my  native  country,  was  as  great  as  yours  is 
ever  likely  to  be,  before  I had  an  opportunity  of  contributing  to 
its  celebrity.  As  to  the  amount  of  what  private  fortune  I have 
been  able  to  save  from  the  wreck  of  calamity,  it  is  unknown  to 
you  or  to  your  friends  ; but  two  things  I will  tell  you — I never 
was  indebted,  either  in  the  country  from  which  I came,  nor  in 
any  other  in  which  I have  lived,  to  any  man,  further  than  the 
necessary  credit  for  the  current  expenses  of  a family  ; and  am  not 
so  circumstanced  that  I should  tremble  ‘ for  my  subsistence f at 
the  threatened  displeasure  of  your  friends.  So  much  for  the 
past  and  present — now  for  the  future.  Circumstances  which 
cannot  be  controlled  have  decided  that  my  name  must  be  em- 
bodied into  history.  From  the  manner  in  which  even  my  poli- 
tical adversaries,  and  some  of  my  contemporary  historians, 
unequivocally  hostile  to  my  principles,  already  speak  of  me,  I 
have  the  consolation  of  reflecting,  that  when  the  falsehoods  of 
the  day  are  withered  and  rotten,  I shall  be  respected  and 
esteemed.  You,  Sir,  will  probably  be  forgotten,  when  I shall 
be  remembered  with  honour  ; or  if,  peradventure,  your  name 
should  decend  to  posterity,  perhaps  you  will  be  known  only  as 
the  recorded  instrument  of  part  of  my  persecutions,  sufferings, 
and  misfortunes.  I am,  Sir,  &c., 

“Thomas  Addis  Emmet. 


" New  York , April  9 th,  1801 


314 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET 


Extract  of  a letter  from  T.  A.  Emmet  to  Peter  Burrowes  ; 

New  York,  19th  Nov.,  1801. 

“ I sincerely  rejoice,  my  good  friend,  that  promotion  has 
fallen  on  your  head,*  and  those  of  some  others  where,  I think 
it  is  well  bestowed.  However  there  are  in  the  list  of  promo- 
tions, men  of  whom  I never  wish  to  think  ; because  I cannot 
think  of  them  without  the  strongest  emotions  of  averision  and 
disgust — strong  and  warm  as  was  my  former  friendship. 

“ In  the  conclusion  of  your  letter  you  ask  a question  which, 
if  I did  not  know  the  occasional  absence  of  your  thoughts, 
would  have  caused  me  much  speculation. 

“ ‘ Do  you  ever  mean  to  visit  us  V says  an  influential  officer 
of  the  Government  of  Ireland,  to  a proscribed  exile,  whose 
return  would  be  death  by  law,  ‘ or  to  send  over  any  of  your 
children  V A man  who  was  very  anxious  to  return  would  catch 
at  this  offer  ; but  that  is  not  my  case,  I am  settled  here  with 
the  fairest  prospects  for  myself  and  my  children.  My  princi- 
ples and  my  sufferings  were  my  first  passports  and  introduction 
here,  and  they  procured  me  the  effective  friendship  of  the  lead 
ing  characters  in  this  State  and  in  the  Union  at  large.  In  pro- 
portion as  I cherish  those  principles,  I am  respected  ; and 
every  day’s  reflection  and  observation  makes  them  dearer  to 
me.  Ought  I to  go  where  they  are  treasonable  and  suffici- 
ent grounds  for  perpetual  proscription  ? Besides,  my  good 
friend,  I am  too  proud,  when  vanquished,  to  assist  by  my  pre- 
sence in  gracing  the  triumph  of  the  victor  ; and  with  what  feel- 
ings should  I tread  on  Irish  ground  ? as  if  I were  walking  over 
graves  and  those  the  graves  of  my  nearest  relations  and  dearest 
friends.  No  ; I can  never  wish  to  be  in  Ireland,  except  in  such 
a way  as  none  of  my  old  friends  connected  with  the  Govern 
merit  could  wish  to  see  me  placed  in.  As  to  my  children,  I 
hope  they  will  love  liberty  too  much  ever  to  fix  a voluntary  re- 
sidence in  an  enslaved  country.  Nothing  in  their  future  prospects 
gives  me  greater  pain  than  the  fear  that  my  eldest  boy  will  be 
obliged,  when  he  comes  of  age,  to  go  to  Ireland  to  dispose  of 
some  settled  property,  which,  if  I were  worth  a few  thousand 

* He  was  appointed  First  Counsel  to  the  Commissioners  of  Revenue^ 
under  Mr.  Fox's  administration,  in  1806  ; not  a permanent  situation, 
but  at  that  time  a lucrative  one. 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


315 


dollars  more,  I should  wish  rather  in  the  hands  of  the  greatest 
enemy  than  his.  There  is  not  now  in  Ireland  an  individual 
that  bears  the  name  of  Emmet.  I do  not  wish  that  there  eve* 
should  while  it  is  connected  with  England,  and  yet  it  will  per- 
haps be  remembered  in  its  history. 

“With  the  very  sincerest  and  warmest  esteem,  believe  me, 

“ Ever  yours, 

“ T.  A.  Emmet.”* 


Extract  of  a letter  from  T.  A.  Emmet  : 

NeW  York,  July  11th,  1807. 

“ The  first  wish  you  and  your  mother  can  have,  is  to  know 
'.ow  we  all  are, — extremely  well.  Jane  and  I are  blessed  with 
ten  as  line  and  lovely  children  as  are  to  be  found  in  the  State 
of  New  York.  Parental  prejudice  and  affection  aside,  I know  of 
no  such  hamiiy  any  where.  Those  you  have  never  seen  are  at 
least  equal  to  those  with  whom  you  are  acquainted,  and  the 
latter  veiy  much  improved.  As  to  my  business,  you  may  pro- 
bably have  apprehended  that  the  extraordinary  commotion 
respecting  me,  excited  on  the  last  election,  and  of  which  Jane 
wrote  some  account  in  her  last,  would  have  injured  me  profes- 
sionally ; but  vne  reverse  has  been  the  fact,  and  I have  enjoyed 
as  much  pleasure  as  I could  derive,  from  overthrowing  Mr. 
Rufus  Ring  in  ms  country,  for  his  conduct  to  me  and  my  fel- 
low prisoners  in  our  own  ; and  with  that,  I have  had  the  in- 
finitely higher  gratification  of  having  most  essentially  contri- 
buted to  the  complete,  and  I hope  conclusive  triumph  of  prin- 
ciple here,  and  that  the  importance  of  my  services  are  known 
and  appreciated.” 

The  Irish  exiles  who  established  themselves  in  America, 
kept  up  a kindly  intercourse  amongst  themselves.  Some  of 
their  children  intermarried,  and  thus  the  remembrance  of  the 
old  ties  by  which  the  fathers  were  bound  together  were  kept 
up  and  sustained  by  new  relations.  In  New  York  this  pleas- 
ing result  was  especially  worthy  of  observation.  The  Emmets, 
the  Macnevens,  the  Sampsons,  the  Wilsons,  the  Chambers,  the 
Traynors,  formed  a little  Irish  community  ; and  by  their  pri« 
rate  conduct,  no  less  than  by  the  consistency  of  their  public 
* Grattan’s  Life,  by  his  son.  Yol.  iv. 


316 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


principles,  upheld  their  character  and  that  of  their  country. 
Emmet’s  second  son  married  the  daughter  of  Macneven  ; 
Tone’s  only  son  married  the  daughter  of  Sampson  ; Chambers’ 
daughter  was  married  to  Calwell. 

The  sister  of  T.  A.  Emmet  was  married  in  the  latter  part  of 
1*199,  or  beginning  of  1800,  to  Robert  Holmes*  a distinguished 

[The  Publisher  is  indebted  to  John  Savage,  author  of  ’98  and  ’48, 
for  the  following  sketch  of  the  Life  of  Robert  Holmes.] 

Robert  Holmes,  a very  eminent  and  now  venerable  orator  and  law- 
yer, was  born  at  Richardstown  Castle,  in  the  County  Louth,  in  the 
year  1765.  He  entered  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  in  1782,  when  Henry 
Grattan  was  at  the  zenith  of  his  power  and  reputation,  and  amid  a 
crowd  of  students  who  became  famous  as  orators,  lawyers  and  literary 
men,  he  highly  distinguished  himself,  having  always  carried  off  the 
honors  in  science.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  Hilary  term,  1795. 
Towards  the  close  of  1799,  or  at  the  beginning  of  1800,  he  married  the 
amiable  and  brilliantly  accomplished  sister  of  Thomas  Addis  and 
Robert  Emmet,  the  former  of  whom  was  then  a state  prisoner  in  Fort 
George,  Scotland,  with  Arthur  O’Connor,  Thomas  Russell  and  others. 

This  family  connection  drew  upon  Holmes  the  suspicion  of  the  gov- 
ernment, which  evidently  was  not  without  some  grounds.  At  the 
time  there  existed  with  others  a company  entitled  the  Lawyers’  Corps, 
of  which  Saurin  was  commander,  and  in  which  were  Robert  Holmes 
and  Daniel  O’Connell.  They  were  organized  to  put  down  the  United 
Irishmen ; but  the  acts  of  brutality  perpetrated  in  the  name  of  law 
and  order  disgusted  Holmes,  and  excited  him  so  much,  that  at  a public 
parade  held  in  the  Hall  of  the  Four  Courts  he  threw  down  his  arms 
and  stepped  out  of  the  ranks.  The  enmity  of  the  bar  followed,  and 
at  the  next  professional  dinner  that  Holmes  attended,  a member  in- 
sisted on  the  reading  of  a resolution  adopted  since  Holmes’  misde- 
meanour in  effect  that  “No  person,  not  being  enrolled  in  one  of  the 
yeomanry  corps  was  worthy  of  being  considered  a member  of  the 
bar.”  Holmes  left  the  room  and  despatched  a hostile  message  to  the 
individual  who  had  thus  insulted  him.  In  lieu  of  its  acceptation,  how- 
ever, a criminal  prosecution  was  instituted,  the  result  of  which  was 
his  condemnation  to  six  months  imprisonment.  In  passing  sentence, 
the  Chief  Justice  Lord  Kilwarden,  afterwards  killed  in  Thomas  street 
on  the  evening  of  Emmet’s  rising  in  1803,  as  is  the  habit  with  Chief 
Justices,  read  Holmes  a lecture.  “ That  arm,”  said  he,  “ which  the 
considerations  of  loyalty  were  not  strong  enough  to  induce  you  to 
raise  on  behalf  of  your  sovereign,  would  have  been  lifted'to  take  away 
the  life  of  a brother.”  After  three  months  Holmes  was  liberated 
Business  taking  him  to  London  in  1803,  he  returned  on  the  very  day 
of  Robert  Emmet’s  insurrection.  His  arrival  at  such  a juncture  was 
to  the  government  conclusive  evidence  of  his  connection  with  the 
rising.  He  had  no  sooner  reached  his  house  than  it  was  attacked  by 
the  Castle  robbers,  sacked  of  his  papers,  and  capturing  himself  he 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


311 

barrister  ; this  amiable  and  accomplished  lady  died  about  1804, 
whilst  her  husband  was  in  prison,  leaving  one  daughter,  who 
afterwards  married  a Mr.  Cunningham.  Mrs.  Holmes  shared 
in  the  talents  which  seemed  to  be  hereditary  in  her  family. 

was  again  thrown  into  prison,  where  without  any  charge  being  made 
against  him  he  was  kept  for  three  months;  during  which  time  his 
brave  brother-in-law  was  executed,  and  his  wife — broken-hearted  with 
the  exile  of  one  brother,  the  legal  murder  of  the  other,  and  the  doubt- 
ful fate  which  these  lessons  warned  her,  hung  over  her  husband,  died ; 
and  Robert  Holmes  walked  from  his  prison  to  a more  gloomy  hearth. 
Many  years  passed  before  the  brother  of  the  Emmets  would  be  en- 
trusted with  a brief,  suspected  by  the  bar,  hated  by  the  government, 
scowled  on  by  the  Bench  as  he  was.  At  length  his  will  and  potent 
energy,  stimulated  no  doubt  by  opposition,  rose  above  the  bar,  the 
bench,  the  government.  His  genius  began  to  attract,  and  it  was  not 
long  until  it  could  command.  His  business  increased,  and  for  many 
years,  he  has  been  regarded  as  the  head  as  he  is  the  father  of  the  Irish 
Bar.  He  brooded  on  in  utter  abnegation  of  politics  from  the  times 
of  the  United  Irishmen  to  the  days  of  the  Young  Ireland  party.  The 
dread  event  that  robbed  him  of  his  beloved  wife,  compelled  him  to 
silence  until  men  and  times  equal  to  the  former  period  again  chal- 
lenged his  attention  as  a duty.  As  he  never  traded  in  Irish  polities, 
he  never  took  even  a silk  gown  from  the  government.  He  has  re- 
mained a barrister  denying  himself  any  approximation  to  govern- 
ment preferment  in  the  acceptance  of  the  Queen’s  Councellorship. 

In  1799  lie  published  an  address  to  the  yeomanry  of  Ireland,  justi- 
fying arms  as  a resource  against  tyranny.  It  is  written  with  power 
and  point.  “ The  standing  army,”  he  said  “ is  an  evil,  rather  endured 
by  the  body  politic,  than  a part  of  it.  The  mere  soldier  is  not  a citi- 
zen. The  citizen  and  the  mere  soldier  are  as  distinct  as  free  agency 
and  necessity — as  liberty  and  slavery.  The  citizen  is  one  who  has 
entered  into  society  the  better  to  attain  the  dignity  of  his  nature. 
The  mere  soldier  is  one  who  has  surrendered  himself,  as  far  as  man 
can  surrender  himself  body  and  soul  to  the  disposal  of  another.  He 
is  almost  as  passive  as  the  sword  with  which  he  fights.  He  is  the 
wretched  instrument  of  that  bloody  ambition  which  desolates  the 
earth.  He  is  bought  and  sold  like  the  beast  of  the  field.”  Another 
pamphlet  published  during  the  same  year  is  attributed  to  him,  but  is 
authoritatively  stated  to  have  been  the  production  of  his  wife.  The 
title  “An  address  to  the  people  of  Ireland,  showing  them  why  they 
ought  to  submit  to  the  Union”  is  ironical ; the  writer  in  an  admirable 
manner  actually  showing  why  the  people  should  not,  but  why  they 
will,  submit  to  it.  Grattan  had  said  “ we  may  talk  plausibl}7  to  Eng- 
land, but  so  long  as  she  exercises  a power  to  bind  this  country,  so  long 
are  the  nations  in  a state  of  war;  the  claims  of  the  one  go  against  the 
liberty  of  the  other.”  The  pamphlet  in  words  as  distinctly  followed 
up  the  key-note — “ No  convention”  says  the  writer,  “ or  community  of 
interests  ever  will  be  equitably  conducted  where  both  parties  are  nof 


4 


318  MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 

The  widow  of  Emmet  died  in  New  York,  in  the  year  1846 
This  lady’s  maiden  name  was  Patten  ; she  was  the  daughtei 
of  the  Rev  John  Patten,  a Presbyterian  clergyman  who  died 
in  Clonmel  in  1789.  In  January,  1791,  she  was  married  to  T. 

equally  able  to  assert  their  own  rights,  and  to  resist  the  innovations 
or  injustice  of  the  other.  I beg  my  countrymen  not  to  suppose  that  I 
think  the  measure  a good  one.  No;  but  I know  it  to  be  inevitable. 
I beg  them  not  to  suppose  that  I place  the  smallest  reliance  on  the 
promises  of  equity,  and  disinterestedness  of  the  minister.  No;  but  I 
know  that  we  cannot  either  reject  the  measure  or  insist  on  the  per- 
formance of  the  treaty.  * * * As  to  the  justice  we  are  to  meet, 

it  will  be  like  that  which  is  shown  to  a child  by  the  guardian  who 
wrests  his  all  from  him,  while  he  tells  him,  ‘ I will  make  you  happy,’ 
and  gives  the  child  a whistle,  or  a cake.  The  boy  may  feel  that  he  is 
injured,  but  he  must  submit.’ 

In  1846  Holmes  successfully  defended  the  Nation  newspaper  in  the 
government  prosecutions  brought  against  that  journal  for  the  publi- 
cation of  Mitchel’s  articles  on  the  uses  of  Railways  to  a revolutionary 
people.  His  speech  on  the  occasion  was  a very  powerful  effort — or 
rather  not  an  effort  but  a success.  The  most  remarkable  feature  of  it, 
as  I have  elsewhere  shown  in  greater  detail,  (’98  and  ’48  ; The  Mod- 
ern Revolutionary  History,  dec.  of  Ireland,  p.  266)  “ was  the  detailed 
account,  based  on  English  law  authorities,  such  as  Sir  John  Davis, 
Chief  Justice  Vaughan,  Lord  Mansfield  and  Blackstone,  showing  that 
according  to  the  English  reading,  Ii’eland  did  not  possess  a shadow  of 
the  true  principle  of  freedom.  He  defied  any  constitutional  lawyer 
to  deny  the  fact,  * * and  argued  on  constitutional  grounds  that  as 

insurrection  against  lawful  authority  was  rebellion,  and  to  excite  to 
it,  sedition;  so  resistance  to  oppression  was  not  rebellion,  nor  to  teach 
a people  the  means  of  successfully  resisting  oppression,  sedition.”  He 
appeared  more  the  accuser  of  the  crown  than  the  defender  of  his 
client.  “We  thought”  said  Mitchel,  “we  heard  the  blood  of  Emmet 
crying  aloud  from  the  ground.”  Even  the  Chief  Justice  was  forced  to 
arise  from  the  narrow-mindedness  of  his  charge  to  the  jury,  by  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  advocate’s  genius.  “ His  address,”  he  said, 
“has  never  been  surpassed  in  a court  of  justice.”  This  speech  prin- 
ted in  pamphlet  shape  was  largely  circulated  ; and  followed  up  some 
months  after  by  “The  case  of  Ireland  Stated,”  which  immediately 
created  renewed  excitement  as  being  the  ablest  pamphlet  on  Irish 
affairs  during  this  century. 

In  1848,  the  old  man,  from  amid  the  snows  of  more  than  four-score 
winters,  arose  like  one  of  those  volcanoes  in  the  white  regions  of  Hecla. 
His  defence  of  Mitchel  in  the  May  of  that  year  has  been  spoken  of  by 
an  American  divine  present  at  the  trial,  as  reminding  him  of  the  de- 
fence of  Saint  Paul  before  Agrippa.  He  “ once  again,  like  the  ghost 
of  ’98,  stood  up  to  upbraid  the  mockery  of  English  law  in  Ireland.  * * 
What  memories  must  have  throbbed  through  him!  He  had  not  en- 
ured that  court  room  for  half  a century.  The  brother  of  his  wife  had 


MEMOIR  3F  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET 


319 


A.  Emmet,  and  in  1820  was  the  mother  of  ten  children 
When  she  accompanied  her  husband  to  America,  two  of  the 
sous,  John  and  Thomas,  were  left  behind  in  the  charge  of  their 
grandmother,  and  were  sent  out  to  America  in  1805.  Two 
of  the  sons  who  had  grown  up  to  manhood,  died  in  the  United 
States  ; Temple  about  1822,  who  entered  the  American  navy 
at  an  early  period,  and  John  in  1842  who  had  been  brought 
up  to  the  medical  profession  under  the  care  of  Dr.  Macneven, 
and  became  professor  of  chemistry  in  the  University  of  Virgi- 
nia. 

The  eldest  son  Robert,  was  brought  up  to  the  profession  of 
the  law,  and  has  risen  to  an  eminent  position  in  it,  having 
been  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  New  York.  Thomas, 
the  second  son,  who  married  the  step-daughter  of  Dr.  Mac- 
neven, was  likewise  brought  up  to  the  legal  profession,  and 
was  Master  in  Chancery  for  twenty-five  years,  until  the  office 
was  abolished  in  1847.  Margaret,  the  eldest  daughter,  never 
married.  Elizabeth  was  married  to  Mr.  Le  Roy  ; Marianna 
to  Mr.  Graves,  both  those  gentlemen  rank  among  the  first 

left  that  dock,  in  which  Mitchel  stood,  for  the  scaffold.  He  avowed 
the  principles  of  Mitchel — he  assumed  their  responsibilit}^ — that  the 
prisoner  was  not  morally  guilty — that  Ireland  was  enslaved  ; and  be- 
ing interrupted  by  Baron  Lefroy,  exclaimed  that  ‘ he  could  not  do 
justice  to  his  client  without  doing  justice  to  Ireland.’”  On  the  suc- 
ceeding day  after  sentence  had  been  passed,  the  prisoner  carried  olf, 
and  the  disturbance  that  succeeded,  quelled,  Holmes  arose  to  add  his 
defiance  to  that  with  which  Mitchel  frightened  the  judges  from  the 
benches.  A portentous  calm  had  succeeded  the  storm,  upon  which 
again  the  old  man’s  voice  broke — “ I wish  now  to  state,”  said  he, 
“ that  what  I said  yesterday  as  an  advocate,  I adopt  to-day  as  my 
own  opinion.  * * * The  Attorney-General  is  present — I retract 

nothing — these  are  my  well-judged  sentiments — these  are  my  opinions, 
as  to  the  relative  position  of  England  and  Ireland,  and  I have,  as  you 
seem  to  insinuate,  violated  the  law  by  stating  these  opinions.  I now 
deliberately  do  so  again ;”  and  warming  into  a dignified  fervor  of 
patriotism  never  surpassed,  he  concluded — “ Let  her  Majesty's  Attor- 
ney-General do  his  duty  to  his  government,  I have  done  mine  to  my 
country  /” 

With  unimpaired  intellect,  preserved  by  the  purity  of  a sincere 
life,  and  a single-minded  faith,  from  that  chaotic  abyss  into  which 
Plunket  and  others  equally  unstable  fell  the  venerable  patriot  went 
into  retirement,  from  which  the  grave  will  drag  him  once  more,  and 
for  all  time,  before  the  public  and  the  unborn  students  of  his  country’s 
history. 


320 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


merchants  of  New  York.  Jane  Erin,  who  was  born  at  Fort 
George,  was  married  to  Mr.  M‘Iver,  lie  is  siuce  dead. 

The  task  which  Haines  undertook  in  1812,  and  left  uncom- 
pleted, has  been  finished  by  another  hand.  Shortly  after  the 
death  of  Emmet,  the  following  account  of  the  close  of  his 
life  was  drawn  up  and  published  in  the  same  little  volume  con- 
taining the  memoirs  of  Haines  and  Emmet. 

“ Early  in  November,  1827,  he  had  been  much  engaged  in 
the  defence  of  Lieut.  Percival,  on  a charge  of  extortion,  and 
also  in  a cause  of  unusual  importance,  generally  called  the 
great  Astor  case,  involving  the  right  of  Mr.  Astor  to  some 
lands  in  Putnum  county,  to  the  amount  of  perhaps  eight  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars.  In  the  former  case,  he  defended  his 
client  with  all, his  accustomed  vigour  and  ability,  and  the  re- 
sult was  a verdict  of  acquittal.  In  the  latter,  on  Monday, 
the  12th,  he  addressed  the  jury  in  a style  of  animated  elo- 
quence, of  prompt  and  overwhelming  retort,  and  of  powerful 
argument,  which  was  said  by  many  of  his  audience  to  have 
surpassed  even  his  earlier  efforts.  On  Wednesday  the  14th, 
while  attending  the  trial  of  another  cause  of  importance,  (the 
case  of  the  Sailor’s  Snug  Harbour,)  in  which  he  was  counsel, 
in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  he  was  seized  with  an 
apoplectic  fit ; and  on  being  carried  home,  he  expired  in  the 
course  of  the  following  night,  being  in  the  63rd  year  of  his 
age.  He  had  made  no  exertion  in  particular  that  day,  but 
had  taken  notes  of  the  testimony  through  the  morning,  and 
on  examination  these  notes  were  found  to  be  a full  and  accu- 
rate transcript  of  what  had  occurred  up  to  the  moment  when 
the  pen  fell  from  his  hand  on  being  seized  with  a fit.  The  scene 
in  the  Court-room  was  in  the  highest  degree  impressive.  Every 
individual  present, — the  Court,  the  bar,  the  audience,  all  were 
absorbed  in  the  most  anxious  interest  for  the  fate  of  this  emi- 
nent man.  The  Court  was  instantly  adjourned.  When  his 
death  was  known,  the  expression  of  sorrow  and  respect  was 
universal  ; his  funeral  was  attended  by  the  members  of  the  bar, 
the  students  at  law,  and  a crowd  of  other  citizens,  all  desirous 
of  paying  their  respect  to  the  memory  of  the  great  deceased. 
A neat  monument  of  white  marble  has  since  been  placed  in 
the  wall  of  the  apartment  where  Mr.  Emmet  was  seized  with 
the  fatal  illness.  It  it  surmounted  with  his  bust,  and  bears 
the  following  inscription  : — 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


321 


THOMJE  ADDIS  EMMET, 

VIRO 

DOCTRINA.  IURE.  SCIENTIA.  ELOQUENTIA 
PR^STANTISSIMO 

INTER.  HiEC.  SUBSELLIA.  ET.  OFFICII.  MUNERA 
SUBITA.  MORTE.  CORREPTO 
SOCII.  FORENSES.  POSUERANT. 

“ Mr.  Emmet  was  a diligent  student.  He  confined  himself 
to  study  and  business  more  than  twelve  hours  a-day.  After 
returning  home  in  the  evening,  he  would  retire  to  his  own 
apartment,  and  continue  the  investigation  of  any  subject  in 
which  he  was  engaged  till  twelve  or  one  at  night.  His  con- 
stitution was  vigorous,  and  his  habits  uniformly  temperate,  so 
that  his  devotion  to  study  never  seemed  to  injure  his  health. 
It  was  one  consequence  of  this  intense  application  that  he  was 
remarkable  among  his  brethren  at  the  bar  for  his  perfect 
knowledge  of  the  cases  in  which  he  was  engaged.  * * * 

Although  the  prime  of  his  life  was  darkened  by  misfortune, 
although  he  was  severely  disciplined  by  the  hardships  of  im- 
prisonment and  the  bitterness  of  exile,  yet  he  was  trusted  and 
revered  in  the  land  where  he  was  persecuted  as  a rebel,  and  in 
the  country  of  his  adoption,  where  he  arrived  in  the  vigour  of 
his  manly  strength,  and  held  the  erect  attitude  of  an  unbroken 
and  unbending  spirit,  he  readily  obtained  the  confidence  of  all 
those  who  became  acquainted  with  him,  mingled  largely  in  the 
transactions  of  important  affairs,  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  his  profession  without  having  one  blot  on  his  escutcheon 
for  envy  to  point  its  finger  at,  and  acquired  a brilliant  reputa- 
tion as  a lawyer  and  an  orator.” 

Judge  Duer,  of  New  York,  (brother  of  the  President  of  the 
College,)  one  of  the  most  distinguished  lawyers  in  America, 
in  speaking  of  Emmet  at  the  meeting  called  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  measures  into  effect  for  the  erection  of  a monument 
to  his  memory,  observed,  “ It  was  his  fortune  to  have  known 
him  from  his  first  arrival  in  New  York,  and  to  hear  him,  he 
believed,  in  a majority  of  the  important  cases  in  which  his 
talents  were  most  successfully  exerted.  His  opinion  was  un- 
biassed since,  from  peculiar  causes,  there  were  no  relations  be- 
tween them  beyond  those  of  mere  civility. 

“ Thomas  Addis  Emmet  in  head  and  heart,  and  in  no  vul 


822 


MEMOIR  Of  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


gar  sense  of  the  term,  was  a great  man,  and  as  an  orator,  with 
the  single  exception  of  Burke,  unsurpassed  by  any  that  his 
country  has  produced.  Superior  in  judgment,  in  taste,  in  th€ 
extent  and  variety  of  his  learning,  in  persevering  skill,  in 
chastened  fervour,  in  true  pathos,  the  abilities  of  Emmet  were 
never  displayed  on  their  proper  theatre.  His  large  and  philo- 
sophic views  of  society,  government,  and  law,  his  ample  stores 
of  knowledge,  his  unrivalled  promptitude,  and  invariable  self- 
command  ; his  elocution,  flowing,  copious,  rapid,  unlimited  in 
the  range,  most  fortunate  in  the  choice  of  his  language  ; his 
brilliant  imagination  and  ardent  feelings,  when  most  excited, 
disciplined  to  obey  the  suggestions  of  his  reason ; his  power  of 
sarcasm  and  irony  rarely  excited,  but  when  put  forth,  resist- 
less ; and  above  all  that  imperitorial  tone  of  voice,  (if  the 
phrase  be  allowed,)  which  his  superior  genius  enabled  him, 
without  affectation,  to  assume  in  a.  deliberative  and  popular 
assembly,  would  have  combined  to  invest  him  with  controlling 
sway.” 

The  observations  of  one  of  the  most  attached,  the  most  sin- 
cere, the  most  upright  and  intrepid  of  his  associates,  Dr.  Wil- 
liam James  Macneven,  are  as  follows  : 

“ The  attributes  of  genius  are  not  rare  among  the  Irish  and 
American  countrymen  of  Emmet,  and  time  is  constantly  de- 
veloping the  resources  of  mind.  The  labors  of  intellect  press 
onward  for  distinction,  while  names  of  high  endowments  are 
forced  back  to  make  room  for  new  reputations.  They  alone 
will  be  long  remembered  who  have  acted  with  an  impulsive  pow- 
er on  the  destinies  of  their  country  and  kind. 

“ Among  those  who  first  taught  how  to  overthrow  the  misrule 
of  Ireland,  who  exposed  its  causes  and  prepared  its  cure,  Em- 
met is  distinguished.  He  had  great  influence  on  the  adoption 
of  those  measures  which  are  still  at  issue  between  Ireland  and 
her  foes,  and  which  in  part  obtained,  in  part  withheld,  are  de- 
terminative of  her  future  happiness,  as  they  shall  finally  fail, 
or  be  signally  successful.  He  espoused  the  unqualified  eman- 
cipation of  the  Catholics  when  that  measure  had  few  support- 
ers out  of  their  own  body.  He  brought  to  that  cause  virtue 
and  talents,  and  he  and  a few  more  influential  members  of  the 
Protestant  Church  redeemed  the  errors  of  their  predecessors. 
It  is  due  to  their  memory  to  record  that  their  vigorous  inter- 
ference broke  the  religious  bonds  which  the  Protestants  of  a 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


323* 


former  period  had  bound.  Emmet,  with  the  aid  6\  his  stand- 
ing at  the  bar,  and  of  his  commanding  eloquence,  exerted  upon 
every  fitting  occasion,  strenuously  advanced  those  principles 
and  policy  for  which  we  now  do  honour  to  his  name.” 

From  Magoon’s  American  Orators,  in  which  work  Emmet 
is  particularized  as  “The  Orator  of  deep  feeling,”  the  following 
extracts  are  taken  : — “ But  mental  stimulus  was  essential  to  the 
development  and  display  of  Mr.  Emmet’s  nobler  and  more  com- 
manding traits,  as  light  is  necessary  to  unfold  the  beauty  gran- 
deur of  a landscape.  When  his  soul  was  thoroughly  aroused,  his; 
figure  assumed  a majestic  mein,  every  motion  of  which  was; 
graceful,  an  expressive  countenance  was  lit  up  by  a sparkling 
and  piercing  eye,  that  almost  commanded  victory,  ‘ while  it 
spoke  audience  ere  the  tongue.’  While  thus  invested  with  the 
robes  of  splendid  intellect,  his  person  seemed  made  to  contain 
his  spirit  ; his  spirit  filled  and  animated  his  person.  His  look 
answered  to  his  voice,  and  both  spoke  with  simultaneous  power 
to  the  soul.  He  was  crowned  with  the  diadem  of  mental  ma- 
jesty, and  stood  forth  a monarch  in  the  realms  of  eloquence. 

* * * But  Emmet’s  success  was  founded  on  a power  supe- 
rior to  the  ordinary  gifts  that  command  popular  favour — to 
undoubted  genius  there  was  added  that  moral  interest  which 
irresistibly  commands  the  best  sympathies  of  an  audience.  He 
had  conducted  himself  with  such  gentleness  and  dignity  through 
all  the  vicissitudes  of  adversity,  persecution,  imprisonment,  and 
exile,  that  every  generous  heart  took  pleasure  in  contemplating 
the  splendour  of  his  talents  as  he  exercised  them  without  osten- 
tation on  the  serene  heights  of  prosperity  and  fame.  * * * 
“ In  the  hase  of  a glorious  morn  not  yet  risen  to-day,  Thomas 
Addis  Emmet  was  dragged  from  dungeon  to  dungeon,  hunted 
from  continent  to  continent,  athwart  seas  and  oceans,  until  he 
found  a safe  and  honourable  protection  under  the  aegis  of 
America.  Here  he  persued  a long  and  glorious  career. 

* * * The  whole  nation  mourned  his  fall.  Precious  and 
iplendid  testimonials  immediately  indicated  the  high  place  he 
occupied  in  popular  regard.  Nor  was  the  respect  then  prof- 
fered a transcient  emotion.  In  the  crowded  thoroughfare  of 
Broadway,  the  admirers  of  genius  and  exalted  worth  may  still 
be  often  seen  to  pause  and  contemplate  the  noble  monument 
to  his  memory  in  St.  Paul’s  church-yard. 

“ This  perpetuity  of  admiration  mingled  with  grief,  comportf 


324 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


well  with  the  character  of  the  man  we  have  attempted  to  dfr 
scribe.  He  was  as  fascinating  in  private  life,  as  he  was  splen* 
did  in  the  forum.  His  manners  were  conciliating  and  attrac- 
tive to  an  extraordinary  degree,  blending  the  dignity  and  ur- 
banity of  the  gentleman  with  the  cordiality  and  playfulness  of 
the  friend.  Like  Hector,  setting  aside  his  crested  helmet  that 
he  might  not  frighten  his  boy,  he  laid  aside  all  perfuntionary 
austerities  and  put  every  person  in  his  presence  at  confiding 
ease.  Politeness  in  him  was  of  the  truest  type,  and  flowed 
from  its  only  true  source — a noble  warm,  and  magnanimous 
heart.  For  whatever  was  amiable  in  childhood,  or  venerable 
in  age — lovely  in  woman,  or  heroic  in  man — lofty  in  principle, 
endearing  in  friendship,  or  praise-worthy  in  enterprise,  he  had 
an  instinctive  capacity  to  appreciate,  and  spontaneous  sympa- 
thies to  embrace.’* 

The  monument  erected  to  the  memory  of  Emmet  is  worthy 
of  it.  It  stands  in  front  of  Broadway,  the  great  thoroughfare 
of  the  city,  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Paul’s  church.  It  is  a marble 
monolithe,  of  thirty  feet  elevation,  and  is  inscribed  on  three  sides 
in  three  languages.  The  greater  part  of  the  English  inscription 
by  Gulian  C.  Verplanck,  one  of  the  New  York  representatives 
in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  The  Latin  inscription 
was  written  by  Judge  John  Duer,  whose  works  on  Jurispru- 
dence are  well  known.  The  inscription  in  the  Irish  language 
was  written  by  the  late  Dr.  England,  R.  C.  Bishop  of  Charles- 
ton. The  expense  of  this  monument  was  partly  defrayed  by 
the  contributions  of  his  countrymen  in  the  United  States,  and 
partly  by  the  application  of  the  funds  in  the  hands  of  the  trea- 
surer of  the  American  Catholic  Association.  When  the 
Relief  Bill  of  1829  was  carried,  the  receipts  of  money  under 
the  name  of  Catholic  rent,  was  prohibited  by  that  statute. 
The  American  Society  then  thought  the  best  application  of 
the  funds  remaining  on  hands,  namely,  1006  dollars,  would  be 
to  the  erection  of  a monument  to  the  memory  of  one  of  the 
early  advocates  of  Catholic  emancipation,  who  devoted  his 
splendid  talents  to  its  cause,  and  sacrificed  for  its  interests  the 
brightest  prospects. 


MEMOIR  OP  THOMAS  VDDIS  EMMET. 


325 


The  folbwing  are  copies  of  the  several  inscriptions  in  Eng- 
lish, Latit  and  Irish  ; the  compositions  of  three  men  highly 
distinguished  in  their  several  pursuits  : 


IN  MEMORY  OF 

THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET, 

Who 

Exemplified  in  his  conduct, 

And  adorned  by  his 
Integrity 

The  policy  and  principles 
Of  the  United  Irishmen— 

“ To  forward  a brotherhood 
Of  affection, 

A community  of  rights, 

An  identity  of  interests, 

And  a union  of  power 
Among  Irishmen 
Of  every  religious  persuasion, 

A*  the  only  means  of  Ireland’s 
Chief  good, 

An  impartial  and  adequate 
Representation 
In  an  Irish  parliament.” 

For  this 

(Mysterious  fate  of  virtue !) 

Exiled  from  his  native  land. 

In  America,  the  land  of  freedom, 

He  found  a second  country, 

Which  paid  his  love 
By  reverencing  his  genius. 

Learned  in  our  laws 
And  in  the  laws  of  Europe, 

In  the  literature  of  our  times 
And  in  that  of  antiquity, 

All  knowledge 
Seemed  subject  to  his  use. 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMKT 


IS* 


An  orator  of  the  first  order, 
Clear,  copious,  fervid, 

Alike  powerful 
To  kindle  the  imagination, 

Touch  the  affections, 

And  sway  the  reason  and  the  will 
Simple  in  his  tastes, 
Unassuming  in  his  manners, 

Frank,  generous,  kind-hearted, 
And  honourable, 

H'is  private  life  was  beautiful, 

As  his  public  course  was 
Brilliant 

Anxious  to  perpetuate 
The  name  and  example  of  such  a m*ft> 
Alike  illustrious  by  his 
Genius,  his  virtues,  and  his  fate ; 
Consecrated  to  their  affections 
By  his  sacrifices,  his  perils, 

And  the  deeper  calamities 
Of  his  kindred, 

In  a just  and  holy  cause ; 

His  Sympathizing  Countrymen 
Erected  this  monument  and 
Cenotaph. 

Bokn  at  Cork,  24th  April,  1764* 
He  died  in  this  city 

14th  Novkmbxk, 

1887. 


MJEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


327 


M.  8. 

THOMiE  ADDIS  EMMET. 

Qui 

Ingenio  illustri,  studiis  altioribua, 
Moribus  integris, 

Dignum 

Se  praestabat  laudibus  illis, 

Ilia  reverentia.  illo 
Araore 

Quae  semper  eum  viventem 
Prosequebantur ; 

Et  subita  illo  erepto,  morte 
Universae  in  luctum  civitatia 
Se  effuderunt. 

Quum  raro  extiterit  vir 
STaturaeve  dotibus,  doctrinaeve  subsidii* 
Omnibus  illo  instructior ; 

Turn  eloquentia,  alts,  ilia,  et  vera 
Qualem  olim  mirabantur  Roma 
Athenaeque, 

Praecipue  alios  antiebat. 

Gravis,  varius,  vebemens,  ferviaus, 
Omnes  animi  motus  sic  regere  norit, 
Uti  eos  qui  audirent,  quo  vellet 
Et  invitos  impelleret. 

Hibernia  natus. 

Dilectam  sibi  patriam  diu  subject&m 
Alieno,  servis  tantum  ferendo,  jugo, 
Ad  libertatem,  ad  sua  jura  vocare 
Magno  est  ausus  animo  ; 

At  praeclara  et  consilia  et  vota 
Fefellere  fata. 

Turn  infelicis  littora  Iernae 
Reliquit, 

Spe,  non  animo,  dejectus 
Nobilis  exsul ; 


MEMOIR  OF  THOMAS  ADDIS  EMMET. 


Et  hac  Americana  libens  Respublica 
Ilium  excepit,  civemque,  sibi 
Gratulans  adscivit ; 

Dein  hjec  civitas  illi  domus, 
Hsec  patria  fuit, 

Hsec  gloriam  illi  auxit,  hsec 
Spiritus  ultimos 
Recepit. 

Mserentium  civium  voluntaa 
Hoc  exegit  monumentum. 


Do  mhiannaich  se  ardmath 
Cum  tir  a breith 

Do  tong  se  clu  a’s  fuair  se  moladh 
An  deig  a baia. 


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